The inquisition in the Spanish dependencies Sicily - Naples - Sardinia - Milan (Henry Charles Lea; 1922)

عبد القادر المختار Abdelkader El-Mokhtar  بوطالب Boutaleb

The scope of the Spanish Inquisition precluded a detailed investigation into the careers of individual tribunals. Such an investigation, however, is not without interest, especially with respect to the outlying ones, which were subjected to varying influences and reacted in varying ways on the peoples among whom they were established.

BANCROFT LIBRARY WORKS BY THE SAME AUTHOR. A HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION OF SPAIN. volumes, octavo. (Now In four Complete.) A HISTORY OF THE INQUISITION OF THE MIDDLE AGES. In three volumes, octavo. A HISTORY OF AURICULAR CONFESSION AND INDULGENCES IN THE LATIN CHURCH. In three volumes, octavo. HISTORY OF SACERDOTAL CELIBACY IN THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. Third edition. In two volumes, octavo. (Now Ready.) A FORMULARY OF THE PAPAL PENITENTIARY IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY. One volume, octavo. (Out of print.) SUPERSTITION AND FORCE. The Wager revised. of Battle, The Essays on The Wager of Law, Fourth edition, Ordeal, Torture. In one volume, 12mo. STUDIES IN CHURCH HISTORY. The Rise of the Temporal Power, Benefit of Clergy, Excommunication, The Early Church and Slavery. Second edition. In one volume, 12mo. CHAPTERS FROM THE RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF SPAIN, CONNECTED WITH THE INQUISITION. Censorship of the Press, Mystics and Illuminati, Endemoniadas, El Santo Nifio de la Guardia, Brianda de Bardaxl. In one volume, 12mo. THE MORISCOS OF SPAIN, THEIR CONVERSION AND EXPULSION. In one volume, 12mo. THE INQUISITION SPANISH DEPENDENCIES SICILY MILANTHE CANARIES MEXICO PERU NEW GRANADA NAPLES SARDINIA BY HENRY CHARLES LEA, LL.D., S.T.D. View THE MACMILLAN COMPANY LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD. 1922 Att rights reserved Printed in the United States of America. !(. .* COPYRIGHT, 1908 BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY Set up and electrotyped. Published January, 1908 / * Library PREFACE. THE History of the Spanish Inquisition precluded a Such detailed investigation into the careers of individual tribunals. my scope of an investigation, however, is not without interest, especially with respect to the outlying ones, which were subjected to varying influ- ways on the peoples among whom they Moreover, in some cases, this affords us an inside ences and reacted in varying were established. view of inquisitorial life, of the characters of those to whom were con- Holy Office and of the abuse distance removed from the imme- fided the awful irresponsible powers of the of those powers by officials whom diate supervision of the central authority, suggesting evil a capacity for even greater than that manifested in the Peninsula. is especially the case with the tribunals of the American This Colonies, of which, thanks to the unwearied researches of Don Jose Toribio Medina, of Santiago de Chile, a fairly complete and minute account can be given, based on the confidential correspondence of the local officials with the Supreme Council and the reports of the who were occasionally sent in the vain expec- visitadores or inspectors, tation of reducing we them to order. While thus in the colonial tribunals see the Inquisition at its worst, as a portion of the governmental system, we can realize how potent was its influence in contributing to the failure of Spanish colonial policy, by preventing orderly and settled administration and by exciting disaffection which the Council of Indies its more than once warned the crown would lead to the transatlantic empire. It is perhaps not too much loss of to say that these revelations moreover go far to explain the influences which so long retarded the political and industrial development of the emancipated colonies, for it was an evil inheritance weighing heavily on successive generations. I have not attempted to include the fateful career of the Inquisition cannot be written until the completion of in the Netherlands, for this (vii) PREFACE viii Professor Paul monumental Fredericq's "Corpus Documentorum the earlier volumes Inquisitionis hsereticse pravitatis Neerlandicae," of which have thrown so much Low Countries up to the dawn It is scarce necessary for Sefior Medina light on the repression of heresy of the Reformation. me to make in all that relates to the sufficiently attested by in the special American acknowledgement to tribunals, for this is the constant reference to his works. With regard to Mexico am under particular obligation to David Fergusson Esq. for the use of collections made by him during long residence in that Republic and also, to the late General Don Vicente Riva Palacio I for the communication of a number of interesting documents. To Lima my thanks are also due for copies the late Doctor Paz Soldan of made in the archives of Peru prior to their dispersion in 1881. PHILADELPHIA, OCTOBER, 1907. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I SICILY. PAGE The Old Inquisition in Sicily The Spanish Inquisition introduced . 1 in 1487 2 3 5 7 9 10 12 Complaints of Sicilian Parliament Death of King Ferdinand Tumult of 1516 Re-establishment in 1519 Efforts to reform Abuses Renewed Complaints of the Parliament 13 14 17 18 21 22 24 Expulsion of Jews in 1492 Tardy Organization of the Tribunal becomes efficient Mismanagement It gradually Financial Popular Disaffection Increasing Activity .... ... .... V suspends the Temporal Jurisdiction in 1535 Dread of Protestantism Jurisdiction restored in 1546 Case of the Duke of Terranova Official Immunity Charles Renewed Activity Popular Hostility Enormous Increase in Number of Familiars Abuse of official Immunity Attempt at Reform hi the Concordia of 1595 Increased Aggressiveness of the Tribunal Collisions with the Secular Authority Quarrels with the Bishops Continued Strife Concordia of 1635 Activity during the Seventeenth Century The Inquisition under Austrian Rule Auto de Fe of 1724 Pragmatic Sanction of 1732 Reconquest of Sicily by Spain in 1734 The Inquisition placed under the Holy See Its Exuberance repressed by Carlos 25 26 27 28 31 33 34 35 37 38 40 42 43 III Suppressed by Ferdinando III in 1782 MALTA. A Dependency of the Sicilian Tribunal V in 1530 grants the Island to the Charles Knights of St. John . (ix) 44 45 CONTENTS Episcopal Inquisition under Bishop Cubelles 45 46 The Tribunal passes under Papal Control CHAPTER II NAPLES. The Old Inquisition in Naples The Jews Refugees from Spain Spanish Conquest in 1503 Capitulation excludes the Spanish 49 50 Inquisition Julius II revives the Papal Inquisition Ferdinand proposes to introduce the Spanish Inquisition in 1504 52 53 53 54 Neapolitan Organization the Piazze or Seggi Activity of the Papal Inquisition Its Subordination to the Royal Power Ferdinand, in 1509, arranges to introduce the Spanish Inquisition Popular Opposition becomes uncontrollable Ferdinand abandons the Attempt His fruitless efforts to stimulate Persecution . Inertness of the Papal Inquisition Banishment of Jews in 1540 Protestantism in Naples Juan de Valde"s Bernardino Ochino Organization of Roman Inquisition in 1542 Charles V orders its Introduction in Naples 1 Tentative Efforts create popular Excitement The Tumult of 1547 its Suppression .. Punishment of the Leaders Recrudescence of Persecution The Roman Inquisition tacitly introduced The Calabrian Waldenses Their Extermination . , 55 56 58 62 63 65 66 67 70 71 : . . . . . . ., The Apulian Waldenses Intermingling of Jurisdictions Philip II promises the Via Ordinaria ... ... ... The Roman Inquisition under Cover of the Episcopal The Accused sent to Rome for Trial and Punishment The Exequatur of the Viceroy is a Condition precedent Gradual Encroachment A Commissioner of the Roman Inquisition established in 73 76 78 79 85 86 87 87 88 89 92 Naples to be an Inquisitor Rome in 1628 denies the Necessity of the Viceregal Exequatur Quarrels over it Roman Inquisition virtually established in Naples He assumes The ... Popular dissatisfaction Demand for the Via Ordinaria Commissioner Piazza banished in 1671 . . . ,< . 94 96 96 99 CONTEXTS x{ PAGE Outbreak Commissioner Giberti ejected Carlos II prohibits the residence of Commissioners Permanent Deputation to oppose the Inquisition The Roman Inquisition in 1695 publishes an Edict of Denunin 1691 ciation The Episcopal Strug- .... to resign CHAPTER SARDINIA. III The Spanish Inquisition introduced in 1492 Conflicts with the Authorities Productive Confiscations Decadent condition of the tribunal Charles V endeavors to reanimate it Interference of the Bishops . Its chronic Poverty . . . . . . . . Multiplication of Officials Quarrels with the Secular Authorities The Inquisition disappears under the House of Savoy CHAPTER IV . . Inefficiency of the Inquisition Cardinal Borromeo's persecuting Zeal Philip II proposes to introduce the Spanish Inquisition Popular Resistance General Opposition of Italian Bishops Philip II abandons the Project . and Commercial Questions affecting course with Heretics Political . . . . 125 126 128 Inter- Lombardy 129 131 133 Its Struggle to exclude Swiss . by Maria Theresa 121 122 123 124 Cardinal Borromeo stimulates Persecution His Mission to Mantua Heresy 109 110 112 114 115 117 117 118 119 MILAN. The Old and the reorganized Roman Inquisition Energy of Fra Michele Ghislieri (Pius V) Inquisition perfected 102 104 105 107 . Continued Vigilance of the Deputati until 1764 It is suppressed 100 101 Inquisition disregards the Via Ordinaria gles under the Austrian Domination Accession of Charles of Spain A tto di fede of 1746 Episcopal Inquisition suppressed Archbishop Spinelli forced The Roman 99 in 1775 . . . . . . . 135 137 CONTENTS xii CHAPTER V THE GANARIES. PAGE Importance of the Islands as a Commercial Centre Episcopal Inquisition by Bishop Muros, in 1499 Tribunal established hi 1505 It is dependent on Seville Its Activity until 1534 It becomes dormant and is suspended It is reorganized in 1567 and rendered independent of Seville . Activity of Inquisitor Diego Ortiz de Visitation of Doctor Bravo de Zayas . . . Funez in 1570 Cueva hi 1590 Abuses escaped Negro and Moorish Slaves English and Dutch Sailors Visitation of Claudio de la Prosecution of . .... .... Prosecution of Number of Relaxations Finances Early Poverty Wealth from Confiscations Prosecution of Judaizers Moorish and Negro Slaves Renegades Trivial Cases Mysticism Beatas revelanderas . . . . . Solicitation hi the Confessional Sorcery and Superstitions Foreign Heretics Sailors and Merchants Treaties with England in 1604 and with Holland in 1609 Precarious Position of Foreign Merchants Censorship Examination of Houses of Foreign Residents .... Irreverent religious Objects Visitas de Navios Quarrels with the Authorities, secular and ecclesiastical Popular hostility Opposition to Sanbenitos in Churches. . Suppression in 1813 Final Extinction in 1820 . . . . . CHAPTER VI MEXICO. Propagation of the Faith the Object of the Conquest Organization of the Colonial Church Attempts to exclude New Christians Episcopal Inquisition Establishment of a Tribunal proposed Inquisitors sent out in 1570 Tribunal installed, November 4, 1571 139 140 140 141 144 145 147 148 150 152 153 155 156 158 159 161 162 163 165 167 171 173 176 177 178 179 180 188 189 190 .... Dread of Protestantism . 191 192 193 195 199 200 202 CONTENTS x iii PAGE Distance renders Commencement it partially of Activity 203 Independent The first auto de fe, February 28, 1574 Autos of 1575, 1576, 1577, 1578, 1579, 1590, 1596, and 1601 . Persecution of Judaizers Indians not subject to Inquisition Finances Temporary royal Subvention to be self-supporting The Tribunal expected Its early Poverty It claims Indian Repartimientos Account of its Receipts Grant of Canonries in 1627 Fruitless Efforts to make it account for the Confiscations Large Remittances made to the Suprema from the Autos of 1646, 1648 and 1649 Efforts to make it forego and refund the royal Subvention Misrepresentations of the Confiscations and Remittances Comparative Inaction in the first Half of the Seventeenth Century It refuses to render It obtains a . . . . Efficacy of the Edict of Faith Growth of Judaism Active Persecution commences in 1642 Autos de Fe of 1646, 1648 and 1649 Auto de Fe of 1659 Cases of William Lamport and Joseph Brunon de Vertiz Inertia during the Rest of the Century . . . . Solicitation in the Confessional Temporal Jurisdiction Fuero Immunity Commissioners Concordia of 1610 Familiars 212 213 215 216 216 217 219 219 223 226 227 229 230 234 236 240 241 of Officials entitled to the Abuse of their Privileges . . Competencias Concordia of 1633 Abusive Use of Power by Commissioners Quarrels with Bishops @ase of Bishop Palafox Case of Doctor Juan de la Camara Exemption from Military Service Censorship Irreverent Use of Sacred Symbols Visitas de Navios Repression under the Bourbon Dynasty Decadence of the Tribunal Political Activity caused by the Revolution Censorship . Prosecution of Miguel Hidalgo Suppression in 1813 Re-establishment in 1815 Prosecution of Jose* Maria Morelos 204 207 208 209 . . 245 247 251 252 254 256 257 259 263 264 267 269 272 276 288 290 292 . CONTENTS xiv PAGE Extinction in 1820 Persistent Intolerance . . . THE ,;, lt 297 298 >.,.,, PHILIPPINES. Included in the District of the Mexican Tribunal there His Powers Solicitation Military Deserters Trivial Results 299 300 302 304 306 308 310 A Commissioner established -. Censorship : '. '. -; . . . . Conflicts with the Authorities Audacity of the Commissioners Commissioner Paternina imprisons Governor Salcedo and rules the Records burnt 311 Colony . 317 317 . 319 in 1763 Episcopal Inquisition in China . CHAPTER VII . . PERU. . .<,.>. Deplorable Condition of the Colony . ^ * Episcopal Inquisition Its Activity Case of Francisco de Aguirre The Bishops seek to maintain their Jurisdiction The Tribunal established January 29, 1570 The first Auto de Fe, November 15, 1573 Organization and Powers Exemption of Indians Supervision over Foreigners . . . . . . ; ; ;. . 321 , . .... ....... Extent of Territory Commissioners and their Abuses New Granada detached in 1611 Other Divisions proposed . . . . . Poverty Speedy Growth of Confiscations withdraw the Royal Subvention of Prebends for the Benefit of the Tribunal Suppression Enormous Confiscations in the Auto de Fe of 1639 Other Sources of Income ....-' -if* .-,<*,;. Increased Expenses exceed the Revenues Finances Initial Fruitless Efforts to . . . . . . . . . -. Malversations and Embezzlements in the Eighteenth Century Financial Condition at Suppression in 1813 Abusive use of arbitrary Power Scandalous conduct of Inquisitor Ulloa Juan Ruiz de Prado His charges against Cerezuela and Ulloa Visitation of Ulloa's Visitation of the District . 322 325 326 328 329 332 333 337 342 344 346 347 349 350 351 354 355 355 357 358 360 CONTENTS xv PAGE Abusive use of arbitrary Power: Inquisitor Ordonez y Flores and Manozca Inquisitors Calderon and Unda Visitation of Antonio de Arenaza Inquisitors .Gaitan Paralysis of the Tribunal Purchase of Offices Quarrels with the Viceroys Humiliation of Viceroy del Villar Complaints of succeeding Viceroys Conflicts of Jurisdictions ... Limitation of the Temporal Jurisdiction by Fernando VI Quarrels of Inquisitor Amusquibar with Archbishop Barroeta Activity of the Tribunal Bigamy, Blasphemy, Sorcery . . . . Propositions Solicitation hi the Confessional Mystic Impostors Maria Pizarro Angela Carranza Quietism The Jesuit Ulloa and his Disciples Protestantism English Prisoners of War .... Judaism Portuguese Immigration through Brazil and Buenos Ayres Case of Francisco Maldonado de Silva The Complicidad Grande Auto de Fe of 1639 Decline of Judaism Case of Dona Ana de Castro ... . . . . . . . . Punishments Arbitrary Inconsistency Censorship Morals and Politics Case of Francois Moyen Decadence and Suppression Re-establishment and Extinction Work . CHAPTER VIII NEW 439 444 446 447 449 GRANADA. Settlement of New Granada Commissioners appointed by Tribunal of Lima Demand for an Independent Tribunal Extent of District Attempt to include Florida Tribunal established in 1610 at Cartagena ........ Judaism 421 423 425 433 437 451 accomplished Early Operations Sorcery and Witchcraft 362 363 366 367 372 373 374 380 382 386 389 390 392 393 396 400 406 412 419 Blasphemy 453 454 455 457 460 461 462 466 CONTEXTS ......... ................ ........ .......... .............. ..... Inertia Sack of Cartagena Decadence in 1697 Censorship The Copernican System Quarrels with the Authorities Arbitrary Control exercised by Inquisitor Maftozca Incessant Broils Inquisitor Velez de Asas yArgos . . . Fiscal Juan Ortiz Visitation of Dr. Martin Real in 1643 Its Failure ..... and external Quarrels Pedro Medina Rico in 1648 Death of Inquisitor Pereira and Secretary Uriarte Internal and external Quarrels continue Internal Dissensions Visitation of ........ ...... ........... y ......... ......... ......... ....... ......... ........ ...... .......... , Degradation of the Tribunal Piedrola Quarrel with Bishop Benavides Humiliation of Governor Ceballos Decadence after the Sack of 1697 Finances The Royal Subvention Inquisitor Valera . Wealth accruing from Confiscations Quarrels over the Subvention . Cartagena in 1815 It is extinguished by the United States of Colombia in 1821 Influence of the Inquisition on the Spanish Colonies It returns to . APPENDIX OF DOCUMENTS. . . . . 476 480 483 485 488 489 491 498 499 500 . 501 502 505 506 . 508 508 510 Asserted Distress of the Tribunal The Revolutionary Junta banishes the Tribunal in 1810 It takes Refuge in Santa Marta and Puertobelo 467 468 470 473 473 .511 517 THE INQUISITION IN THE SPANISH DEPENDENCIES. CHAPTER I. SICILY. THE island of Sicily, in the fifteenth century, the dominions of Aragon. that crown, it was a portion of Like the rest of the possessions of had enjoyed the benefits of the old papal Inquisition under the conduct of the Dominicans, but, as elsewhere, towards the close of the Middle Ages, the institution had become nearly dormant, and at most was employed occasionally to wring money from the Jews. An effort to galvanize it, however, was made, in 1451, by the Inquisitor Fra Enrico Lugardi, who produced a purporting to have been issued in 1224, by the Emperor Frederic II, granting to the inquisitors a third of the confiscations, together with yearly contributions from Jews and fictitious decree, was confirmed by King Alfonso of Naples, and again, 1 in 1477, by Ferdinand and Isabella. When, in 1484, the Spanish to was extended Aragon, Ferdinand did not at first Inquisition infidels; this seek to carry its blessings to his insular possessions. February 12, 1481, he had appointed Filippo de' Barbari, one of his confessors, Gozo and Pantelaria, who apparently did nothing to further the cause of the faith, for Sixtus IV, in as inquisitor of Sicily, Malta, Paramo de Origine S. Ord. Fr. Praedic., Ill, 510. 1 1886). 1 Officii S. Inquisitionis, pp. 197-99. Ripoll Bullar. La Mantia, L'Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 16-18 (Torino, SWIL Y 2 letters of February 23, 1483, alence in the island of the to repress these he inoperative in to his no consequence it complained of the prev- heresies that pervaded Spain; had issued sundry little grief. and exhorted that to Isabella, same bulls, which had proved of the opposition of the royal officials, Seeing the zeal displayed in Spain, he prayed should be extended to Sicily and that the necessary royal favor be exhibited to the measures which he had taken and might take in the future. 1 There is no evidence that this produced any effect, and the institution seems to have remained inert about 1487, Torquemada, as InquisitorAragon, appointed Fray Antonio de la Peiia as inquisitor who, on August 18th of that year, celebrated the first auto de fe, in which Eulalia Tamarit, apparently a refugee from Sarauntil, general of was burnt. It seems that a Dominican, named Giacomo had been exercising the functions under a commission from Roda, gossa, the General of his Order, vincial, Giacomo Manso, Sicily, appointing Manso and who subsequently to dismiss him. instructed the pro- In 1488 la Pena to act during his absence, left when Roda required a brief from Innocent VIII, February 7, 1489, to make him desist. In fact, at this time there seems to have been some confusion between the claims of reasserted himself it the papal and Spanish Inquisitions, for we hear of another Domin- ican inquisitor, Pietro Ranzano, Bishop of Lucera, to whom the senate of Palermo, on January 19, 1488, took the customary oath of obedience. 2 In Sicily, as in Spain, the objects of the principal labors of the Holy Office were the converts from Judaism. The Jews were numerous and rich and, although popular hatred was perhaps not so active as in Spain, it was sufficiently vigorous, in 1474, to bring 1 Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, p. 910 (Panormi, 1733). Llorente, Hist. crft. de la Inquisicion de Espafia, Append. No. in. 1 La Manila, op. tit., pp. 20-1. Franchina, Breve Rapporto del Tribunale della SS. Inquisizione in Sicilia, pp. 23, 108-16 (Palermo, 1744). we may believe an inscription of 1631, Ranzano had been inquisitor in 1482. Jo. Maricp Bertini Sacratissima Inquisitionis Rosa Virginea, I, 385 (Panormi, He died in 1492. 1662). If EXPULSION OF JEWS 3 about a massacre, under the pretext that they were endeavoring The viceroy, Lope to undermine the Catholic faith by argument. Ximenes de Urrea, hanged in the in hope movement, the populace, by and put the inmates to the hundred thus were slain in Noto, six hundred in this, places, sacked the Juderias many sword; six of the leaders of the of suppressing it but, undeterred five Modica and, for several years, the Jews were in constant fear of 1 The number massacre, in spite of royal and vice-regal edicts. indicates how considerable was the in these troubles of victims Jewish population; indeed, in 1450, they petitioned that, in the assessment of a donation to King Alfonso of 10,000 florins they might be reckoned as a tenth of the population, a favor which in 1491, the Jews were banished from was refused and, when Provence, a large portion of them flocked to Sicily, attracted by the favorable conditions which had long been accorded there to the race. 2 from Spain, in 1492, was operative in It was Sicily, under conditions even more repulsively cruel. was at fixed the of June and 18th, day departure Seppublished The edict of expulsion tember 18th, under pain of death and confiscation. At once all their valuables were seized, in a house to house investigation, and inventories were made of their other possessions. They were required, within the three months, not only to collect what was due to them and to pay their debts, but also to indemnify the king for their special tributes by capitalizing the annual aggregate, on a basis of four per cent, interest. On August 13th an order was issued to license each to take a suit of common clothes, a mattress, a pair of worn sheets, a coverlet, three tari in money (equivalent Reduced to half a florin), and a few provisions for the journey. 1 Giov. di Giovanni, L'EbZurita, Anales de Aragon, Lib. xix, cap. xiv. raismo della Sicilia, pp. 190-1 (Palermo, 1748). 2 Giovanni, pp. 21, 96. Isidor Loeb considers the ordinary computations to be grossly exaggerated and, from the statistics of several places, assumes the total to have been not more than from twenty to thirty thousand. Revue des Etudes Juives, 1887, p, 172. SICILY 4 to despair, the money enough of Palermo petitioned to be allowed to retain pay their passages; that the rich could leave Jews to on deposit, and that poor debtors might be discharged from prison a month in advance. This drew from the viceroy an edict allowing the rich to take twice as much as the their property poor, except in the matter of clothes. Not only their mattresses were to be searched for money and jewels, but even the cavities of their bodies, for which examiners of both sexes were appointed. A payment of fifty thousand florins to the king procured a postponement of three months, until December 18th, and during the interval the composition for their tributes was agreed upon, at a hundred thousand more, on payment of which they were to be allowed to take what was left of their inventoried goods, but all precious metals and jewels were required to be turned into merThere was delay in collecting these sums, causing a chandise. further postponement of departure until January 12, 1493. l As the object of the measure was the salvation of souls, the alternative of conversion was offered, to which the Jews were urged of Torquemada and by promises from the the and Ferdinand, however, was not disposed viceroy. bishops by a proclamation thus to forego the opportunity of despoiling his Jewish subjects, and issued an order requiring them to purchase the privilege of baptism with the surrender of forty-five per cent, of their property, which must have brought him in a considerable sum for, in spite of it, the rigorous terms imposed upon the exiles drove many into the Christian fold. 2 These compulsory Christians, always suspected, and generally with reason, of secretly cherishing their ancient faith, furnished a larger and more lucrative 1 Giovanni, p. 210. This field for inquisitorial operations, celeste benefizio, as the pious author terms it, but proved so destructive to the commercial prosperity of the island that, in 1695, the Jews As they manifested were invited to return, under certain rigorous restrictions. no readiness to avail themselves of the permission, the invitation was repeated in a more attractive form in 1727 and, this proving unavailing, still further inducements were offered in 1740. Even this, however, did not produce the desired effect and the edict was revoked in 1747. Ibidem, pp. 239-42. 3 Giovanni, pp. 233-5 DISORGANIZATION 5 there seems to have been no immediate haste to cultivate it, and no trace of increased inquisitorial activity during the remaining years of the century. In December, 1497, Micer Sancho there is Marin, inquisitor of Sardinia, was ordered to transfer himself to Sicily; he was in no haste to obey and, on March 11, 1498, Ferdi- nand wrote to him angrily that he was doing no good where he was and was much wanted in his new post, wherefore he was commanded summarily to go there and leave all the effects of the Sardinian tribunal for his successor. Short as was his career in Sicily, he managed to disorganize the Inquisition and to incur Before the year was out, Ferdinand ordered general detestation. him home and, on January 20, 1499, he sent for all the other To get back, Marin borrowed three hundred without ounces, making provision for repayment; to settle this and other debts and to pay for the homeward voyage of the offiofficials to return. 1 cials, Ferdinand ordered fiscations, his viceroy to give to the receiver of con- who was practically the treasurer, eight hundred ducats, with a significant order to see that the parties were not maltreated, which indicates the feelings popularly entertained for them. The eight hundred ducats apparently were not easily raised, for corre- spondence continued during the rest of the year as to the payment of debts and salaries; Pedro de Urrea, the receiver, fell into disgrace and Ferdinand, in August, sent the notary, Ximeno Mayoral, to make copies of all the papers in the tribunal, in order to be able to straighten out matters. intent solely tribunal to upon fall their 2 own Apparently the officials had been gains, allowing the affairs of the into complete confusion, and had confined pardons and exemptions their when the operations selling for, auditor examining Urrea's accounts asked for certificates of all to who were condemned or penanced during his tenure of office, Ferdinand epigrammatically replied that, as there were none condemned or penanced, no certificates were required. It is true that there 1 1 is mention of a certain Inigo de Medina as having died The Sicilian onza was nearly equivalent to 2 T\ ducats. Archive general de Simancas, Consejo de la Inquisicion, Libro 1. SICILY 6 had not been arrested as a heretic and his sequestrated property was ordered to be returned to his widow. 1 Evidently the Sicilian Inquisition thus far had been a failure and thorough reorganization was necessary. It was for this that in prison, but he Ferdinand had recalled the officials and, after an interval of some A letter of July 27, months, he proceeded to replace them. to of Cefalu, announced 1500, appointment as inquisitor, together with that of the bearer, Doctor Giovanni Sgalambro as his colleague, with whom were sent Diego de Obregon as receiver, and Martin de Vallejo as alguazil, the rest of the Montoro, Bishop officials being to show them building and salaries, the At the same time the viceroy favor, to lodge them in some suit- left for his selection. was instructed able his sum all advance to to Obregon 780 gold ducats for be repaid out of the expected confiscations. 2 Ferditribunal, however, was doomed to be unlucky. to The Sicilian nand speedily discovered that Sgalambro was utterly unfit for the position and, on November 6th, we find him writing in hot haste to Inquisitor-general Deza that, after it had had so unfortunate a beginning, Sgalambro 's incumbency would destroy it; he had sent to Valencia to stop his departure, but too late, and now he in- Deza to select some good jurist for the place, as soon as 3 This eagerpossible, and before some evil is wrought in Sicily. structs 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3 2, fol. 23, 24. Under the same date Obregon was ordered Doctor Johan Sgalambro, inquisitor to pay Martin de Vallejo, alguazil Johan Crespo, portero A A A . notario del secreto ^ notario de los secuestros T \ fiscal be a PP inted b y the salaries as follows : 6000 sueldos jaquensei. " " 6000 " " 500 ( 2500 inquisitors " " 6000 Archivo de Simancas, ubi sup. Although no salary is here provided for the Bishop of Cefalu, it does not follow that bishops were expected to serve gratuitously. When Pedro de Belorado was sent to Sicily as Archbishop of Messina and inquisitor, Obregon was ordered, Sept. 10, 1501, to pay him the same salary as that of Sgalambro whom he replaced. Ibidem. Diego de Obregon, receiver The sueldo was one-twentieth of the libra, Castilian ducat. 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 1. which was nearly equivalent to the GRADUAL ORGANIZATION ness, 7 however, speedily subsided and Sgalambro was allowed to On November 8th, Montoro and he retain his office for a year. issued an edict requiring the surrender of all official papers by those formerly connected with the tribunal; also one prohibiting all Converses, or baptized Jews, from leaving the island without special licence, under pain of excommunication, confiscation and and arbitrary penalties, offering to informers ten per cent, of the In December, the viceroy and all public officials took the customary oath of obedience and the inquisitors issued confiscations. an Edict all of Grace, promising relief heretics who would, within confess fully as to themselves from death and confiscation fifteen days, and to come forward and This was their associates. accompanied with an Edict of Faith, ordering all cognizant of heresy to denounce it within fifteen days, threatening those who omitted to do so with prosecution for fautorship of heresy and promising secrecy for informers. This latter edict apparently brought in few denunciations, for it was repeated on January 14, 1501, and, at the tor-general, same time, was published a decree of the inquisi- announcing the disabilities of the descendants of those That these proceedings were as yet a novelty convicted of heresy. in Sicily is apparent from a monition issued by the inquisitors to Camera reginale not to impede in the president of the states of the those districts the publication of the edicts. 1 Evidently the Inquisition was rapidly becoming organized for work, but it still lacked a fixed habitation for, on August 22d, Ferdinand wrote to his viceroy that a house was necessary for it and, as the one occupied by Mosen Johan Chilestro, the royal carver, was suitable, it was to be taken for the purpose he had no ; recollection that but, if had been given it to the latter except for life the heirs could prove a gift in perpetuity, they should be Apparently the labors of the tribunal were paid a suitable rent. beginning to promise results in the long-expected confiscations, for a letter of September 4th empowers the receiver Obregon to compound a suit against Johan de 1 La Mantia, San Martin, pp. 23, 25, 26, 28. for property SICILY 8 derived through his brother and father, for five thousand florins and more if it could be obtained. It would seem, however, that as yet the status and the of privileges clearly recognized in Sicily, for a letter of viceroy urges him officials are as well September 10th not to the to them by the Holy See and that the treated as in the rest of the Spanish dominions. At length a successor was found for Pedro de Belorado, an old Spanish elect of Messina, to pay the same were to see that the inquisitors enjoy the immunities and exemptions conceded to officials Sgalambro inquisitor, whom Obregon was 2 1 in the person of now Archbishop- ordered, September 30th, The people had not even yet become salary. accustomed to the arbitrary methods of the Holy Office, for the earliest act by which Belorado makes himself known to us is his excommunication of the magistrates and judges of the town of Catania as impeders of the Inquisition, because they had prevented the alguazil Martin de Vallejo from removing from their city certain New Christians whom he had arrested. Vallejo had by imposing on the spot a fine of a thousand ducats on the offenders, and this Belorado confirmed. In 1502 vindicated his office we find him issuing fresh Edicts of Grace and Deza empowered him and Montoro to act 3 of Faith and, in 1503, either independently would seem that the governor of the districts the Camera reginale was still recalcitrant, for a letter from or conjointly. of It Ferdinand, August 13, 1504, orders him to favor the operations of the tribunal, "for our officials have naught to do but what we ourself do, which is to obey the Holy There is not much auto de fe was celebrated, Office. "4 evidence of activity at this period, but an August 11, 1506, in which was burnt 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 1. Ibidem. Sgalambro managed to regain the royal favor, for a letter of Ferdinand, April 23, 1506, gratifies him with the Cistercian abbey of S. Maria di Terrana, burdened, however, with a pension of eighty ducats to the official Pirri chronicler, Luca de Marinis, better known as L. Marinseus Siculus. 2 Sicilia Sacra, I, 670. 1 La Mantia, pp. 27, 28. Parecer de Martin Real (MSS, of Bodleian Library, Arch Seld., 130). COMMENCING ACTIVITY Olivieri de Mauro, a renegade Christian. 1 followed by others, of 9 Probably this was which the records have not reached us, but the troubles of the tribunal were not yet over and, in 1509, practically suspended for awhile, for the transferred to Naples, as we shall Bishop it of Cefalu was was see hereafter; Belorado died, the receiver Obregon was in Spain, and the other officials apparently dispersed, as there was no money to pay their salaries. At length a successor was found in Doctor Alonso Bernal, whose appointment Ferdinand announced to the viceroy, January 19, 1510, but he was in no haste to assume the duties for, on April 2d Ferdinand was obliged to furnish him with sixty ducats to expedite his departure from Valencia. Obregon accompanied him and, as the whole staff of the tribunal had disappeared, he to fill their places and regulate their salaries, was empowered which were to be paid out of three hundred ducats to be advanced by the royal treasurer and to be repaid out of the first proceeds of the expected 2 confiscations. The need of money was doubtless an incentive to active work. Bernal lost no time in getting the tribunal into shape and, by August 27th, we hear of his having many prisoners, for whose safe-keeping he had spent fifty ducats in arranging a 3 gaol. fe, The result of this industry manifested itself in celebrated June He was 6, an auto de 4 1511, in which eight persons were burnt. speedily furnished with a colleague, for royal letters of June 18th and 24th inform us inquisitor, in the person of of the appointment of a second Doctor Diego de Bonilla, promoted from fiscal, to whom Obregon was ordered to pay a salary 6000 sueldos, while the new fiscal, Leonardo Vazquez de Cepeda was to receive 2000 and the notary, Pedro de Barahona the same. the position of of was one thing, however, to grant salaries and quite another to get them paid, in the habitual mismanagement of inquisitorial It business. From a letter of September 17th we learn that Obregon 1 La Mantia, 2 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. Ibidem, fol. 127. 8 4 La Mantia, p. 28. p. 29. 3, fol. 51, 52, 77, 81, 82, 83. SICILY 10 had left Sicily in the fleet, placing as his substitute his son, a boy The salaries had fallen greatly in arrears and the that he had no funds save twenty ounces, while declared boy asserted that he had imposed fines and pecuBernal Inquisitor of 15 or 16. niary penances to the amount of thirteen hundred ducats, besides considerable confiscations, which should be ample to meet all salaries and expenses, whereupon Ferdinand ordered the viceroy and discover where the money had to investigate the accounts 1 gone. These were not the only difficulties which the tribunal had to Accustomed as the people had been for centuries to the existence of the Inquisition, the Spanish institution was a very different affair, not only as to activity and severity but still more encounter. from the officials and immunities claimed and enforced by its servants and familiars, especially their exemp- privileges and their from taxes and import dues and their fuero or right to the jurisdiction of the Inquisition, whether as plaintiffs or defendants, tion giving rise to perpetual irritation through the oppression and These innovations were not injustice thus rendered possible. admitted without resistance, which Ferdinand sought to repress by a letter of September 10, 1508, ordering Belorado to see that were as well treated in these respects as elsewhere in the Spanish dominions. This received scant obedience for, on his officials November 14, 1509, he wrote to the stratico of Palermo expressing extreme displeasure on learning that he had arrested a scrivener and had deprived other officials of their arms; in future he must maintain their privileges and exemptions and of the tribunal show them every favor and protection. 2 Yet Ferdinand knew that the troubles arose from the over-weening pretensions of the tribunal and its officials for, in a letter of July 30, 1510, to Bernal he attributed them to the exorbitant invasions of the royal diction 1 by the inquisitors and their appointment of men juris- of evil Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 134, 148, 153. Portocarrero, Sobre la Competencia en Mallorca, n. 38 (Madrid, 1624). Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 30. 1 COMPLAINTS life who caused scandal and infamy. 11 Bernal must bear in mind that, in Sicily, the prerogatives of the crown were greater than elsewhere; whenever he had to take action in matters unconnected with heresy he must consult the viceroy or advocate fiscal, so as to avoid prejudice to the royal pre-eminence; he must also furnish to the viceroy a list of officials, servants and familiars, the latter 1 not to exceed ten in number. Inquisitors, especially of distant tribunals, were not pay much heed to to instructions inculcating exercise of their powers We mission. and the Sicilians learn from a royal letter of accustomed moderation in the were indisposed to sub- December 25, 1510, that the jurats objected to taking the customary oath of obedience to inquisitors and that the local authorities persisted in levying taxes on the officials. 2 Relations were strained and disaffection was an explosion on St. Bernard's day, August 20, 1511, when the people rose with demands that the privileges of the officials should be curtailed a rising which cost, it is said, grew until there 3 Neither this warning the lives of a thousand Spanish soldiers. nor Ferdinand's exhortations abated the pretensions of the Holy Office. A letter of the viceroy, Hugo de Moncada, September 6, when some troops pursued a band of robbers them in the country-house of an inquisitor, where 1512, relates that and arrested they had sought refuge, the latter threatened the captain and his men with excommunication if the prisoners were not released and then claimed jurisdiction to try them, place of their capture. 4 on the ground of the This was by no means an isolated case Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 3, fol. 116. In December, however, Ferdinand increased the number of familiars to twenty in each large city. 1 Ibidem, fol. 135. 2 Ibidem, fol. 127. 3 Parecer de Martin Real, ubi sup. Possibly this is too absolute an attribution of the troubles of 1511 to the Inquisition, though Doctor Real, as an official of the Fazelli, tribunal, ought to be good authority, even though not a contemporary. who was a boy at the time, says (De Rebus Siculis. Decad. n, Lib. ix, cap. 11) that it was occasioned by the outrages committed by the unpaid and starving Spanish troops. * Llorente, Anales de la Inquisition, II, 26. SICILY 12 two other flagrant examples of similar charfrom acter evoked Ferdinand, October 25th, an order to rescind their action, coupled with an expression of extreme displeasure for soon afterwards at their thus affording protection to malefactors on one pretext or another. Their behavior in the custom-house to evade the was a further subject of animadversion and he payment warned them sternly to avoid in future creating such scandals. 1 This somewhat exuberant zeal in asserting their privileges was of duties accompanied with corresponding activity in the performance of their regular duties. In 1513 there were three autos de fe celebrated, in which the burnings aggregated thirty-nine, a large portion being of those who had been previously reconciled and had 2 relapsed, thus indicating the increased vigilance of the tribunal. A further evidence of this at Naples, of four and hundred was the arrival, in September, 1513, fugitives, including a number of priests who they said friars, to escape the rigor of the inquisitors, were endeavoring to force confessors to reveal the confessions of their penitents. 3 One financial ease afforded letter of to by was the the resultant large confiscations. Ferdinand's to Obregon, June 27, 1513, them and trial, gratifying result of this activity to those anticipated from the number requiring greater care than A calls his attention of prisoners on had hitherto been devoted to the management; the officials were now receiving their salaries and doing their duty. In spite of this warning we find, a year later, that Obregon had abruptly quitted Palermo, leaving the affairs of the office in confusion, rendering necessary the appointment, June 15, 1514, of a successor, Garci Cid, who was instructed to reduce it to order and to invest in ground-rents twelve hundred ounces which Obregon had deposited in a bank. 4 That the profits of persecution continued is evidenced by a gift made, March 30, 1515, 1 * 1 4 by Ferdinand, to his wife, Queen Germaine, of all the con- Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 3, fol. 202 (see Appendix). La Mantia, pp. 30-32. Amabile, II Santo Officio in Napoli, I, 109 (Citta di Castello, 1892). Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 239, 294, 296, 314. COMPLAINTS fiscations of that year, in the city of Camera reginale, up to the sum 13 Syracuse and district of the thousand florins a gift of ten which Garcf Cid was ordered to keep secret until after he should have rendered a statement of all that was on hand and was 1 expected. It is perhaps not surprising that this increased effectiveness of the tribunal stimulated popular discontent, which found expression in a petition from the Sicilian Parliament asking Ferdinand that the Inquisition be required to observe the ancient canons and methods of procedure, for many of those burnt in the autos asserted their innocence, declaring that their confessions and dying with every sign of being good was further asked that some limit be put to the licences to bear arms and as to the kind of persons licen- extorted torture by It Christians. issue of had been have a fixed salary and and that there should be an appeal from sed; that the judge of confiscations should should not exact fees him to the viceroy ; also that those contracts with persons reputed to who good faith entered into be good Christians should be in able to collect their debts, in place of having them included in the confiscation, the contrary practice being destructive to trade and commerce. 2 There was also a special embassy from Palermo, complaining that the inquisitors required the city authorities to of obedience and that they issued renew every year the oath licences to bear arms to men of evil life who caused much disorder and scandal. 3 Ferdinand promised relief of these grievances and, in due course, a fresh series of instructions was issued, in 1515, by Bishop Martin de Aspeitia and the Aragonese Supreme Council, or Suprema. It limited the for Messina Palermo, to number twenty and Trapani and to not over ten men of familiars to thirty for and Catania, to fifteen for Syracuse in other places; they were to be approved character and were to carry certificates identify, ing them, in the absence of which they could be disarmed by the of 1 2 3 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, fol. 331. La Mantia, pp. 38, 39. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 3, fol. 311. SICILY 14 secular authorities. If officials were accused of serious crime, the evidence was to be sent to the inquisitor-general when, if the proof was sufficient, the offender would be dismissed and the Officials inquisitor who had tolerated it would be punished. were deprived of the voz activa or right as plaintiffs to the jurisdiction of the tribunal, although Dr. Martin Real assures us that experience had already shown that they could not exist without Their buying up of claims it, so universally were they detested. and matters in litigation, in which they had the benefit was prohibited. tribunal as a court, The dowries of the of wives were protected from confiscation when husbands were convicted and dealings with those in good repute as Christians were held good, in case of confiscation, so that the claims of creditors and, if the fisc desired to seize alienated real estate, to refund the purchase-money to the buyer. other reforms embodied in the instructions, 1 an exposure effecting their removal, although was required There were various all to avoid injustice to innocent third parties, interesting rather as it were allowed indicating a desire but the whole is customary abuses than as when, towards the close of 1514 of a new inquisitor, Miguel Cervera by name, was sent to Sicily, he was ordered to obey to the letter the instructions of Torquemada and and not his successors without permission. to increase the number of officials 2 However praiseworthy may have been the intentions quarters, it was impossible to control the tribunal or at headto allay popular hostility, which found opportunity for expression after the death of Ferdinand, February 23, 1516. Hugo de Moncada had held the hatred versal devices, he tions, 1 by his viceroy for six years and had earned uniAmong other cruelty, greed and lust. had monopolized the corn-trade and, by had reduced the island almost fertility J office of rendered it his exporta- to starvation, though its the granary of the Mediterranean, while the Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 918, fol. 379. Martin Real, ubi sup. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 3, fol. 314; Lib. 933. TUMULT OF 1516 15 1 poverty of the people was aggravated by an adulterated currency. He concealed the news of Ferdinand's death, in hopes of reap- pointment by Charles V, but it became known and the people, by some powerful nobles, claimed that his commission had While the popular mind was thus excited, Fra Hierexpired. led onimo da Verona, sermons in Palermo, denounced red crosses on the green penitential in his lenten as sacrilegious the wearing of sanbenitos of the reconciled heretics, and he urged the people heretical penitents. the to tear off the who were very numerous, symbol of Christ from the His advice was followed and the aspect of mob grew more and more threatening. Moncada attempted by proclaiming Charles and Juana, abolishing an obnoxious corn-tax and exhibiting letters from Charles conto quiet matters him in who demanded firming office. These were denounced as forgeries; a man them was arrested by the prefect and rescued was obliged to fly for his life. March 7, 1516, an immense crowd, with artillery to see the people, while the prefect by That night, taken from the arsenal, besieged the vice-regal palace; Moncada, disguised as a serving-man, escaped by a postern to the house of a friend, whence he took refuge on a ship in the harbor and sailed After sacking the for Messina, which consented to receive him. palace, the saved his 1 mob life turned its attention to the Inquisition. Cervera by taking a consecrated host in a monstrance, under Argensola, Afiales de Aragon, Lib. T. VI, p. 119. I, cap. 5. Caruso, Memorie istoriche di Sicilia, In 1517, when the Cid was settling his accounts, he claimed credit for 700 ounces which he had deposited with a banker in Messina, where Moncada seized it. Cardinal Adrian the inquisitor-general thereupon ordered Inquisitor Cervera to One of Moncada's arbitrary acts concerned the Inquisition. receiver Garci summon the banker to return the money, for the viceroy had express orders from Ferdinand not to meddle with the property of the tribunal. If, however, the banker could prove that Moncada had taken it by force, then Garci Cid could proceed to collect it from the revenues of the Priorazgo of St. John at Messina, which belonged to Moncada. If the banker could not prove this, he must pay the money and have recourse against the property and revenues of Moncada. Hereafter, Adrian concludes, no one shall dare to take the property of the Inquisition, for the Catholic king ordered that it should be used to purchase rents for the perpetuation of the tribunal. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933. SICILY 16 protection of which he gained the harbor, amid the jeers and insults of the people, who cried that he was an inquisitor and hunter of money, not He of heretics. took ship for Spain, while the The Palermitans followed property of the Inquisition. mob and pillaged the released the prisoners, destroyed the records this with an embassy to Charles, complaining of the evil doings of Moncada and the disorders caused by the Inquisition w^ich had well-nigh destroyed their The city. sole object of its officials they said was accumulate money and they would lay down their lives rather it restored, except under the ancient form as carried on to than see the bishops and Dominicans. Cervera betook himself to Flanders to solicit his restoration, but the island held out and, by for three years, there Messina and was no Inquisition its territory. in Sicily, except in 1 Enlightened by the insurrection and the Palermitan complaints, the Suprema sent to Centelles, Bishop of the tribunal, with a that Cervera on August 29, 1516, Syracuse, a commission to investigate interrogatories from which it appears or supreme council of Aragon, had list of filled the office with his kindred and servants, while every kind of pillage and oppression is suggested, even to the rifling of the treasure-chest by the officials on the day of the Bishop Centelles, however, had died on August 22d; of course no investigation was made and the Suprema contented tumult. with expressing, on October 27th, to Charles its gratification at his determination to restore with the greatest honor the tribuitself nal which had been expelled with such 2 disgrace. This, however, was not so readily accomplished. Some seven months later, on June 15, 1517, Charles wrote to the Sicilian viceroy ordering Cervera to be received back and obeyed under penalty of the royal wrath and three thousand crowns but, for a time, this was a dead letter. 1 Cervera returned to Spain when Charles went there, in Fazelli de Rebus Siculis, Decad. n, Lib. i, cap. 5, 34. Dormer, Afiales de Aragon, cap. 2. P. Mart. pp. 40-42. Angler. Epistt., 593, 594. Carta de D. Hugo de Moncada, 22 de Marzo, 1516 Argensola, op. Lib. 10. (Coleccion de * cit., La Mantia, Documentos in&Iitos, XXIV, Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 136). 74, fol. 16; Lib. 921, fol. 38. RE-ESTABLISHMENT and 1517, it was not until 1519 that Sicily 17 was sufficiently paci- expedient to send him back. A royal cedula of this and orders Garci Cid, the receiver, announces May 29, 1519, to pay him 343 ducats for his accrued salary without deduction render fied to it when for absence, and, on July at last the cedula of June 15, 1517, was published it 1519, 6, was not in Palermo but in Messina, where the Marquis of Monteleone, the new viceroy, was still Meanwhile a certain Giovanni Martino da Aquino had residing. been enjoying the title of inquisitor there, but he was removed, May A 20, 1519, in favor of Cervera. second inquisitor, Tristan Calvete had been appointed in 1517 and had been welcomed in 1 Messina. Calvete's first act was to issue an under pain of excommunication, Inquisition to be returned within edict, May 16, 1518, requiring, papers and property of the fifteen days and the anathema all 2 duly followed on June 6th. result ; Palermo, the seat of Presumably this produced little the tribunal and scene of insurrection, had not yet returned to obedience; the records had been destroyed and their lack long remained a source of embarrassment. The tribunal however, in 1519, celebrated an auto de it was re-established and June fe, 11, fully 1519 and, for manned; five or six years, there seems to have been one nearly every year, but the number 1 of executions 3 was not large. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 9, Popular antagonism was fol. 39. Franchina, op. cit., pp. 122, 127. In 1630 Messina appealed to its fidelity sition to divide the island into noble Ciudad de Mecina, 2 La Mantia, 8 Ibidem, pp. 45-6. fol. two when resisting a propoRazones apologeticas de la this occasion, 48 (Madrid, 1630). p. 42. The autos were 1519, June 11, 4 1520, July 8, 3 1521, June 9, 1 1524, Aug. 6, 4 1525, Sept. 29, 1 1526, Aug. 1, 3 Sept. 16, 1 A letter of August satisfaction with 2 on viceroyalties. 19, 1519, him and : men burnt and " " " " " " 1 2 1 " " " 4 1 woman. " " " " from the Suprema to Calvete expresses the highest him, on his return to Spain, one of the principal offers SICILY 18 by no means disarmed, for we find Calvete issuing, September 29, 1525, two edicts, one commanding everyone to aid and favor the Inquisition and not to defend heretics, and the other summoning all cognizant of the numerous penitenciados and their descend- who disregarded the disabilities imposed on them, to de1 nounce them. ants, There was ample cause for disaffection, arising, not from sympathy with heresy, but from the arbitrary proceedings of those who regarded persecution primarily as a source of enrichment. Instructions given, July 31, 1517, by Cardinal Adrian commence with all the remark that to Calvete, inquisitors thus far sent to had disregarded the rules of the Holy Office, both as to and criminal procedure, as to confiscations and as to familiars. was therefore ordered that all officials, under pain of excom- Sicily civil It munication, should inviolably observe the instructions, including those given to Melchor Cervera; the whole body of these rules was ordered to be read in presence of all the officials assembled for the purpose, a notarial act being taken to attest the fact. Moreover, in addition to excommunication for violations of the rules, the special penalties provided were to be irrevocably en- Following this were particular instructions for the correction of abuses which indicate how completely the interests of the fisc and the rights of the people were subordinated to official forced. One cupidity. of the practices prohibited tribunals of Castile. shows how repulsive In 1529 we find him Inquisitor of Sarogossa. Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 74, Archive de 165; Lib. 76, fol. 183. Calvete's earlier years of office were much harassed by a suit brought against him in Rome by Juan de Leon, a canon of C6rdova. Prior to 1516, Calvete as fol. Leon and some others for rescuing a culprit from an alguazil. Leon nursed his wrath and when in Rome, in 1519, commenced an action against Calvete in the papal courts which caused him so much vexation that he threatened to abandon his post in Sicily and return to Spain. Charles V intervened, writing repeatedly to his ambassadors, to cardinals and to Leon himself, threatening him with the seizure of his temporalities, but the vindictive canon held good and, in 1520, obtained a judgement of 1000 ducats and costs, as Calvete could not go to Rome to defend himself. Archivo de Simancas, Inq., Lib. provisor of C6rdova had prosecuted 6, fol. 74, 75, 1 78; Lib. La Mautia, p. 43. 9, fol. 52-54. REFORM A TTEMPTED the religion of Christ, in such hands, The 19 was rendered to converts. appears, were in the habit of making reconciled inquisitors, penitents and baptized neophytes labor on the fortifications of it the castle; when they were fined and these did not appear at the appointed hour they fines, which were collected by Zamporron, the messenger of the tribunal, amounted of which no account was rendered. 1 to a considerable In this, as in all sum, similar denunciations of malversations and abuses, a noteworthy feature is that punishment is always threatened for the future and none is inflicted for the past; corrupt no one is dismissed and the thieving and are allowed unmolested to continue their career officials and oppression. Apparently Cardinal Adrian was advised that of plunder his instructions " were not obeyed and he sent Master Benito Mercader as visitor" Before or inspector to report on the condition of the tribunal. was this report to the received, tomb, and Archbishop of it Adrian had passed through the papacy was acted upon by Seville, who based on of instructions, issued, its his successor, Manrique, January revelations. 31, 1525, From a fresh set this it would appear that there was little in which the inquisitors and their officials did not violate the rules, both in the conduct of trials and management of the finances. There seems, in fact, to have been a Saturnalia of peculation. Collections were made by both authorized and unauthorized persons, of which no accounts were kept. The fines tive a source of and pecuniary penances, which formed so lucraincome, were kept from the knowledge of the notary of sequestrations so that he could make no charge of them to the receiver. Officials claimed and received twenty or twentyfive per cent, for discovering hidden confiscated property, their knowledge slaves of 1 of which was acquired officially. The Christian heretics were sold in place of being set free, condemned Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 933. These instructions were probably the result of the report of a visitador or inspector, Juan de Ariola, sent, towards the close of 1513, to investigate the tribunals of Majorca, Sardinia and Sicily. Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 251-4. SICILY 20 according to law. Inquisitors and their subordinates received "presents/' or rather bribes, from penitents and litigants, which perhaps explains the complaint that sentences to the galleys and other penalties were not executed and that the disabilities and sanbenitos of those reconciled were not enforced. There is significance in the instructions for tke collection of the two hundred gold ducats, which the late inquisitor, Melchor Cervera, had bequeathed to the Inquisition for the discharge of his conscience probably but a small portion of the irregular gains for which he had had ample opportunity. As a whole, the Holy Office shows us how completely an engine for oppression of genuine fanaticism to this inside picture of it was converted as usual, there are no dismissals or punishments inflicted only remedy proposed into and peculation and how little there was serve as an excuse for its existence, but, is and the the formal semi-annual reading of the That they should continue to be the objects of popular detestation was inevitable, and the complaint is made that their maltreatment and the resistance offered to instructions to the officials. them remain unpunished. 1 This was the only point on which reformation was attempted. Charles V, in a letter to his viceroy, October 22, 1525, says that he understands that the royal courts take cognizance of the cases of the officials of the tribunal, is his will that the which displeases him greatly; it be cherished and favored and Office shall Holy and criminal, its officials are to enjoy the immunities and privileges to which they are entitled; they are to exercise their functions with all freedom, under the royal protec- that in tion, all cases, civil guarded by the penalties expressed in the royal concessions. This was supplemented by another ce*dula of August 25, 1526, taking the inquisitors and their officials under the royal safeguard and ordering that they should have all aid and support and protection from the secular 1 authorities. 2 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 933 (see Appendix). de Materiis Tribunalis S. Inquis., I, 30 (Romae, 1651). 3 Salelles pp. 131-7. Franchina, CONTINUED COMPLAINTS As 21 wrongs committed by the inquisitors, their continushown by repeated petitions from the Sicilian Parliament, which indicate how completely the instructions of 1515 and 1517 were ignored, while Charles's replies probably drawn up for him by the Suprema prove how little hope there was of redress through an appeal to the throne. The Parliament represented that the Conversos who remained were few and poor, the rest having ance for the is been condemned, wherefore the inquisitors despoiled the native Christians of their property, to remedy which it asked as fled or before that in future the Inquisition should be conducted bishops and Dominicans as of he would consult the pope. who old. It To was this the by the answer was that also asked that Christians made contracts with reputed Catholics good faith, and thus were their creditors, should have their claims recog- had, in nized and satisfied out of the confiscated property of a condemned This shows that the instructions of 1515 to this effect debtor. had been disregarded and there was little hope of improvement must be in Charles's assent with the nullifying proviso that there a prescription of thirty years' possession, concerning which he would write to the pope. A further request was that the dowries be subject to confiscation and that children's portions should be exempted, to which the reply was " agreed as to dowries received before the commission of heresy; of orthodox wives should not for the rest, the pope will be consulted." Another point was that, in case of denial of justice or evident scandal, the viceroy could appoint some prelate who, with the Gran Corte or the doctors, could decide the matter. This was rejected with the declaration It was further all appeals must be to the inquisitor-general. asked that each inquisitor when he came should file his commission that in the ordinary public registers, so that every what was one could learn his authority, for the inquisitors often lawful powers. Complaint was also made that the their immunities and privileges by exceeded their officials engaging in trade and abused it was asked that in suits thence arising they should be subjected to the vice-regal or episcopal courts, to which Charles replied SICILY 22 that he had given orders to the inquisitor-general to see to this. 1 Thus supported, the Inquisition pursued its course and held one or more autos de fe every year, until 1534, though the number of burnings was not excessive, the summary for the nine years showing only thirty-nine victims relaxed to the secular arm, the most of whom suffered for relapse after previous conviction and reconciliation. 2 While thus performing its full the consciousness of imperial support had not led duties to the faith, it to mend its ways or to reform abuses, and popular opposition was undiminished, for Charles found it necessary to issue another rescript, January 18, 1535, addressed to Viceroy Monteleone, confirming at much length the privileges and exemptions of the officials from secular juris3 diction and their right to bear arms. When, however, in the following September, Charles visited Palermo, on his return from his crusade to Tunis, and listened to the earnest representations changed a change possibly facilitated by a subsidy granted to him of two hundred and fifty 4 He susthousand ducats over and above the ordinary revenue. of the Parliament, his convictions pended, for a period of five years, the jurisdiction of the Inquisition and not connected with in all cases involving the death-penalty matters of faith, and, when this term had elapsed, he prolonged the suspension for five years more. 1 1 4 La Mantia, La Mantia, pp. 44-5. pp. 47-8. 5 The historians of the Inqui- Parecer de Martin Real, ubi sup. 8 Paramo, p. 201. Montoiche, Voyage de Charles-Quint au Pays de Tunis (Gachard, Voyages des Souverains des Pays-has, III, 378). " Havemos * Franchina, p. 169. proveydo y mandado que los inquisidores del dicho Reyno no hobiesen de conocer, dentro termino de cinco afios, de ninguna cosa que hoviere pena de muerte contra ningun persona natural de dicho A Latin version by Paramo, p. 204. would seem to suspend the spiritual as well as the temporal jurisdiction of the tribunal and historians have generally so regarded This however is impossible as the former was a delegation from the pope over it. which the emperor had no control and any attempt to do so would have been equivalent to abolishing the Inquisition, while the auto of 1541 shows that it continued to exercise its spiritual jurisdiction. It assumed however that its capacity to suppress heresy was fatally crippled by depriving its officials of the privilege of its exclusive forum, as expressed in a document quoted by Franchina Reyno." The phraseology is printed of the decree TEMPORAL JURISDICTION SUSPENDED sition tell us that this resulted in the heretics among 23 unchecked multiplication of the noblest families, while the hatred of the people for its representatives manifested itself without fear of punish- ment. There can, in fact, be litte doubt that its operations were were no longer shielded crippled on from popular anger as soon as offences committed against them became cognizable by the secular courts in sympathy with the this account, for its officials Thus when the Inquisitor Bartolome Sebastian made town of Jaca, with his officials and servants, and offenders. a visitation of the published the Edict of Faith, the inhabitants piled up wood around the house in which they were lodged and would have burnt them all had not the Baroness de la Florida assembled her kins- men and retainers, raised the siege and enabled them to escape. Soon afterwards, when the alguazil and his assistants went to San Marcos to arrest some heretics, they were set upon by Matteo Garruba and his accomplices; he was left for dead and some of his people were slain. 1 Apparently the danger, of which these are examples, caused the inquisitors to confine their labors to the larger cities for, in January, 1543, Inquisitor-general Tavera ordered a general visitation of the island, which he says had not been performed for a long while. In June a new inquisitor, the Licentiate Gongora, was sent with special instructions to carry out this visitation and peremptory orders were issued by Prince 2 Philip that he and his officials should be efficiently protected. Another manifestation (p. 69) "Notandum est of popular quod quando in repugnance was the resistance anno 1535 fuit limitata seu suspensa jurisdictio temporalis hujus Sancti Officii in aliquibus casibus per invictissimum V felicis memorise, jurisdictio spiritualis causarum fidei suspense et quasi mortua." So a consulta of the Suprema to Philip III, October 2, 1609, refers to Charles having deprived the Sicilian Inquisition of its temporal jurisdiction, resulting in such recrudescence of heresy that he was imperatorem Carolum fuit in it. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 927, fol. 323. Inquisitor Paramo, in a letter of November 8, 1600, to Philip III, states the case to be that Charles was misled by false accounts of the misdeeds of the famil- obliged to restore iars of their immunities but, on being better informed, he Ibidem, Lib. 41, fol. 258. Paramo, pp. 202-3. Parecer de Martin Real, ubi sup. Franchina, pp. 149, 159, 163. and deprived them restored them. 1 8 SICILY 24 the sanbenitos of the custom Spain of hanging in the churches condemned, or linens with inscriptions of offered to the invariable in names, heresies and punishment, thus perpetuating their infamy, which was one of the severest features of the penalty of their heresy. for Paramo explains that this was not observed in Sicily in 1543, Inquisitor Cervera when, by hanging them endeavored to introduce it, in the church of St. Dominic, there arose so great a tumult that he was obliged to abandon the attempt and it had never since then been possible to effect it, up to his time (1598) .* To add embarrassment to the of the tribunal, it was When its alguazil Marcos to be impoverished. Calderon died, there was owing to him for arrears of salary 155 ounces, 24 tarines and 9 granos, and in February, 1543, the receiver or professed Francisco Cid declared his inability to pay this to the heirs. To relieve him the Suprema agreed to place half the burden of this on the tribunal of Granada and, by letter of May 30, 1544, ordered 2 Cid to pay the other half. In spite of popular disaffection and curtailment of temporal On May jurisdiction, the Inquisition continued its deadly work. was celebrated Palermo an auto in which twentytwo culprits appeared, nineteen of them for Judaizing and three for Lutheranism among the latter Fra Perruccio Campagna, a 30, 1541, there at San Francisco de Paola, who courted martyrdom and was burnt as an obstinate impenitent heretic. 3 By this time Lutheranism was much more dreaded than Judaism. In view tertiary of and of the occasional outbursts of popuwas probably little difficulty in convincing of its threatening spread lar detestation, there made a mistake in limiting the exemptions he announced in advance his intention of not pro- Charles that he had of the officials; 1 Paramo, p. 43. I give the date of 1543 as stated by Paramo, but it is evidently an error for 1516, when the tumult occurred under Cervera. 3 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 136. The financial mismanagement of the Sicilian tribunal was notorious. In 1560, the Contadorgeneral Zurita states that he had finished auditing its accounts with much labor, as they had not been examined for twenty years and were in much disorder. Ibidem, 3 fol. 239. La Mantia, p. 50. CASE OF THE longing the limitation and, DUKE OF TERRANOVA by letters of February 25 27, 1543, he ordered his Sicilian officials, after the expiration of the term, to full the Inquisition liberty of action and not to interfere with give any way under a penalty of two thousand ounces. When the term expired, Prince Philip, as regent of the Spanish dominions, by a decree of June 18, 1546, published the letters of 1543 in it and ordered their strict observance. 1 would seem that even before the expiration of the term the tribunal arrogantly and successfully asserted the immunity of its officials from secular law. Juan de Aragon, Duke of Terranova, It was Constable and Admiral of Naples, a Spanish grandee of the first class and kinsman of Charles V, acting as President or Governor of Sicily, in the had occasion absence of the viceroy. torture to and condemn In this capacity he to the galleys Maestro Antonio Bertin, a familiar, and to imprison some other familiars. The inquisitors took up the matter and sentenced him to perform pay him a solatium of The case was of course carried to Spain, were heard and as usual the decision was against public penance, to release Bertin and to two hundred ducats. where both sides the crown and in favor of the Inquisition. this to to Terranova by submit to it letter of willingly December and not Prince Philip conveyed 16, 1543, to wait to exhorting him be compelled by Terranova recalcitrated against the public humiliation and finally a letter of Philip, April 24, 1544, remitted the penance, when the duke released and compensated the crimiexcommunication. nal. 2 1 Franchina, pp. 167, 183. Paramo, p. 204. The date of this affair is Llorente, Historia crltica, cap. xvi, art. ii, n. 5. not unimportant and has curiously been involved in doubt. As printed by Llorente, the letter of December 16, 1543, is duly signed Prince Philip and is 2 doubtless correctly dated, as Terranova was governor in 1544 (Gervasii Siculse It is somewhat remarkable that in the Simancas archives I, 295). Sanctiones, (Legajo 1465, fol. 60) there are two letters of Philip II on this affair, one dated from the Escorial, April 24, 1568, to the Sicilian inquisitors and the other to Terranova, dated from Madrid, April 29, 1568. The dates are evidently erroneous for in that year the Marquis of Pescara was viceroy (Gervasii, III, 121). Porto- La cit., n. 105), placing the affair in 1608. that a MS. copy of a letter of the inquisitors, carrero also blunders in the date (op. Mantia moreover says (p. 52) SICILY 26 Such an occurrence does not justify the assertion made by Prince Philip, June 15, 1546, when a new inquisitor, Bartolome Sebastian, was sent to Palermo, that the officials of the Sicilian Holy were held in such contempt and were so impeded in their functions that they could scarce discharge their duties, wherefore Office special injunctions were laid on him to exact from all authorities the oath of obedience, while every assistance was emphatically 1 ordered to be rendered to him. In with these utterances, an auto de fe, fact, almost simultaneously held June 1546, 6, showed that there was no impediment to the discharge of the proper In this auto there were no living functions of the inquisition. bodies delivered to the stake, but the effigies of four fugitives answered the purpose of demonstrating that the authority of the tribunal was undiminished. Sebastian indicated how far that authority extended when, in 1547, he repeated the prohibition of Converses expatriating themselves and their families under pain of confiscation, while a fine of two hundred ounces was decreed against shipmasters transporting such persons without special This recrudescence of inquisitorial activity aroused the Parliament, which petitioned Charles V that the accused should licence. have copies of the evidence against them, with the names of the witnesses, so that his faithful subjects should not perish unde- by enmity, but the this off with a turned emperor vague promise that Sicilians should not be unduly molested. This did not soothe popular hostility, fended, through false testimony suborned for a letter of the tember 29, 1549, Regent Juana thanks him for the solicitude in protecting the rights that recently some and immunities of its officials while discharging their duties. Juan de Vega, Sepwhich he has shown to the Viceroy of the Inquisition, seeing have been wounded and Possibly this may slain refer to the A letter of the Suprema to the inquisitors, April 10th, bears a later date. prescribing the punishment, is dated December 15th, without indication of the year (Simancas, Lib. 78, fol. 372). It speaks of two familiars tortured, orders Terranova to hear mass in a monastery as a penitent and to pay the sufferers 200 ducats, to which the officials concerned in the affair were to add 100 more. 1 Franchina, p. 174. DISORDERED FINANCES case of Giacomo Achiti, who was 27 relaxed to the secular arm, May having with others resisted and slain Giovanni de a minister of the Inquisition. Yet whatever may have Landeras, been the good will of Vega, it was impossible for a viceroy to 19, 1549, for perform his duties and remain on good terms with the Holy Office. In this same year, 1549, a certain D. Pietro di Gregorio had torture administered to a familiar, for which Alberto Albertini, Bishop of Patti and him by force inquisitor, threw him in prison, when Vega liberated and was duly reproved therefore by Charles. 1 In the numerous autos de fe which are recorded during the interesting to observe that Judaism sinks that the predominant heresies punished and background The Inquisition was aroused to renewed activity are Protestant. following years, it is into the and its scores. victims, whether burnt or penanced, were 2 It is numbered by probable that peculation and waste continued for a letter of the inquisitors, April 2, 1560, to Philip II congratulates him on the prospect of some large confiscations impending; these, which is deeply in debt and it suggested to the king that if he will invest the proceeds in ground-rents, the income will go far to pay the salaries and perpetuate the institution. Apparently the suggestion was unheeded for the complaints of poverty and indebtedness continue; the they say, will relieve the tribunal, is convicts are mostly poor people, whose property barely meets their prison expenses, the revenues may and some be devoted to rich abbey is asked this holy cause. for, of which 3 Whether the complaint of poverty be true or not, the inquisitors had ample opportunity of irregular gains. The privileges and immunities of its officials rendered the position of familiar we may reasonably In addition to this, the eagerly sought for and, in an age of corruption, assume that it was liberally paid for. them, in both civil and criminal not lucrative, only from the fees exacted for every transaction in suits and trials, but from the custom of exclusive jurisdiction over matters, was very 1 8 La Mantia, pp. 52-4. Fr*E?hina, pp. 45-53 Franchina, p. 188. Portocarrero, n. 77. s La Mantia, pp. 55-6. SICILY 28 punishment by It is noteworthy that was assumed on all sides that fines for all delinquencies. in the discussions which arose, it the fuero of the tribunal was equivalent to immunity for crime, and so was as far as corporal penalties were concerned, but ones were a profitable substitute, which enured exclupecuniary I have not met with any trials of Sicilian sively to the tribunal. it but officials, was the custom this in the Peninsula and it is an unavoidable assumption that the example was followed in the In addition to this was the influence derivable from thus island. enrolling an army under the inquisitorial banner, and thus there were ample motives for disregarding the limitations placed by the instructions on the number of appointments. The viceroy, Marc' Antonio Colonna, in a letter of November 3, 1577, states that there were twenty-five thousand familiars and that the inquisitors proposed to increase included, he says, It was all an practically and the influential them to thirty thousand; they the nobles, the rich alliance men and the criminals. 1 between the tribunal on one side and the dangerous classes on the other, against the vice-regal government and the courts, rendering impossible the orderly administration of justice and the maintenance of The viceroys were involved in perpetual struggles with the Holy Office and were constantly remonstrating with the home government, but to little effect. An attempt was made to amend the situation by an agreement, known as the Concordia public peace. of Badajoz, July 4, 1580, which was, in reality, the secular authorities to the Inquisition. of the more serious crimes were excepted but In a surrender of Castile, a number from the exemption of were entitled to the jurisdiction of This was conoffences, however atrocious. tinued by the Concordia, which provided that, whenever a case involving an official or familiar should come before the viceroy, familiars, in Sicily they the tribunal for all he should promptly hand it over to the tribunal. The inquisitors were empowered to excommunicate judges who interfered with their jurisdiction and the judge 1 so La Mantia, excommunicated was required pp. 58-9. CONFLICTS OF JURISDICTION to present himself before them, to ise obedience. 29 beg for absolution and to prom- Provision however was made for competencias, or conferences between judges and inquisitors on disputed questions when, if they could not agree, the matter was referred to a process which usually prolonged the king for final decision it 1 indefinitely. The secular authorities were naturally restive under this and quarrels continued. In 1589 there was an outbreak, when the Gran Corte undertook to try a familiar named Antonio Ferrante. The Inquisition claimed him; the viceroy, the Count of Alva, was predecessors; he caused the senenduring than some tence of hanging to be executed and, in the ensuing recriminations, he imprisoned the consultors of the Inquisition and its of his less judge of confiscations. after examining strongly on an all Both parties appealed to Philip II who, the documents, wrote to Alba, reproving him March and for bringing such scandal 29, 1590, discredit and quiet of the land. observe the Concordia and the judges institution so necessary for the peace In future he must strictly of the Gran Corte must present themselves individually before the inquisitors and obey their commands. Alba apparently had argued that the consultors were not formally Philip decided that they were so leges of that position. and were officials, for in 1591 entitled to all the privi- 2 was firmly convinced that the Inquisition was essential keep Sicily in subjection, which accounts for his upholding it against his own representatives, but his eyes were somewhat opened by another case which was in progress at the same time. Philip to was charged with the murder of Gran Corte; he was claimed by the Giuseppe Bajola, From this the Count of Inquisition and took refuge in its prison. Alva took him forcibly, whereupon the inquisitors excommuniCount Mussumelli, a familiar, fiscal of the cated the subordinates concerned in the act and, finding this ineffective, on April 6, 1590, they not only laid an interdict on 1 Pdramo, p. 210. 3 MSS. Royal Library of Copenhagen, 214 of MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17. fol. Paramo, p. 212. SICILY 30 the whole city, but stretched their jurisdiction by prohibiting all This brought Alba to terms; vessels from leaving the port. Mussumelli was restored to the inquisitorial prison and the interdict 1 The case was necessarily carried up to the king was referred to a junta consisting of two members the Suprema and of the Council of Italy. To the consulta was lifted. and, as usual, each of which they in due course presented, Philip replied, expressing his grief at the atrocious crimes of recent occurrence in Sicily. Count Mussumelli was so aggravated that its impunity would render difficult the enforcement of justice and he must therefore be remitted to the viceroy and judges of the Gran Corte. That As of the for the Count they were to be of Rocalmuto and the Marquis left to of la Rochela, the Inquisition, in full confidence that punishment would correspond to the enormity of their offences, for which he charged the inquisitor-general and Suprema. their Moreover, to prevent such occurrences for the future, he decreed that the crime of assassination should be excepted from the immunity enjoyed by competencias. familiars and should not be made the subject In addition to this, of he proceeded to state that experience had shown from nobles being officials and familiars the great troubles and scandals arising positions which they sought, not to discharge their duties but to commit crimes under the protection of the Inquisition, thus creating many quarrels between the jurisdictions to the discredit of both, to scandal of the people and hindrance of justice. It would therefore be well for the inquisitor-general and Suprema to order that Sicilian nobles be no longer appointed as officials and familiars and that existing appointments be called in and revoked, for he had resolved to order the viceroys and judges to hold that they are not entitled It was unreasonable that so holy to the fuero of the Inquisition. a business should serve as a cover for delinquents and evil-doers and there was ample experience that in seeking these positions, so that this was their sole object he greatly wondered that the Frsnchina, p. 78. COMPROMISE Inquisition should persist in a course so tion and 31 damaging so foreign to the object of its foundation. to its reputa- 1 Such rebuke and such action could only have been elicited from a monarch like Philip II by a profound conviction of the unbearable abuses of inquisitorial jurisdiction. He would more wisely have followed the example of his father in suspending wholly that jurisdiction, for the tribunal continued to exercise At length, it in a manner provocative of continual disturbance. was formed, consisting of two members of the Suprema, Doctors Juan de Zuniga and Caldas, and two regents of the Gran Corte, Brunei and Escudero, to reach, if in 1595, a junta or conference possible, many an agreement that should lead to peace. There were and tentative attempts which finally resulted discussions in a consulta presented to Philip as a compromise acceptable to This commences by stating that the special cases in dispute had been settled or laid aside, awaiting further documents, and that for the future it had been agreed that the Con- both sides. cordia of 1580 should be observed with certain amendments. The Inquisition was not to protect officials or familiars guilty of treason against the viceroy or his counsellors, of assassination, of shooting from ambush, of insulting, wounding or killing any one in presence of judges of the was the same with Gran Corte or Real Patrimonio. It who were notaries and committed familiars frauds in that capacity, or were warehousemen and adulterated commodities stored with them, or dealers in provisions who used false weights, or bankers or other debtors delinquent to the Real Patrimonio, or delinquent taxpayers in general. Widows of were to enjoy the fuero only so long as they remained unmarried, and servants were only to be entitled to it when they were really part of the household and not merely serving for food officials and wages, concerning which inquisitors were strictly enjoined not to commit frauds. In Palermo and its suburbs the number of familiars was limited to one hundred; in towns of sixty hearths, Suprema was to decide; they were to to one; in other places the 1 MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17. SICILY 32 be prohibited from carrying guns in the country and fire-arms of any kind in the cities. If a judge arrested a familiar or official, he was at once to send the papers in the case to the inquisitors that they might see whether it was excepted or whether there should be a competencia and, in the latter case, the judges were to be invited courteously to meet them and not be summoned as The judges, when excommunicated, were to apply for absolution and not refuse as heretofore to do so, thus discrediting inquisitorial censures, but the viceroy was not to be excommunicated without the assent of the inquisitor-general. The Regent inferiors. Brunol argued earnestly in favor of including rape among the excepted crimes, pointing out how provocative it was of assassination, when the husband of a woman thus injured saw the culprit walking the streets unpunished, and he seems to have succeeded in getting it added to the scanty list of those which the Inquisition would permit to be dealt with in the secular courts. 1 Thus far the conferees agreed, but they differed on the exclusion The members of the Suprema had ordered their removal, the Inquisition had fallen greatly in public estimation and found much difficulty in making arrests; therefore they asked that there might be thirty, who would always be selected from the most quiet and peaceable; otherwise the tribunal would be confined to men of low extraction, who could not make arrests. To this the regents replied that the maintenance of the royal order was the only means of keeping the nobles and barons obedient to the viceroy; in Sicily more than elsewhere this was necessary and without it matters would be worse than before, when the tribunal of nobles from official position. represented to the king that, since he excommunicated the viceroy in the affair of Count Mussumelli; heresy was unknown, the nobles and barons had never made an and they obtained the positions solely to gain the privileges. 2 These arguments were unanswerable and the prohibition was arrest maintained. again > made MSS. With the to have it accession of Philip III an attempt was repealed Inquisitor Pdramo, in a letter of ; of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17. Ibidem, ubi mp. FURTHER AGGRESSIVENESS March 8, 1600, to the most new king 33 described the condition of the consequence of it, but the appeal was unsuccessful. Philip contented himself with secret instructions to the viceroy to enforce the cedula of January 18, 1535, and the Concordia and to endeavor to come to some understanding tribunal as deplorable in with the inquisitors. So it indeed, far, was seeking 1 was the Inquisition from being oppressed, that to assert exclusive claim to the obedience of its "subjects," as though they were released in all things from the control of the civil authorities. Thus, in 1591, the tribunal issued " an edict condemning all its subjects" who had not revealed the amount of corn possessed by them or had sold it at unlawful evidently referring to certain measures taken by the government, as was frequently done in times of scarcity. The prices Viceroy Alba was quick to recognize this attempt to supplant the civil power and he stopped the publication of the edict. He was soon afterwards succeeded by Count whose temper Olivares, Inquisitor Pdramo, with characteristic pertinacity, proceeded to test with a proclamation of April 23, 1592, published throughout the island to sound of trumpet, reciting the disturbance of public by bands of robbers, against whom and all harboring or favoring them the viceroy had issued edicts, wherefore he summoned all those subject to the jurisdiction of the Inquisition to order abstain from sheltering the said bandits, under the penalties provided by the laws and of a thousand ounces applicable to the Holy Office. Olivares was no more disposed than his predecessor admit that his actions required inquisitorial confirmation and, on May 30th, he issued an edict prohibiting, under heavy penalties, to the publication of the proclamation; if, in any place, it had been entered on the records of the magistrates, the entry was to be erased and no similar orders of the Inquisition were to be received in future. He moreover told the inquisitors that it was none of 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 41, fol. 258, 263. In his letter Paramo mentions that not long before two Calvinist missionaries had been sent from Geneva to Sicily; the Inquisition arrested them and their converts and one of the missionaries had been burnt alive, showing the steadfastness of his faith. 3 SICILY 34 any other matter of obey the laws; that it had been jurisdiction illegally and that the their business to issue decrees general policy, but simply to done merely to enlarge their on this or government could not be divided into two heads with one 1 body. conflicting pretensions such as these, Between harmony was impossible and the conclusions of the junta of 1595 did not restore Collisions were frequent and the extremes to which they were it. sometimes carried are seen in one occurring in 1602, when the Gran Corte prosecuted Mariano Agliata, a familiar, for the murder of Don Diego Don Diego de Zuniga and sergeant of the royal troops. The Sandoval, a captain and a inquisitors arrested him and claimed jurisdiction and, when the Gran Corte refused to abandon the prosecution, they excommunicated the judges. Excommunication by an inquisitor could be removed only by the power which fulminated Feria, persuaded it or by the pope, but the viceroy, the the archbishop, Diego Duke of de Haedo, to absolve the judges, whereupon the inquisitors interdicted him from performing any functions until he should admit that his absolutions At were invalid. August 7th, this the viceroy lost his two companies gallows and the executioner. building until two o'clock temper and despatched, a of soldiers to the Inquisition, with They remained in the in front of the morning and returned on the 8th in greater force, erected six gallows, each with its hangman, and stood with lighted matchlocks pointed at the windows. The daunted by this impotent display of force; the barred doors, hoisted the standard of the Inquisition, with they a papal flag and a crucifix, and flung out of the windows among the inquisitors were not troops notices of excommunication. Undeterred by this, the Spaniards broke their way in and, after some parley, the inquisFeria had gone as far as he itors promised to absolve them. dared without result and the victory remained with the inquisiAgliata was surrendered to them, on then removing the interdict on the archbishop and the excommunitors, for the case of 1 Gervasii Siculse Sanctiones, II, 329 (Panonni, 1751) CONFLICTS WITH BISHOPS cation of the judges. 1 To emphasize in 1603, issued a general 35 Feria's defeat, Philip III, letter to all of his viceroys, lauding the and ordering them to give it all the might ask for, and to maintain intact the services of the Inquisition favor and assistance it exemptions and privileges, liberties, the concordias, by and custom and by any other familiars, by law, assured to by source. its ministers the royal cedulas, and by use 2 these sempiternal conflicts with the civil authorities not were sufficiently disturbing to the public peace, the Inquisition was involved in a similar series with the bishops, in which it As though did not fare so well, entrenched as they were behind the canon which the monarchs could not law, officials of the Holy Office were set aside. clerics, of A portion of the whose immunity from the secular courts there could be no question, but the bishops claimed, under divine and canon law, an imprescriptible cognizance of their offences, or their official functions. sessed exclusive jurisdiction flict when these did not concern the faith The inquisitors held that they posover their subordinates and the con- was waged with abundant lack of Christian charity, causing we are told, the people were in great popular scandal until, as the habit of asking where was the test right of God of the clergy. The con- raged chiefly over the commissioners appointed everywhere throughout the island, whose duty it was to investigate cases of heresy in their districts and report or, if necessary, make arrests and send the culprits to Palermo for trial. In 1625 the Suprema La Mantia, pp. 69-70. There is a very vivid account of this affair in a letter Suprema from Pdramo and his colleagues, written on the evening of August 9th, when they were expecting further ill treatment by the viceroy, whom they 1 to the characterize in the Cc, 58, p. 35. Pdramo, in declared fol. 2 a document of March enemy of the Inquisition. 8, 1600, Bibl. Nacional de Madrid, MSS., had already described him as a, Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 41, 249. Solorzani de Indiarum Gubernatione, Lib. in, September 10, 1670, the Queen-regent Maria Anna of Austria, to the Prince de Ligne, then Viceroy Portocarrero, op. cap. xxiv, n. 16. by most unflattering terms. of Sicily. cit., n. 1. A virtual duplicate of this letter was sent, Mongitore, L'Atto pubblico di Fede de 1724, p. v (Palermo, 1724). SICILY 36 endeavored to effect a compromise, by designating what offences were cognizable by the bishops exclusively, what by the inquisi- and what cumulatively by either jurisdiction, for that of the bishops could not be denied and the Inquisition had no papal This seems only to have letters to show in support of its claims. tors In 1630 emboldened the bishops and the quarrels continued. wrote to the the and IV viceroy and the inquisitor-general Philip inquisitors, enquiring what was the established custom in such cases, but apparently the two ecclesiastical camps could not agree on terms of peace and nothing was done. In 1642 the inquisitor, Gonsalvo Bravo Grosero submitted to the Suprema a long and learned paper in which he describes the condition of the Sicilian Inquisition as most deplorable, in consequence of the implacable hostility of the bishops. It could not possibly do without commissioners, for the inquisitors could not travel around to visit the provinces; the roads were too bad and their salaries too meagre to bear the expense, as they could not venture into the country without a guard of at least forty men, in view of the There was not money to pay the com- robbers and bandits. missioners a salary and their only inducement to accept the immunity from episcopal jurisdiction. As this was virtually denied to them, it became impossible to find fitting clerics to undertake the duties, so there were many vacancies that office was to gain could not be filled. Grosero evidently did not pause to consider the reflection cast on the character of the clerics thus anxious to find refuge in the Inquisition from the courts of their bishops, but the cases which he mentions, not exaggerated, testify amply to the virulence of Recently, he says, the tribunal became episcopal vindictiveness. involved in a quarrel with the Bishop of Syracuse over the case if of a familiar. Indignant at its methods, the bishop indulged in on the unlucky commissioner of Lentini, on a charge of reprisals incontinence; he was seized by a band of armed clerics, stripped and carried on a mule dungeon where he lay, to prison as a malefactor deprived of all and cast into a communication with his CONTINUED STRIFE 37 Bishop of Cefalti, then governor of the island, procured his release, but his persecution continued for two years. So the Bishop of Girgenti seized the commissioner of Caltanexeda friends, until the because he had, under orders from the tribunal, stopped the prosecution of a familiar. He was confined in a damp, underground cell for forty days, until the viceroy procured his release, and his unwholesome confinement nearly cost him his life. The impelling cause of Grosero's memorial was a pending case, which scarcely evokes sympathy with his complaints. Alessandro Turano, commissioner of Burgio, had given refuge in his house to a kinsman, a monk guilty of murder, and had refused admission to the officers who came to arrest the criminal. For this the Bishop of Girgenti was prosecuting him, and Grosero appeals to the Suprema to intervene and put an end to such violations of the immunity necessary 1 It is not perform its pious work. in concord bethe succeeded that establishing likely Suprema tween the irreconcilable pretensions of the two ecclesiastical to enable the Inquisition to bodies, but the struggle is a glimpse into the social worth passing attention as affording conditions of the period under such institutions. Meanwhile the incessant bickering with the civil authorities continued as active and as bitter as ever. No attention was paid to the limitations prescribed in the Concordias, or to the protests of the viceroys until, in 1635, an attempt was made, in a new Concordia, to remedy some of the more crying evils by empowering the viceroy, in cases of exceptional gravity, to banish criminal appeal to Madrid, to he might were forbidden after' notice to the senior inquisitor, so that officials, and in these cases the inquisitors excommunicate the officers of justice. 2 Slender as was this concession, the inquisitors, in a letter of April 26, 1652, to the Suprema, did not hesitate to assert that the exemptions of the officials were reduced to those 1 3 of the vilest plebeians and that Biblioteca nacional de Madrid, MSS., D, 118, fol. 134, n. 47. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Legajo 1465, fol. 35. SICILY 38 revenue suffered heavily through the limitation of their jurisdiction and the great reduction in the number of those who their applied for appointments. the Consulta On 1 the other hand, Magna, drawn up, posed of representatives of if we may believe by a special junta comthe royal councils except the in 1696, all Suprema, the Sicilian tribunal paid no respect whatever to the Concordias, held itself as wholly independent of all rules and enforced its arbitrary acts by the constant abuse of excommunication, which rendered the condition inquisitors refused to most deplorable. The competencias on disputed of the island meet the judges cases and though, by a fine of five hundred ducats for a in the Concordia of 1635, such refusal incurred first offence and dismissal for a second, yet as the enforcement of this required the issue by the Suprema of a commission to the Council of Italy, it was easily As a matter eluded. of course the suggestion of the junta ineffective that those oppressed by the abuse was of spiritual censures should have the right of appeal to the royal judges. 2 These quarrels and the exercise of its widely extended temporal jurisdiction by no means distracted wholly the tribunal from its legitimate functions of preserving the purity of the faith. In 1640 held a notable auto de fe in which one case it to as an illustration of inquisitorial dealings is worth alluding with the insane. was an Augustinian lay-brother, who had conceived the idea that he was the Son of God and the MesHe had written siah, Christ having been merely the Redeemer. Carlo Tabaloro of Calabria a gospel about himself and framed a series of novel religious observances. Arrested by the Palermo tribunal, in 1635, he had be for the purpose of enabling him to convert the For five years the inquisitors and through them the people. theologians labored to disabuse him, but to no purpose; he was imagined it condemned to as an obstinate and pertinacious forth in the auto of 1640 to be burnt alive. 1 ' On heretic his and was way to led the stake Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 38, fol. 298. Consulta Magna de 1696 (Bibl. national de Madrid, MSS., Q, 4). ACTIVITY 39 expected that torrents of rain would extinguish the fires, but finding himself disappointed and shrinking from the awful death, he still moment he was mercifully At another auto, June 2, strangled before the pile was lighted. there six months later another, were and 1647, thirty-four penitents at the last professed conversion and 1 January 12, 1648, with thirty-seven, followed, December 13th of the same year, by one with forty-three. January 22, 1651, there was another with Don John of thirty-nine, honored moreover with the presence from the triumph of suppressing of Austria, fresh the Neapolitan revolt of Masaniello. 26, In fact, in 1652, the inquisitors boasted that they hundred and seven a letter of April had punished two culprits in public autos, besides nearly as many who had been despatched privately in the audience chamber. This would show an average of about eighty cases a year, greatly more than at this time was customary in Spain. The offences were mostly blasphemy, bigamy and sorcery, with an occasional Protestant or Alumbrado, the Judaizers by this time having 2 almost disappeared. The position of inquisitor was not wholly without danger, for Juan Lopez de Cisneros died of a wound in by Fray Diego la Mattina, a prisoner whom he was visiting in his cell and who was burnt alive in the auto of March 17, 1658. 3 The activity of the tribunal must at times have brought in considerable profits for, in 1640, we happen to learn that it was contributing yearly twenty-four thousand reales in silver to the Suprema and not long afterwards it was called the forehead inflicted upon to send five hundred ducats, plata doble, to that of Majorca, which had been impoverished by a pestilence. Still these gains were fluctuating and the demands on the tribunal seem to have brought it to relieve into financial straits, it benefices to the it 1 from which the Suprema sought by an appeal, August amount 6, 1652, to Philip IV, to grant of twenty-five Hundred ducats a year. 4 Alberghini, Manuale Qualificatorum, p. 171 (Caesaraugustse, 1671). 3 Franchina, pp, 100, 101. pp. 79-86. 3 La Mantia, 4 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 21, 38, fol. 245, 298, fol, 252; Lib. 23, fol. 62, 119; Lib. SICILY 40 Savoy, but the Inquisition remained Spanish and nominally subject to the Suprema. There was, however, an immediate change of personnel, for we find the inquisitor, Jose de la Rosa Cozio, early in 1714, The treaty of Utrecht, in 1713, gave Sicily to 1 taking refuge in Spain and billeted upon the tribunal of Valencia. When, in 1718, Savoy exchanged Sicily with Austria for Sardinia, Emperor Charles VI .would not endure this dependence of the tribunal upon a foreign power and procured, in 1720, from the XI a brief transferring the supremacy to Vienna. In accordance, however, with the persistent Hapsburg claims on the crown of Spain, the Inquisition remained Spanish. A supreme Clement council for it was created of Albarracin as chief himself with the title of in Vienna, with who, Juan Navarro, Bishop although resident there gratified Inquisidor-general de Espana, but in 1723 he was succeeded by Cardinal Emeric, Archbishop of Kolocz. Apparently it was deemed necessary to justify this elaborate machinery with a demonstration and, on April 6, 1724, an auto de fe was celebrated at Palermo with great splendor, the expenses being defrayed by the emperor. Twenty-six delinquents were penanced, consisting as usual mostly of cases of blasphemy, big- would have been incomplete without concremation and two unfortunates, who had languished amy and sorcery, but the spectacle were brought out for that purpose. They were Geltruda, a beguine, and Fra Romualdo, a friar, accused of Quietism and Molinism, with the accompanying heresies of in prison since 1699, illuminism and impeccability. Their long imprisonment, with turned their brains, and they seems to have ill-usage, had been condemned to relaxation as impenitent in 1705 and torture and 1709, but the sentences had never been carried out and they were now brought from dungeons and burnt alive* Less notable their 1 Archive hist, national, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 13, n. 2, fol. 157. Cozio's salary in Valencia commenced with May 1st, as he had received in Palermo the advanced tercio of January 1st. La Mantia, p. 92. Franchina, p. 38. Mongitore, L'Atto pubblico di Fede celebrate a 6 Aprile, 1724 (Palermo, 1724). This work of Mongitore was reprinted in 1868, when the editor F, Guidicini mentions in the Preface that on March 9th 2 UNDER A USTRIAN R ULE was an auto de was burnt fe of alive as a Although the zeal March 22, 1732, in abuse of which Antonio Canzoneri contumacious and relapsed of Charles VI the tribunal in matters of faith, he its 41 heretic. led to increased activity of was little disposed to tolerate which had led its fruitless temporal jurisdiction, remonstrances under Spanish domination. January 26, 1729, to his viceroy the the complaints made to him, 1 Count to so In many letters of of Sastago, he recites by the English factory, that foreign merchants were exposed to constant frauds by bankruptcies of debtors who claimed the forum of the Inquisition or of the Santa Cruzada, where creditors could get no justice or even ascertain whether the bankruptcies were fictitious or not. The emperor therefore orders that in future the Concordias shall be strictly construed and rigidly adhered to; that if the inquisitors proceed by excommunication they shall experience the effect of "los remedios economicos" (presumably the suspension of their emolu- ments) and that in future all mercantile cases, whether civil or criminal, shall not be entitled to the forum of the Inquisition all of March which was duly proclaimed by the viceroy 17th. At the same time the in an edict of legal functionaries were re- quired to investigate the whole subject and report what further measures might be essential to prevent interference with the course of justice. The result of their labors is embodied in a was presented to the Italian Chamber of Deputies, from a Palermitan family, begging the remission of a yearly payment to the royal domain, imposed on them by the Inquisition to defray the expenses of the trial of their kinswoman, the Sister Geltruda, burnt in 1724. It was probably the celebration of this auto that inspired an anonymous writer to denounce the inquisitorial procedure in a little work entitled "Le prove This praticate nelli tempi presenti dagF Inquisitori di Fede sono manchevole." was answered by Doctor Don Miguel Monge, a professor in the University of Huesca in "La verdadera Practica Apostolica de el S. Tribunal de la Inquisition" (Palermo, 1725). He seems in this to consider all criticism sufficiently answered by demonstrating that the practices complained of are in accordance with the papal instructions. The work illustrates the anomalous position of the Sicilian It is written by a Spaniard, printed in both Spanish Inquisition at the period. and Italian, dated in Vienna and dedicated to Don Ramon de Villana Perlas, a Catalan member of the Imperial Council of State. of that year a petition 1 Franchina, pp. 44, 55, SICILY 42 May Pragmatic Sanction of whereby 12, 1732, consisting of eleven articles, was ordered that the it inquisitorial forum should not include exemption from military service and taxes; that widows of stipendiary officials should enjoy the forum only during widow- hood; that the privilege of bearing arms should be exercised only when in actual service of the Inquisition; that commissions as messengers should not be given to shipmasters; nobles holding fiefs were not to be enrolled as familiars; the forum was not to exempt from serving in onerous public office and the use of excom- munication in cases of impeding jurisdiction was allowed under This latter is explained by a decision of certain limitations. March 6, 1734, on cases in which the inquisitors had excommu- nicated D. Antonio Crimibela, a judge of the Gran Corte and D. Felipe Venuto, capitan de justicia of Paterno, when it was ordered that excommunications could only be employed in matters of faith and in cases where the secular tribunals had refused the con- ference preliminary to forming a competencia to decide as to the 1 jurisdiction. The conquest of the Two Sicilies by Charles III, in 1734, led the inquisitors to imagine that, under a Spanish dynasty, they could reassert their superiority over the law, but they were promptly D. Sisto Poidimani, when on trial, recused them undeceived. for enmity as judges in his case and the Giunta recognized his reasons as sufficient, of Presidents whereupon Viceroy de Castro take no further action except ordered them, October 2, 1735, to To this they demurred to appoint some one to act in their place. and de Castro repeated the order, January 24, 1736, and again on February 19th. Finally, on April 21st he told them that they were actuated, not by reason but by disobedience, was not promptly obeyed, the senior and inquisitor that, must forty-eight hours, for Naples to render to the king his actions. if the order sail, within an account of 2 The various changes that had occurred rendered the position somewhat anomalous and to remedy this of the Sicilian tribunal 1 Gcrvaaii Siculae Sanctiones, II, 333-50 * Ibidem, I, 277-81, SUPPRESSION 43 the king obtained, in 1738, from Clement XIII the appointment of Pietro Galletti, Bishop of Catania, as inquisitor-general of Sicily, with power to deputize subordinates, who was followed, in 1742, by Benedict by Giacomo Bonanno, Bishop XIV. Thus the severance from Spain was perpetuated and it was rendered independent. This seems to have revived its aggresof Patti, appointed 1 and assumed that the limitations imposed by the Emperor Charles VI had become obsolete with the change of sovereigns for, in 1739, it endeavored to intervene in the banksiveness it ruptcy case of Giuseppe Maria Gerardi, who was entitled to its forum, but the attempt was promptly annulled by the Viceroy Corsini. A further blow was inflicted by a decree of July 12, 1746, suppressing the system of competencias, for the settlement of conflicting cases of jurisdiction, and substituting, in all cases not of faith, the decision of the viceroy, them importance, refer business of the field of activity ally held autos Holy Office there were no de fe, who to the king. in 2 could, in matters of grave Thus gradually the was circumscribed; in its spiritual more burnings, though it occasion- which figured mostly women accused the vulgar arts of sorcery, and in addition scholars in its secular it of interfered with capacity of censor. The enlightened views of Charles III were not abandoned, when he was summoned to the throne of Spain in 1759, and left that of Naples to his young son, Ferdinando IV, then a child eight years of age. Public opinion in Italy was rapidly rendering an anachronism and Ferdinando only expressed Holy the general sentiment when, by a decree of March 16, 1782, he the Office pronounced its suppression. He gave as a reason that all attempts had failed to make it alter its vicious system, which deprived the accused of legitimate means of defence; he restored to the bishops their original jurisdiction in all matters of faith, but required them and same procedure as the secular courts of justice submit to the viceroy for approval all citations to appear, to observe the to 1 La Mantia, p. 103. 1 Gervasii, op. tit., I, Franchina, pp. 201, 206. 286; II, 352. MALTA 44 orders for arrest and sentences proposed; moreover, he appropriated the property of the Inquisition to continuing for life the salaries of the officials, with a provision that, as these pensions all all fall in, the money should be used for the public benefit. The revenues, in fact, amounted to ten thousand crowns a year and eventually they served to found chairs in mathematics and experimental physics and to build an observatory. When the should royal officials took possession of the Inquisition, they found only women three prisoners to liberate few more had previously been suppression, by the accused of witchcraft. A discharged, in anticipation of the Salvatore Ventimiglia, inquisitor-general, 1 Archbishop of Nicodemia. In its career, since 1487, Franchina, writing in 1744, boasts that the Holy Office had handed over to the secular arm for burning two hundred and one living heretics hundred and seventy-nine illustrates forcibly the Caraccioli, in writing to effigies of the and apostates and two dead or fugitives. 2 It changed spirit of the age that Viceroy D'Alembert an account of the abolition, says that he shed tears of joy in proceeding to the Inquisition with the great dignitaries of State and Church, when he caused the royal rescript to be read to the inquisitor the Holy Office to and the arms of be erased from the portal amid the rejoicing of the assembled people. 3 MALTA. Malta, St. if we may believe Salelles, enjoyed the honor of having Paul as the founder of there on his voyage to 1 4 La Mantia, its Rome. Inquisition, 4 when he was cast ashore In the sixteenth century, however, pp. 108 sqq. Acta Historico-Ecclesiastica nostri temporis, T. IX, Salelles de Materiis Tribunalium Inquisit, I, 43. 2 Franchina, p. 43. p. 74 (Weimar, 1783). EPISCOPAL INQUISITION as a dependency of Sicily, it was under the 45 Sicilian tribunal, maintained an organization there, under a commissioner. in 1530, Charles V gave had which When, the island to the Knights of St. John, the Sicilian jurisdiction lapsed but, the Church 1 even without the Holy Office, for the suppression of heresy. efficient machinery In 1546 a Frenchman named Gesuald was found to have been for ten years infecting the islanders with Calvinist opinions, the Aragonese no Cubelles, the Bishop of Malta, Domingo in loss and was at Gesuald was his exercising episcopal jurisdiction. obstinate in his faith and was duly burnt alive on his ; way to the "Why do priests hesitate to take wives, since lawful?" whereupon Cubelles ordered him to be gagged and he stake he called out it is perished in silence. His converts lacked his stubborn convictions and were reconciled among them two priests who had secretly married their concubines, for which they were condemned to wear the sanbenito. In 1553, the Grand Master, Juan de Omedes, con- and a chaplain as an Inquisition, but labors and Cubelles continued to exercise stituted three of the knights there is no trace of their his episcopal jurisdiction in several cases during the following In 1560, however, when a Maltese, named Doctor Pietro Combo, fell under suspicion, Cubelles seems to have felt uncertain what to do with him and sent him in chains to the Roman Inquiyears. where he was acquitted. Cubelles informed the cardinals that the Lutheran heresy was spreading in the island and this probably explains why, by letters of October 21, 1561, the Roman sition, Inquisition, while recognizing the episcopal jurisdiction of Cubelles, enlarged it clerics or cile an inquisitor-general, empowering him to proceed against all persons, whether to that of to appoint deputies and laymen, to try them, torture them, relax them or recon- them with appropriate penance. 2 In his zeal for the effective discharge of his duties, Cubelles sent to Palermo for detailed information as to the conduct of the Inquisition tions 1 and was furnished with copies of the Spanish This seems to have provoked the and forms. Llorente, Hist, crit., cap. xm, art. ii, n. 9. ' Salelles, I, instruc- Roman 47-50. MALTA 46 between which and the Spanish there was perpetual jealousy, and it sent to Malta a Dominican He was succeeded, both to act as his assistant and to direct him. Congregation of the Holy as bishop and inquisitor, Office, by Martin Rojas de Portorubio, to whom 1573 Gregory XIII sent a commission. Apparently it was impossible for the Inquisition to maintain harmonious relations in with the temporal power and, already in 1574, he complained to Rome that his officials were beaten and that the Grand Master, Jean PEvesque de la Cassiere, threatened to throw him out of the window if he came to the palace. This created considerable Rome, unlike Spain, was not accustomed to support inquisitors through thick and thin, and the result was that, by brief of July 3, 1574, Gregory revoked his commission and sent scandal, but Dr. Pietro Duzzina as apostolic vicar to conduct the Inquisition. In thus separating it from the episcopate no provision was made for its expenses, but soon after this the confiscated property of Mathieu Faison, a rich heretic burnt in effigy, yielded a revenue of three hundred crowns and, when Bishop Rojas died, March 19, 1577, opportunity was taken to burden the see with 1 It was thus rena pension of six hundred more for its benefit. dered permanent, but a protracted struggle with successive grand- masters was necessary to secure for its officials the privileges of the forum and the immunities and exemptions which they claimed. 2 Yet the Spanish Inquisition was not satisfied to be thus completely superseded by that of Rome, even in so remote and inconIn 1575 Duzzina arrested a man as a spicuous a spot as Malta. heretic it was known that testimony against him had been taken ; and application for it was made to the inquisitors of They applied for instructions to the Suprema, which ordered them not to give it but to claim the prisoner. The result was that the Maltese tribunal tried him on what had occurred on in Sicily Palermo. the island and discharged him. 1 Salelles, I, 1 8 J 63-62. Uorente, Hist, crft., cap. xvii, art. This emphasized ii, its absolute Parecer de Martin Real, ubi sup. n. 10. QUAKER MISSIONARIES 47 separation from the Spanish Holy Office and its history need not be further followed here, except to allude to the most celebrated case in its annals, when the two Quakeresses, Katharine Evans and Sarah Cheevers, moved by the Spirit, went to Malta on a 1 mission of conversion and suffered an imprisonment of four years. 1 A Brief History of the Voyage of Katharine Evans and Sarah Cheevers to the Island of Malta and their Cruel Sufferings there for near Four Years. London, 1715. CHAPTEK II. NAPLES. IN Naples the Inquisition had been introduced by Charles of Anjou after the battle of Benevento had acquired for him the succession to the unfortunate Manfred. The house of Aragon, existence, but of Anjou, had permitted under conditions of such subjection to the crown that it was for the most part inert. Yet Naples offered an abundant harvest for the which followed that zealous laborer. and its The Waldenses from Savoy, who had settled and Apulia, had obtained, in 1497, from multiplied in Calabria King Frederic, a confirmation of their agreements with their immediate suzerains, the nobles, and felt secure from persecution. 1 Still more inviting were the banished Jews and fugitive New who found there a tolerably safe refuge. a considerable number of indigenous Jews. In Christians from Spain, There was also the twefth century Benjamin of Tudela describes flourishing synagogues in Capua, Naples, Salerno, Amalfi, Benevento, Melfi, Ascoli-Satriano, Tarento, Bernaldo and Otranto, and these doubtless of were representatives of others existing outside of the line 2 wanderings. They had probably gone on increasing, his although, in 1427, Joanna II called in the ruthless St. Giovanni da Capistrano to suppress their usury and, in 1447, Nicholas V appointed him conservator to enforce the disabilities and humilia3 tions prescribed in a cruel bull which he had just issued. Possibly, under some of them may have we find Nicholas despatching to Naples this rigorous treatment, for, in 1449, sought baptism Fra Matteo da Reggio as inquisitor 1 to exterminate the apostate History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, II, 268. Itinerarium Beniamini Tudelens., pp. 21-5 (Antverpise, 1575). 3 Wadding, Annal. Minorum, T. Ill, Regesta, p. 392; aim. 1447, n. 10. 4 (49) 3 NAPLES 50 who were said when Charles VIII Judaizers, Zurita, of Naples, in 1495, the to of be numerous. 1 If we may believe France made his transitory conquest all compulsorily baptized, with Jews were the usual result that their Christianity was only nominal. 2 Such unwilling converts of course called for inquisitorial solicitude but, when Ferdinand of Spain obtained possession of the land, it was the fugitives from the Spanish Inquisition that rendered especially desirous of extending its jurisdiction over his ions A him domin- on the Italian mainland. single example will illustrate this resistance which, as we introduction of the Holy shall see, the and also throw light on the Neapolitans offered to the Office after the Spanish pattern. name the inquisitorial documents of the period, no In occurs more frequently than that of Manuel Esparza de Pantolosa, who was condemned in absentia as a heretic, in Tarragona. He had evi- dently sought safety in was confiscated and flight, sold, June abandoning his property 4, 1493, for 9000 which libras to his whose brother, Micer Luis Esparza, a jurist of Valencia, final dated February 2, 1499, when the inquisitor, payment Juan de Monasterio, was authorized to retain a hundred ducats in for it is reward for his labors. Meanwhile Pantolosa had prospered had become one in Naples as a banker and of the farmers of the revenue. As a condemned dealings with him were unlawful to Spaniards. avoid these in transactions between Spain and Naples and, in February, 1499, the inquisitors of Barcelona created much scandal by arresting a number of merchants for maintaining heretic, It was however, all difficult to business relations with him, an excess of zeal for which Ferdinand scolded them, while ordering the release of the prisoners. Pantolosa seems to have held out some hopes for a safe-conduct was issued of returning to him, and standing October 4, 1499, good months, during which he and his property were to be exempt from seizure, dealings with him were permitted and shiptrial, for twelve 1 * Ripoll Bullar. Ord. FF. Prdic., II, 689. Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, Lib. v, cap. Ixx. REFUGEES FROM SPAIN 51 masters were authorized to transport him and, on the plea that he had been impeded, the safe-conduct was extended, August 22, There was manifest policy in suspending the customary disabilities for a personage of such importance, as appears from one or two instances. When, in the autumn of 1500, for two years. Queen of Naples, and her stepson, came to Spain, they provided themselves with bills of exchange drawn by the farmers of revenue Pantoon Luis de Santangel, Ferdilosa, Gaspar de Caballeria and others 1499, Ferdinand's sister, Juana, the Cardinal of Aragon, nand's escribano de radon, or privy purse. They could not anticipate any trouble in a transaction between officials of Spain and Naples, but Santangel, also a Converse, had reason to be cautious as to his relations with the Inquisition and he refused to honor the bills, because the drawers were fugitive condemned heretics, with whom he could have no dealings. Ferdinand was obliged to confer with the inquisitors-general, after which he authorized Santangel to supply the necessities of the royal visitors. Possibly in this case the association with Caballeria neutralized Pantolosa's safe-conduct, but this disturbing element was absent from a flagrant exhibition of inquisitorial audacity when, in 1500, Ferdinand sent the Archbishop of Tarragona to Naples on business connected with Requiring money while there the archbishop of exchange to Pantolosa and, when they were presented his sister, the queen. sold bills in Tarragona, the inquisitors, apparently regarding them as a debt due to a condemned heretic, forbade their payment and sequestrated the archiepiscopal revenues to collect the amount. The bills were returned and were sent back with a fresh demand payment, when Ferdinand intervened and, by letters of July 3d, ordered the inquisitors to remove the sequestration so that 1 It they could be paid and the archbishop's credit be preserved. for 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro I. An episode of this business concerned one Nofre Pelayo, a merchant of Valencia, who was arrested on the charge of concealing some of Pantolosa's property. On January 15, 1498, Ferdinand warmly praised the inquisitor for this action but he speedily changed his mind and, on March 6th, scolded him for keeping Pelayo in prison and refusing to admit him to bail. It seems that he had in his hands two hundred and fifty ducats, NAPLES 52 is easy to understand for how Ferdinand felt towards the Neapolitan condemned Spanish heretics and banished Jews and how asylum Naples regarded the arbitrary processes of the Spanish Holy Office. When, in 1500, Ferdinand had seized Calabria and Apulia, in fulfilment of the robber bargain lost little between him and Louis XII, he time in turning to account his benefit of the Sicilian Holy Office. new acquisition for the A letter of August 7, 1501, to his representatives recites that the inquisitors of Sicily say that they will be aided in their work by the testimony of the New Christians of Calabria, wherefore all whom they may designate are to 1 be compelled to give the evidence required. When, in 1503, Ferdinand obtained the whole kingdom by ousting his accomplice Louis, Gonsalvo de Cordova, to facilitate the surrender of Naples, made an engagement introduced, of dread, to that the Spanish Inquisition should not be for its evil reputation rendered it a universal object which the numerous Spanish refugees had doubtless largely contributed. 2 The Neapolitans also desired to destroy supposed to belong to Pantolosa, but the sum was claimed by Miguel de Fluto, luckily was a kinsman of the Neapolitan ambassador; the latter induced his master to write on the subject to Ferdinand who, on March 19, 1499, ordered the sum to be paid to the ambassador's order. Ibidem. These transactions are worth noting as an illustration of the destructive who influence on commerce of the methods of confiscation. 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. I. * Amabile (H Santo Officio in Napoli, I, 93) assures us that there is no trace of such a condition expressed in the documents, but undoubtedly some compact of the kind must have been made. This is evident from the fact that when, in 1504, Ferdinand and Isabella resolved to introduce the Inquisition they formally released Gonsalvo from the obligation, giving as a reason that no Catholic was required to observe obligations in derogation of the faith "non obstantibus in praemissis aut aliquo praemissorum quibusvis pactis, conventionibus aut capitulationibus per vos prsefatum illustrem ducem aut alium quemcunque, nomine nostro vel vestro in deditione civitatis Neapolis aut alias quandocunque factis, conventis aut juratis, cum ea quae contra fidem faciunt nullo pacto a Catholicis observanda sunt, quinimmo easdem obviare censeantur mus cum praesentibus si tales sunt quae praedictis aliquatenus haec revocamus, taxamus, annulla- quoad et irritamus, pro cassisque, irritis ac nullis nulliusque roboris seu momenti autem ad haec non tangentibus in suo robore haberi volumus et habemus, cacteris permanentibus." Paramo, De Origine Officii S. Inquisit., p. 192. This is repeated more concisely in another personal letter to Gonsalvo of the same date. Ibidem, p. 193. PAPAL INQ UISITION A TTEMPTED 53 the principal incentive of the existing Inquisition by a condition that confiscation should be restricted to cases of high treason, they were unable to secure and the final articles allowed 1 Ferdinand's order of August, 1501, use in heresy and treason. but its this met with slack 1504, from Gon- as to obtaining evidence for Sicily, seems to have obedience, for there is a letter of November 16, salvo to the royal officials in general, reciting that Archbishop Belorado, as Inquisitor of Sicily, had sent to Reggio, to obtain had prevented the royal commands and imposes certain necessary depositions, but that the officials it, wherefore he reminds them of 2 a penalty of a thousand ducats for all future cases of disobedience. No sooner was the conquest of Naples assured than Ferdinand proceeded to clear the land of Judaism by ordering Gonsalvo to banish all The persecution the Jews. had left few of them de serial by wearing the prescribed at the time of Charles VIII who openly avowed their faith Tau and Gonsalvo seems to those letter have reported that prosecution of the secret apostates was the only method practicable. Julius II opportunely set the example by instituting a severe inquisition, under the Dominican organization at Benevento. 3 Ferdinand regarded with extreme jealousy and to preextension of this the he had recourse to vent the comnaturally all exercise of papal jurisdiction within his dominions mission of his inquisitor-general which covered all the territories of A secret letter was drawn up, June 30, 1504, the Spanish crown. by Ferdinand and Isabella, in conjunction with Supreme Council of the Inquisition, addressed officials in the Suprema, or to all the royal Naples, reciting that as numerous heretics duly burnt Amabile, I, 101. When Charles of Anjou introduced the Inquisition he took the confiscations, as was customary in France, and paid the expenses, but in 1290 his son, Charles the Lame, divided the proceeds into thirds, one for the fisc, one 1 and one for the propagation of the faith, a rule which probably became permanent. Hist, of Inquisition of Middle Ages, I, 511-12. 2 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. This is a well-known collection of documents from the Neapolitan archives, made in the seventeenth century by Bartolommeo for the Inquisition Chioccarello, which has never been printed. The eighth volume is devoted to the Inquisition. 8 Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, enclave in Neapolitan territory. Lib. v, cap. Ixx. Benevento was a papal NAPLES 54 Spain had found refuge there, the Inquisitor-general Deza had resolved to extend over the kingdom the jurisdiction of in effigy in Archbishop Belorado, Inquisitor of sovereigns to support ing heretics him Sicily, and had asked the in his labors of arresting and confiscating their property. and punish- All officials were therefore ordered, under pain of ten thousand ounces, to protect him and his subordinates and to do their bidding as to arresting, transporting and punishing the guilty, all oaths and compacts At the same time a personal to the contrary notwithstanding. letter to Gonsalvo expressed the determination of the sovereigns which they believed to introduce the Inquisition, their founding of to be the cause why God had favored them with victories and Gonsalvo was warned not to allow the suspect to leave the kingdom while, to avoid arousing suspicion, Belorado would benefits. though on his way to Rome and Gonsalvo was to guard all ports and passes through which the heretics could escape. To prepare for the expected confiscations, the commission of come to Naples as was extended over Naples at Rome, was instructed to obtain from the pope whatever was necessary to 1 perfect the functions of the Neapolitan Holy Office. Everything thus was prepared for the organization of the SpanDiego de Obregon, receiver and Francisco de Rojas, ish Inquisition in Naples, forced to abandon of Sicily, then ambassador but even Ferdinand's resolute will was for the time the projected enterprise with its prospective profits. What occurred we do not know; the historian, to whom we are indebted for the documents in the matter, merely says that Ferdinand, in spite of his efforts, was prevented from carrying out his plans by difficulties which arose. 2 We can him of the impolicy of provoking a revolt in his newly acquired and as yet unstable dominions. The Neapolitans were somewhat noted for turbulence and had an organization which afforded a means of expressing and conjecture however that Gonsalvo convinced executing the popular into six associations, 1 PAramo, pp. 191-4. will. known From of old the citizens were divided as Piazze or Seggi, in which they J Pdrarno, met loc. tit. NEAPOLITAN ORGANIZATION Of these 55 designated as Capuana, Nido, Porta, Porta nueva and Montagna, were formed of the to discuss public affairs. five, nobles and the sixth was the Seggio del Popolo, divided into twenty-nine known Each piazza elected a chief, six, when assembled together, districts, called Ottine. as the Eletto, and these San Lorenzo, which thus represented formed the Tribunale di the whole population. There were Piazze in other cities but when, under Charles V, the national Parliament was discontinued, the Piazze of Naples arrogated to themselves its powers and framed whole kingdom. A Spanish writer, in 1691, informs us that no viceroy could govern successfully who had not dexterity to secure the favor of a majority of the Piazze, for the legislation for the people were obstinate and tempestuous, easy to excite and cult to pacify, and, if the nobles and people were united, alone could find a remedy to quiet them. 1 diffi- God In the unsettled con- dition of Italian affairs, to provoke revolt in such a community was evidently most unwise; there is no appearance that Belorado made his threatened visit, and when Ferdinand himself came to Naples, in 1506 and 1507, he seems to have tacitly acquiesced in the postponement of his purpose. The popular repugnance was wholly Inquisition and there was no objection directed to the Spanish to the papal institution, In 1505 a letter of which had long been a matter accepted. in of Manfredonia three fugitives from Gonsalvo directs the arrest Benevento, who are seeking to escape to says, at the request of the inquisitor 2 papal commissioner. and Turkey he does ; this, he of Bertinoro of the Bishop Evidently there must have been active persecution on foot in Benevento and, though the inquisitor is not named, he was probably the Dominican Barnaba Capograsso, whom we find, in 1506, styled "generale inquisitore de la fede" when, in conjunction with the vicar-general of the archbishop and the judges of the vicariate, he burned three women for witch1 Ferrarelli, Tiberio Caraffa e la MSS. 1 Congiura di Macchia, of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, T. Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. XVII. p. 8 (Napoli, 1884). NAPLES 56 craft. 1 Yet anxious as was Ferdinand for the extirpation of heresy, he would not abate a jot of the royal supremacy and would allow no one to exercise inquisitorial functions without his licence. The correspondence of the Count of Ribagorza, who succeeded Gonsalvo as lieutenant-general and viceroy during the years 1507, 1508, and 1509, shows that Fra Barnaba held a commission directly from the king. When a certain Fra Vincenzo da Fernan- dina endeavored in Barletta to conduct an inquisition, Ribagorza expressed surprise at his audacity in doing so without exhibiting commission; he was summoned to come forthwith and submit so that due action could be taken without exposing him to his it So minute was ignominy. this supervision that, when Fra Bar- naba reported that a colleague had received a papal brief respecting a certain Lorenzo da Scala, addressed to the two inquisitors and the Bishop unopened of Scala, Ribagorza ordered it to the regent of the royal chancery to be surrendered and that all three addressees should come to Naples when, in their presence and his, it should be opened and the necessary action be ordered. From a letter of February 24, 1508, it appears that the old Neapolitan rule was maintained and that inquisitors had no power to order arrests, but had to report to Ribagorza, who issued the necessary instructions to the officials; indeed, a commission of 1509, indicates that heretics were seized January 14, and brought to Naples before the viceroy, without the intervention of the Holy Office. when At the same time, inquisitors were duly commissioned and recognized, the authorities were required to render them all needful assistance and any impediment thrown in their way was 3 severely reproved, with threats of condign punishment. Thus quietly and by degrees the old papal Inquisition was roused into activity and was moulded into an instrument controlled by the royal power even more did not satisfy Ferdinand, directly than in Spain. who had never abandoned Yet this his intention Spanish Inquisition, and apparently he thought, 1509, that the Neapolitans had become sufficiently accustomed of introducing the in 1 Amabile, I, 97. Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. (see Appendix). SPANISH INQ UISITION A TTEMPTED Rumors to his rule to endure the innovation. 57 of his purpose who wanted his spread, causing popular agitation, and aid against the French in Northern Italy, earnestly deprecated Julius II, action which might necessitate the recall of his troops to put down To the Spanish ambassador the pope represented insurrection. the danger of exciting the turbulent population; the time would come when the Spanish Inquisition might safely be imposed on Naples, but so long as the French were in possession of Genoa, 1 the king must be cautious. Ferdinand was not to be diverted from his course by such considerations and, on August 31, 1509, a series of letters was addressed to Naples showing that the organization had been and elaborately prepared. acquaintance we have made fully Palacios, a Montoro, Bishop of Cefalu, whose and Doctor Andre's de in Sicily, layman and experienced inquisitor, were appointed to office, with a full complement of subordinates, whose conduct the were to be paid out of the confiscations, showing liberal salaries that a plentiful harvest was expected. 2 Viceroy Ribagorza and royal officials and ecclesiastics were instructed to give 1 them all all cit. Lib. ix, cap. xxiv. royal cedula of September 3, 1509, to Matheo de Morrano, appointed as receiver, orders him to pay the following salaries, to commence from the date of 2 Zurita, op. t A leaving home for the journey. The sums are in gold ducats : Ayuda Salary, de costa. The Bishop of Cefalu, inquisitor Dr. Andres de Palacios, inquisitor Dr. Melchior, judge of confiscations Matheo de Morrano, receiver Joan de Moros, alguazil Dr. Diego de Bonilla, procurador fiscal Miguel de Asiz, notary of secreto and court Joan de Villena, notary of secreto of confiscations Gabriel de Fet, notary of sequestrations A gaoler Johan de Vergara, messenger Juan Vazquez, messenger Palacios was paid eight months' salary in Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 300 300 100 300 200 200 100 100 100 54 30 30 200 100 150 60 50 50 50 15 10 10 695 1814 advance by the receiver of Barcelona. Ill, fol. 1, 52. NAPLES 58 necessary support and assistance under penalty of ten thousand ounces and punishment at the royal pleasure, notwithstanding any previous compacts or conventions, for agreements contrary to the faith were not to be observed by Catholics. On arrival they were to be established in the Incoronata or, if they preferred other quarters, the occupants were to be summarily ejected and a proper rent be paid. The Cardinal-archbishop of Naples was ordered to give them powers to act as his ordinaries and vicars; a pragmatic sanction was drawn up for publication, forbidding, under heavy penalties, the use of any papal letters of absolution they should have received the royal assent. The local officials were also written to, ordering them to aid the inquisitors in every way and a circular to the same effect was sent to all the until barons of the kingdom. As it was expected that, as soon as the letters were published, the heretics would endeavor to escape, the viceroy was ordered to take measures that none should be allowed to embark, or to send away property or merchandise, and all who should attempt it were to be delivered forthwith to the inquisi- Evidently the matter had been thoroughly worked out Then in detail and Ferdinand was resolved to enforce his will. tors. 1 followed, however, an unexpected delay. Ribagorza left Naples, October 8th, probably resigning or being removed owing to his conviction of the difficulty of the task imposed on him, and his Ramon de Cardona, did not arrive until October 23d, showing that the change was sudden and unexpected. The Bishop of Cefalu, also, did not reach Naples until October 18th and, successor, although officially received, he exhibited no commission as inquisi- tor and took no action, awaiting his colleague Palacios, whose coming was delayed until December 29th. Meanwhile rumors of what was proposed had been spreading, popular excitement had been growing and it now became unconIt trollable. sition was openly declared by all would not be tolerated and, when it classes that the Inqui- was reported that, on a certain Sunday, the inquisitor would preach the customary 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. Ill, fol. 2-11. SPANISH INQ UISITION A TTEMPTED 59 sermon in the cathedral, an unanimous resolution was adopted, January 4, 1510, that such an attempt would be resisted, if neces- by sary force of arms. Piazze, was sent A delegation, selected as usual to the viceroy by all and overwhelmed him with the fierce denunciations of the detested institution as developed in Spain the tortures and the burnings inflicted for the most trivial causes, the sentences against the dead and the burning of bones, the execution of pregnant women, the disinheriting of children, the scourging of naked virgins through the streets and the seizure of their dowries, the innocent impelled to flight by terror and conse- quently condemned their servants were tortured to find out whether anything was concealed, and the stories of sacrilege invented in order to gratify in order to confiscate their property, while Although most rapacity. practice, it was sufficiently was the ordinary inquisitorial embellished to show that the refugee of this New Christians now burst upon the viceroy. his had been busy colleagues in vociferously in fanning the excitement which to outdo Every delegate sought enumerating the horrors which dreaded institution, and the viceroy was told that they never would allow themselves to be subjected to the accusations of informers, whose names were conjustified the evil reputation of the cealed and whose perjuries were stimulated by a share in the spoils; the whole business was not to protect religion but to get money and they would not be dishonored and put despoiled as infidels under such pretexts. to death and he valued the peace Cardona listened of the realm, he would prohibit the sermon. to the storm of objurgation and, when it had exhausted itself, he replied that he had the king's orders If to receive the inquisitors and would obey them. This aroused a greater uproar than before and he weakened under it. He retired to consult the council and on he told the deputies that they might send envoys to the king to expound their views and learn his decision; meanwhile he would prevent the inquisitors from acting and they must his return preserve the peace. The agitation continued; daily assemblies were held in the NAPLES 60 Seggi and, on January 9th and 10th, a formal agreement was drawn up and executed between the nobles and the people, in which they bound themselves to sacrifice life and property sooner than to permit the introduction of the Inquisition and, at the same time, they elected Francesco Filomarino as envoy to Ferdi- The next day a nand. ous outbreak, showing feeling. occurrence nearly produced a seridangerous was the tension of popular trivial how Luca Russo, who was one had an old of the most active agitators, from a lawsuit, with Roberto Bonithe of the facio, justiciary city; he chanced to meet Colantonio Sanguigno, a retainer of Bonifacio; words passed between them quarrel, arising and Sanguigno made a hostile demonstration, which started a rumor that Russo was slain. The shops forthwith were closed, the populace rushed to arms, shouting ferro, ferro! serra, serra! and the house of the justiciary thirsting for his blood, but was besieged by an enormous mob on the production of the supposed victim they quietly dispersed. During all this we hear nothing of the Bishop of Cefalu, but his colleague, Andre's Palacios, was expelled from one domicile after another; he was a dangerous inmate and finally found refuge in the palace of the Admiral of of Capaccio, where he lay in retirement Naples, Villamari, Count for some months. Filomarino, the envoy to Ferdinand, did not start for Spain until April and the reports received from him during the summer were such that the people lost hope of a peaceful solution. Yet during the whole of this anxious time, although the kingdom everywhere was united in support of the capital, though all the troops in the land had been sent to the wars in Northern Italy and there was not a man-at-arms left, factions were hushed; Angevines and Aragonese and even Spaniards unanimously agreed that they would endure the greatest sufferings rather than consent to the Inquisition and perfect where preserved. sided, for peace internal peace and quiet were everyThis did not indicate that agitation had sub- was seriously imperilled on September 24th, when a rumor spread that royal letters had been received ordering the SPANISH INQ UISITION A TTEMPTED Inquisition to be set to work. and was proposed it 61 Meetings of the Seggi were held to close the shops and ring the bells to call and a depuhim that they were ready the people to arms, but moderate counsels prevailed was sent tation to the viceroy to assure He expressed whom he would to suffer all things in preference to the Inquisition. his surprise; he had no letters from the king, to write earnestly begging him to desist, and meanwhile he exhorted Another month passed, in alternations of hope and despair; the nobles and people made a closer union, in which they pledged their lives and property for mutual them to abstain from violence. defence and this was solemnized, October 28th, with a great procession of both orders, seven thousand in number, each man bearing a lighted torch. How little Ferdinand at first thought of yielding is seen in a March 18th to the inquisitors, acknowledging receipt of from them and the viceroy; he was awaiting the envoy reports and meanwhile counselled patience and moderation; they must letter of persuade the people that matters of faith alone were concerned and when this was understood the opposition would subside. He had ordered the payment of four months' salaries and they could rely on his providing everything. Then, a few days later, he announced that the vacant place of gaoler had been appointment of the bearer, Francisco Veldzquez, to was filled by the whom salary be paid from the date of his departure. If Ferdinand had had only the Neapolitans to reckon with he would undoubtedly to have imposed on them the Inquisition at the cost of a revolt, but there were larger questions involved which counselled prudence. draw In preparation for trouble in Naples, he began to withfrom Verona. Julius II took the alarm at this his troops and urged that the Neapolitans be time, with an eye to the possible revendi- interference with his plans pacified. At the same cation of the old papal claims on Naples, he sought popular favor by promises to the archbishop to revoke the commissions of the inquisitors and inhibit the Inquisition, thus creating a wholly unforeseen factor in the situation. The viceroy clearly compre- NAPLES 62 hended the danger of the position, revolution could so and the people would gladly readily be brought about their allegiance to the when a pope or transfer to France, thus costing a new conquest to regain the kingdom. It is doubtful whether he acted under positive orders from Ferdinand, or whether he assumed a certain measure of responsibility, stimulated ment by a fresh excite- commenced However this may have been, on Novemthe popular chiefs, inviting them to the arising from a rumor that the Inquisition had operations at Monopoli. ber 19th he sent word to Castello Nuovo to hear a letter from the king. Five nobles from each Seggio were deputed for the purpose, who were followed by a crowd numbering three thousand. The viceroy read to them two pragmdticas, by which Calabria, including those nation- by all Jews and Converses who had fled from Spain of Apulia and after condem- the Inquisition, were ordered, under pain of forfeiture and property, to leave the country by the first of March, with them their belongings, except gold and silver, the taking export of which was forbidden by the laws. From this the of person would thus be purged of heresy, the Inquisition. Thus the unfor- corollary followed, that as the land there would be no necessity tunate Hebrews and to enable the The news New for Christians were offered up as a sacrifice government to retreat from an untenable position. was received with general rejoicings and some at first quarters of the town were illuminated, but the people had not rulers; doubts speedily arose that it been taught to trust their was intended to introduce the Inquisition by stealth and, when on November 22d the heralds came forth to proclaim the new laws, mobbed and driven back before they could perform the The next day a delegation waited on the viceroy and asked they were duty. him to postpone the proclamation for two days, during which they could examine the pragmdticas. This was an assumption of supervision over the legislative function which the viceroy natu- denounced as presumptuous, but the necessity of satisfying the people was supreme and, on the next day, the Eletti by further rally insistence secured a preamble to the first pragmdtica, in which FAILURE OF PERSECUTION the king was religion made to declare formally that, in and Catholic faith of the city Inquisition to be removed, 63 view of the ancient and kingdom, he ordered the for the benefit of In this shape all. the proclamation was made on November 24th, and on it was founded the claim which, for more than two centuries, Naples persistently made that exemption from the Inquisition was one Andre's Palacios departed on of its special privileges. December 3d and thus the victory was won without bloodshed, after a struggle lasting for a year. 1 Even the pragma" ticas ordering the expulsion of Jews and Conversos were not obeyed and the situation was rendered more aggravating by the facilities of escape from the Sicilian Inquisition by the proximity of the Neapolitan territories. In June of 1513 Ferdinand wrote to the viceroy concerning this everafforded present grievance and ordered him to hunt up all refugees and send them back with their property, while at the same time a royal letter to the alcaide of Reggio rebuked him for permitting their transit and threatened him with condign punishment for 2 That it continued is shown by the escape, continued negligence. 1 Tristani Caraccioli, Epist. de Inquisitione (Muratori, S. R. I., T. XXII, p. 97). Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 3, fol. 68, 74. Amabile, I, 101-18. Zurita, Hist, del Rey Hernando, Lib. ix, cap. xxvi. Spondani Annal. Eccles., ann. 1510, n. 13. The formula withdrawing the Inquisition was " Havendo el Rey nostro Signore cogniosciuto la antiqua observancia e religione de la fidelissima Cita di napoli et de tucto questo regno verso la santa fe catholica sua Altezza ha mandate et ordi- nato levarese la inquisicione da dicta Cita et de tucto il regno predicto per lo bene vivere universale de tucti; et ultra questo su Altezza ha mandate publicare le infrascripte pragmatiche, dato in castello nova, napoli 22 novembre, 1510." Amabile, p. 118. In Ferdinand's letter books there is nothing further respecting the Neapolitan 1511, he writes to Diego de Obregon, the receiver of Sicily, that the Bishop of Cefalu returns there by his orders and, in view of his sufferings for the Inquisition his salary must be paid. Yet he died without receiving it and, troubles until May 27, on February 16, 1514, Ferdinand ordered Obregon to pay the arrears to Mariano de Acardo, in reward for certain services rendered, but this was still unpaid in January of the following year. As for Andre's Palacios, a cSdula of June 6, 1511, recognized him as inquisitor of Valencia, with salary dating back to January 1st and an ayuda de costa of a hundred ducats. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 3, 2 fol. 145, 146, 280, 313. Ibidem, Lib. 3, fol. 238, 239, NAPLES 64 from Sicily to Naples, in the following hundred of these unfortunates (see p. 12) them funds carried with duty it September, of some four was to turn and they doubtless whose sufficient to close the eyes of those them back. There does not seem to have been Hebrew race same time there in Italy the popular abhorrence felt in Spain for the or any desire for active persecution, but at the was no opposition to the existence of the Inquisition, provided always that it was not of the dreaded Spanish type. In December of the self same year, 1513, the Dominican Barnaba, now styling him- papal Inquisitor of Naples, applied to Ferdinand, stating that and Apulia the New Christians lived as Jews and held in Calabria their synagogues publicly; he evidently could have had no support from the local authorities, for he solicited the aid of the king. Ferdinand promptly December replied, investigate secretly and, if 31st, ordering him to he could catch the culprits in the act and them and the and of the were viceroy governor province punish instructed to lend whatever aid was necessary. At the same time he was, with the assistance of the Bishop of Ferdinand sought to make Inquisition, for this Barnaba was Isola, to arrest an entering wedge told to for the Spanish obey the instructions of Bishop Mercader, Inquisitor-general of Aragon, with whom he into communication and to whom he reported. He was put evidently did what he could, in the absence of secular support, for a letter of June 14, 1514, to a bishop instructs him to assist Barnaba and the Bishop of Isola who are about to visit his diocese to punish some descendants Mosaic Law, but his efforts of Jews who are were fruitless. living When under the he applied to the viceroy and to the Governors of Calabria and Apulia for aid in making arrests, they replied that they would have to consult Moreover the viceroy reported that the pragmdticas of 1511 were not enforced because they were construed as applithe king. cable only to natives and not to foreigners such as Spaniards and Sicilians. All this stirred Ferdinand's indignation, expression in a letter of him and June which found 15, 1514, to the viceroy, accusing the regents and governors of sheltering the refugees, DES UL TOE Y PERSEC UTION 65 characterizing as absurd the construction put on the pragmaticas and ordering anew that every assistance should be given to Bar- naba and the Bishop of Isola. In spite of all this there was a deplorable slackness on the part of the secular authorities the spirit of persecution seemed unable to cross the Faro. The Nea- politan officials would not arrest the Sicilian refugees without formal requisitions from the Sicilian inquisitors, brought by a duly accredited official. From what we have seen of the disorganization of the Sicilian tribunal we can readily believe their assertion had applied to both Alonso Bernal and Melchor Cervera, but that neither had given the matter attention. Ferdinand that they thereupon wrote to Cervera expressing his surprise at this neglect, especially as it was understood that the refugees had large amounts of property concealed. This seems to have produced little effect when, six months for Ferdinand scolded Don Francisco later, Dalagon, Alcaide of Reggio, about the refuge granted to the Sicilian fugitives, the alcaide replied that, if he had proper authorization he would seize September 7th, them which seems to whereupon Ferdinand wrote, to Cervera, ordering of the fugitives, with a list all, him to send to commission for their arrest have been as Dalagon a an order resultless as its predecessors. 1 When Ferdinand's restless energy exhausted itself ineffectually on the inertia or corruptibility of the Neapolitan authorities, there was little chance that, after his death, in February, 1516, the business of persecution would be more successfully prosecuted. There was no inherent objection to it and the old Dominican Inquisition with its limitations continued to exist but, in the absence of the secular support so essentially necessary to its success, its operations were spasmodic and it affords but an occasional manifestation of The only inactivity, of which few records have reached us. stances, during the next twenty years, which the industry of Signer Amabile has discovered, are those of Angelo Squazzi, in 1521 and of Pirro Loyse Carafa, in 1536. 2 It was a remarkable 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 316, 317, 350. 3 Amabile, 5 I, 119-20. 3, fol. 238, 239, 260, 261, 292, 295, NAPLES 66 development from the events of 1510 that the secular courts came to assume jurisdiction over heresy and claimed that the pragmdtica of Ferdinand deprived the bishops of cognizance of such That an assumption so subversive of the recognized cases. principles of canon law should call for protest was inevitable and, Parliament of 1536, the ninth article set forth the grievance that a lay judge had gone to Manfredonia and thrown in the general in prison several heretics. Pedro of Toledo, of this Complaint was made to the viceroy, invasion of episcopal rights, when he ordered the cases to be referred to the Bishop of Biscaglie but, in spite of this, the prisoners were not surrendered and remained for two years, some in the Castello Nuovo of Naples and some Manfredonia and, although an appeal was made castle of pope and in the to the were obtained from him, these were not allowed to reach the bishop, wherefore the barons supplicated the emperor to order the cases to be remitted to the bishop and to forbid the briefs intrusion of the secular courts. 1 The affair is significant of the which the Inquisition, both episcopal and Dominicontempt had fallen. Charles was in Naples in 1536, when a letter can, into from the Suprema to Secretary Urries alludes to a previous one February 8th, urging upon the emperor his duty to revive the institution on the Spanish model and the secretary is exhorted of no opportunity of advancing the matter, but policy pre2 vailed and nothing was done. to lose Still, of 1510, there came a sudden resolve to enforce the pragmatica which seems to have been completely ignored hitherto Jews were banished, after vainly pleading with and, in 1540, the V at Ratisbon. Most of them went to Turkey, and the was with the misfortunes inseparable from attended expulsion such compulsory and wholesale expatriation. Many were drowned and some were captured at sea and carried to Marseilles, where Francis I generously set them free without ransom and sent them Charles to the Levant. 1 Their absence speedily Giacinto de' Mari, Riflessioni made itself felt in difesa della Cittd e (MS. penes me). 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 78, fol. 39. Regno through di Napoli JUAN DE VALDES the deprivation of facilities for borrowing 67 money and, to supply the vacancy, the viceroy founded the Sagro Monte della Pieta, or public pawnbroking establishment. 1 This expulsion, however, does not seem to indicate a recrudescence of intolerance and, if there were apostate Converses and Judaizing Christians, the Yet the time authorities did not trouble themselves about them. was at hand when a more threatening heresy would arouse the persecuting spirit and lead the Church to bare its afresh sharpest weapons. Lutheranism had not penetrated as far south as Naples, but the spirit of inquiry and unrest was in the air and a local centre of revolt developed there independently. Juan de Valdes, brought up A gifted Spanish youth, in the court of Charles V and a favorite of his sovereign, attracted the attention of the Inquisition and, to avoid unpleasant consequences, abandoned his native land in After some years of wandering he settled in Naples, in 1534, 1529. where he drew around him the choicest may 2 about 1540. spirits of the time, until whom he deeply influenced be mentioned Pietro Martire Vermigli, Bernardino Ochino, his death Marcantonio Among Flaminio, Pietro those Carnesecchi, Vittoria Colonna, Gonzaga and Costanza d'Avalos names us how Naples became a centre from which radiated Isabella Manrique, Giulia which reveal to 3 Valdes throughout Italy the reformatory influences of the age. was not a follower of Luther or of Zwingli; rather was he a disciple of Erasmus, whose teachings he developed to their logical results with a hardihood from which the scholar of Rotterdam shrank, after the fierce passions aroused by the Lutheran movement had taught him caution. tion an is 1 II, Though not driven like Luther, by disputaand persecution to deny the authority of the Holy See, there infinite potentiality of rebellion against the whole ecclesiasti- Chronicle of Rabbi Joseph ben Joshua ben Meir (Bialloblotsky's Translation, Parrino, Teatro de' Vicere, I, 175 (Napoli, 1730). 318-19). y Juan de Valdes, pp. 182 sqq. (Madrid, 1875). See Karl Benrath in Historisches Taschenbuch, 1885, p. 172; also his Bernardino Ochino von Siena, Leipzig, 1875. Manzoni, Estratto del Processo di Pietro 2 Caballero, Alonso 3 Carnesecchi, Torino, 1870. NAPLES 68 cal system in ValdeVs description men which of the false conception are taught to entertain of God, as a being sensitive of offence and vindictive in punishment, inflicted austerities wealth. 1 He was and by who to is gifts of gold be placated by selfsilver and worldly and also largely tinged with mysticism, even to the point of dejamiento or Quietism, the result possibly of his inter- course with Pedro Luis de Alcaraz, in 1524, gether in the household of the Marquis when they were to- Escalona of Villena at Alcaraz being the leader of a knot of Alumbrados, who was severely 2 This is manifested in ValdeVs conhandled by the Inquisition. kingdom of God, in which man renounces the use and abandons himself to divine inspiration. 3 In his ception of the of reason is a strong Lutheran tendency saved by faith; there is no intercessor but Christ and the whole sacramental system, save baptism, is little catechism, moreover, there in the doctrine that man condemned by being more significant is his is significantly passed over in silence. classification, in the Suma 4 Still de la predicazion 1 Le Cento e dieci divine Consideration} del S. Giovani Valdesso nelle quali si ragiona delle cose piu utili, piu necessarie e piu perfette, della Christiana profesIn Basilea, M.D.L. sione. : " Ingannati principalmente della superstitione e falsa religione ci fanno relatione che Dio & tanto delicate e sensitivo che per qualunque cosa si offende che e tanto vendicativo che tutte le offese castiga: che & tanto crudele che le castiga con pena eterna: che e tanto inhumano che si gode che trattiamo male nostre : persone, in fino allo sparger il nostro propio sangre, il quale egli ci ha dato e che ci priviamo delle nostre facolta, le quale egli ci ha dato, accio che con esse si man: teniamo nella presente vita che si gode che andiamo nudi e scalai, continuamente patendo; che vano e li piacciono li presenti e che gode di haver oro e belli parimenti, ed in somma che si diletta di tutte le cose delle quali un Tiranno si diletta; e si gode di haver da coloro che li sono soggetti." Consid. xxxvu. This edition of Basle, 1550, is the original from which the numerous translations have been made. For the bibliography, see B6hmer, Bibliotheca Wiffeniana, I, 124-29 (Strassburg, 1874). Also, Wiffen and Betts, "Life and Writings of Juan de ValdeV' London, 1865. Antonio Caracciolo styles Valde"s "capo e maestro" of the Neapolitan heretics, who gave the Roman Inquisition early occasion to demonstrate its usefulness. 1 Manuel Serrano y Sanz (Revista de Archives etc., Febrero, 1903, p. 129). 1 " Con questa risolutione condanna 1'uomo il giudicio della prudentia e della ragione humana e renuncia il suo lume naturale ed entra nel regno di Dio, remettendosi al reggimento ed al governo di Dio." Ibidem, Consid. xxv. 4 Lac Spirituale Johannis de Vald6s. Ed. Koldewey, Heilbronn, 1863. : HERETICAL DEVELOPMENT who 69 on vain ceremonial observances, with the worldly and wicked, as fit only to be ejected from the Church Cristiana, of those of Christ. 1 All these in the little him. rely were dangerous doctrines, even when merely discussed circle of bright intelligences which Valdes drew around They did not, moreover, lack public exposition in a guarded Minister of the the General Bernardino Ochino, Capuchins, way. was reckoned the most eloquent preacher in Italy. In 1536 he visited Naples, where he came in contact with Valdes and preached the Lenten sermons with such success that he emptied all the On February 4th of the same year Charles V, then at Naples, issued an edict forbidding, under pain of death and confiscation, any one from holding intercourse with Lutherans other churches. and, on his departure, he impressed on Pedro de Toledo, the viceroy, the supreme importance of preventing the introduction of Envious accused Ochino of disseminating errors in his sermons and Toledo ordered him to cease preaching until he heresy. friars should express himself clearly in the pulpit as to the errors imputed to him, but he defended himself so skilfully that he was allowed to continue and, on his departure, he left numerous disciThree years later he returned and made a similar impression, ples. veiling his heretical tendencies with such dexterity that they passed without reprehension. Yet the seed had been sown; it was a time when theological questions were matters of universal interest and soon the city was full of men of all ranks who were discussing the Pauline Epistles No good and debating over difficult texts. could come of such inquiries by the unlearned and the 2 that some action was necessary. With the year 1542 felt viceroy came a sort of crisis in the religious movement, not only of Naples 1 Trataditos de Juan de Valdes, p. 179 (Bonn, 1880). The germ of much of this tract may be found in the Militia Christiana Enchiridion, Canon 5, in which Erasmus dwells on the worthlessness of external observances and stigmatizes the importance attached to them as a kind of new Judaism. Yet the Enchiridion was repeatedly reprinted after its first appearance, in 1502, and was approved by Adrian of Utrecht, subsequently Adrian VI. 2 Giannone, Istoria 1753). civile del Regno di Napoli, Lib. xxu, cap. v, 1 (Hay a, NAPLES 70 but of Italy. The Archbishops of Naples, who were customarily Rome, had long neglected the moral and cardinals residing in spiritual condition of their see but, in that year, the archbishop- Francesco Carafa, conducted a visitation there the for many years and doubtless found much cause for dis- cardinal, first 1 In that same year also, by the bull Licet ab initio July 21st, Paul III reorganized the papal Inquisition, placed it under the conduct of a congregation of six cardinals, and gave it quietude. } the form of which the terrible efficiency was so thoroughly strated during the second half of the century. of that year, moreover, 2 Ochino and Vermigli threw demon- In September off all disguise and openly embraced Protestantism. This naturally cast suspicion on their admirers and the viceroy commenced a persecution; preachers were set to work to controvert the heretical doctrines; an edict was issued requiring the surrender of heretical books, of which large numbers were collected and solemnly burnt, and a pragmtica of October 15, 1544, established a censorship of the press. emperor that sterner measures and Charles ordered him to intro- Finally, Toledo wrote to the were necessary to check the evil duce the Inquisition as cautiously as possible. 3 It seems to have been recognized as useless to endeavor to estabSpanish Inquisition and Charles was not as firmly attached to that institution as his grandfather Ferdinand had been, but it lish the was hoped opened 1 to by dexterous management, the way might be 4 Towards the end of bring in the papal Holy Office. that, Chioccarelli Antistitum Neapol. Eccles. Catalogus, p. 321 (Neapoli, 1642). the death of Carafa in 1544, Paul III gave the see to his own nephew, On Rainuccio Farnese, a boy of fifteen. It was then administered through vicars, the one at the time of the troubles of 1547 being Fabio Mirto, Bishop of Cajazzo. Ibidem, p. 326. 2 Bullar Roman. I, 762. 1 Amabile, I, 193-6. It would seem that, at this time, the Holy See claimed inquisitorial jurisdiction over Naples, for a papal brief of June 2, 1544 orders the viceroy to arrest and send under sure guard to Rome, Vespasiano di Agnone, a wandering Franciscan friar, guilty of sacrilege and other enormous crimes. Fontana, Documenti Vaticani, p. 131 (Roma, 1892). 4 Antonio Caracciolo, in his MS. life of Paul IV, of which an extract is printed by Bernino (Historia di tutte 1'Heresie, IV, 496) informs us that Cardinal Gio- TENTATIVE INQUISITION 71 1546 Toledo wrote to his brother, the Cardinal of San Sisto, was one of the six members desire to introduce the Inquisition ces, for the very to who of the Congregation, expressing his and his name was an abomination the lowest, and he feared that it dread of the consequento all, from the highest might lead to a successful To encompass the object, it was finally resolved to from the pope a commission for an inquisitor against procure heresy which was prevalent among the clergy, both regular and revolution. The required commission was issued, in February, 1547, the prior and the lector of the Dominican convent of Santa secular. to Caterina; Toledo did not personally grant the exequatur for it but caused this to be done by the regents of the Consiglio Collaterale, but this precaution and the profound secrecy observed were useless. Rumors spread among the people that orders had been received from the cardinals to proceed against regular clerks; and secular the old animosity against anything but the episcopal Inquisition at once flamed up and deputies were sent to the viceroy He assured them that to beg him not to grant the exequatur. he wondered himself at the fact; he had written to the pope that it was not Charles's will or intention that the Inquisition should be introduced and that meanwhile he had not granted the exequatur. Little faith was placed in his statements and the general belief was that Paul III was eager to create strife in Naples in order to give the emperor occupation there and check his growing ascend- he actually sent two inquisitors but, if so, they never dared to show themselves, for there is no allusion to them in the detailed accounts of the ensuing troubles. ency. It is said that To carry out the plot, action was commenced in a tentative way by the archiepiscopal vicar affixing at the door of his palace an edict forbidding the discussion of religion by laymen and announcing that he would proceed by inquisition to examine into the beliefs held by the clergy. The very word inquisition was vanni Piero Carafa, the head of the Roman Inquisition and afterwards Paul IV, did not want the Spanish Inquisition introduced in Naples because it was more subject to the crown than to the Holy See and the king took the confiscations. NAPLES 72 sufficient to inflame the people; cries of serra, serra! were heard and the aspect of affairs was so alarming that the vicar went into hiding and the edict was removed. The Piazze of the nobles were assembled and elected deputies charged with enforcing the obserThe Piazza del capitoli, or liberties of the city. vance of the Popolo was crippled, for the viceroy some months previously, in preparation for the struggle, had dismissed the Eletto and replaced him with Domenico Terracina, a creature of his own, who did not assemble his Piazza but appointed the deputies himself. Then, on Palm Sunday (April 3d), Toledo sent for Terracina and the heads of the Ottine and charged them to see that those guilty were punished but, in place of doing this the Piazze assembled and sent to him deputies who boldly represented the universal abhorrence felt for the Inquisition which gave such of the agitation facilities for false witness that it would ruin the city and kingdom, and they expressed the universal suspicion felt that the edict portended its introduction. The viceroy soothed them with the assurance that the emperor had no such intention; as for himself, if the emperor should attempt it, he would tire him out with supplications to desist and, and leave the city. if unsuccessful, would resign But, as there were people who his post talked about without understanding, it was necessary that they should be punished according to the canons by the ordinary jurisdiction. religion This answer satisfied the majority, but still there were some who regarded with anxiety the implied threat conveyed in the last phrase. Then, on May llth, the patience of the people was further tested by another edict affixed on the archiepiscopal doors, which hinted more clearly at the Inquisition. of armi, armi! serra, serra! was compelled against where he and The his will to At once the city rose, with cries edict was torn down; Terracina convene the Piazza del Popolo, were promptly dismissed from office who could be relied upon. The ejected his subordinates and replaced with men officials could scarce show themselves in the streets and three of them were only saved from popular vengeance by taking sane- TUMULT OF 1547 The viceroy came from tuary. breathing vengeance. 73 his winter residence at Pozzuoli He garrisoned the Castello Nuovo with three thousand Spanish troops and ordered the popular leaders to be By a curious coincidence, one of these was Tommaso prosecuted. whose Aniello, homonym, a century later, led the revolt of 1647. He it was who had torn down the assemble the Piazza. edict and forced Terracina He was summoned in court, to to but appear he came accompanied with so great a crowd, under the command of Cesare Mormile, that the judges were afraid to proceed and when was Then Mormile was and cited went discharged. accompanied by forty men, armed under their garments and carrying papers like pleaders; the presiding judge was informed of this and dismissed the people seized Terracina's children as hostages, Aniello the case. Finding legal measures useless the viceroy adopted severer methods. On May 16th the garrison made a sortie as far as the Rua Castillana, firing houses The age or sex. bells of and slaying without San Lorenzo tolled to distinction of arms; shops were and the people rushed to the castle, where they found the Spaniards drawn up in battle array. Blinded with rage, they closed on the troops and lost some two hundred and uselessly, while the cannon from the castle bombarded flung themselves fifty men the city. Angry recrimination and threats followed; the determined to arm the city, citizens not for rebellion, as they asserted, but Throughout the whole of this were strenuously eager to demonstrate unhappy business, they their loyalty and, when the news came of Charles's victory over to preserve the it for the emperor. German fested its Protestants at Muhlberg, April 24th, the city maniSo when, rejoicing by an illumination for three nights. on May 22d, the viceroy ordered another sortie, in which there was considerable slaughter, the citizens hoisted on San Lorenzo a banner with the imperial arms and their war-cry was "Imperio e Spagna." They raised some troops and placed them under the command and Pasquale Caracciolo and Cesare was difficult to form a standing army, owing to of Gianfrancesco Mormile, but it NAPLES 74 the question of pay, as the money had to be raised by voluntary subscription. Bad as was the situation, it was embittered when some catch- poles of the Vicariat arrested a man for debt. On the way to prison he resisted and called for aid; three young nobles stopped to enquire the cause and, during the parley, the prisoner escaped. This enraged Toledo, who had the youths arrested at night and condemned with scarce a pretext of trial. On May 24th they were brought out on the bridge in front of the Castello Nuovo, where their throats were cut by a slave and the corpses were left in blood and mud, with a placard prohibiting their removal. This gratuitous cruelty inflamed the people almost to madness; houses and shops were closed, arms were seized and crowds rushed what. through the streets, threatening they scarce knew To manifest his contempt for the populace, Toledo rode quietly through the town, where he would infallibly have been shot had not Cesare Mormile, the Prior of Bari and others of the Meetings were popular leaders earnestly dissuaded reprisals. held in which the nobles and people formally united for the common defence, was always regarded as a most the sovereign, and they resolved to send which threatening portent for envoys to the emperor, for which office they selected the Prince and Placido di Sangro, a gentleman of high quality. Toledo summoned the envoys and told them that, if their mission concerned the Inquisition, of Salerno, the greatest noble of the land, was superfluous, for he would pledge himself within two months to have a letter from the emperor declaring that nothing more should be done about it; if it was about the Capitoli, it he could assure them that any infraction of the city's privileges would be duly punished; if it was to complain of him, they were welcome to go. The envoys were too well pleased with their appointment to accept his offer and wait two months for its ful- filment; the people suspected the viceroy of trickery envoys set out. Six days later they were followed quis della Valle, sent by the viceroy by and the the Mar- to counteract their mission; TUMULT OF the prince dallied in Rome 75 1547 with the cardinals, so that della Valle reached the court before him and gained the ear of the emperor. Meanwhile crowds of exiles and adventurers, under chosen leaders, came flocking into the city and a guerrilla warfare was organized against the Spaniards, who had advanced from house up to the Cancellaria vecchia, making loop-holes in the to house and shooting everyone within range. With the aid of these reinforcements the Spaniards were gradually driven back to the Incoronata. On the other hand Antonio Doria came with his walls galleys, bringing a large force of courts were closed and a state of virtual anarchy Of course the might be ex- us that four things were remarkFirst, there were no homicides, assaults, or other crimes. pected, yet the chronicler able. Spanish troops. tells Second, although there was no government of the city, yet food and wine were abundant and cheap and no fraud or violence was committed on those who came with provisions. Third, although there were great numbers of exiles or bandits, with their chiefs, some of them bitterly hostile towards each other, there quarrelling or treachery; was no on one occasion two mortal enemies met, each at the head of his band and a fight was expected, but one said "Camillo, this is not the time to settle our affair," to which the other replied " Certainly; let us fight the common enemy; there will be ample time afterwards for our matter." Fourth, the prison of the Vicaria was full of prisoners, some condemned to death and others held for debt, but no attempt was made to rescue them and food was sent to them -as usual by women and children. Evidently the people felt that they were and would not allow their cause to be fighting for their liberties compromised by common lawlessness. At length Toledo's preparations for a decisive stroke were completed and, on July 22d, a sortie was made in force, while the guns of the fortresses and galleys bombarded the city. There was much slaughter and some four hundred houses were burnt, whose ruins blockaded the streets. Desultory fighting continued for some days and then a truce was agreed upon until the envoys NAPLES 76 should return. On August 7th came Placido of a simple order, signed di Sangro, the bearer by Secretary Vargas, to the effect that the Prince of Salerno should remain in the court, while he should tell the people of Naples to lay down their arms and return and obey the viceroy. This cruel disappointment came near producing a violent outbreak, but the Prior of Bari succeeded in quieting the people and persuading them to obey the emperor. The next of the order Eletti, a huge collection of arms was made, day, by loaded on wagons and carried to the viceroy. Then the tribunals were opened and every one returned to his private business. On and read to them August 12th the viceroy summoned a royal indult, which purported to be granted at his request, the Eletti pardoning the people for their revolt, except those already con- demned and seventeen other specified persons. Most of those had, however, already sought safety in flight. deeply compromised This doubtful mercy did not amount to much. A bishop came, commissioned by the emperor, to try the city for when, as we are told, its misdeeds through the procurement of the viceroy, witnesses were found to swear that the cry of Francia, Francia! was often raised. Whether this was true or not, the letters of Diego Hurtado de Mendoza, imperial ambassador at Rome, show that active negotiations had been carried on with both France and the pope, and the sovereignty of Naples had even been offered to Cardinal Farnese, the grandson of the latter. Mendoza evidently regarded Paul III as ready to take advantage of the situation if occasion offered and, when the revolt was suppressed, he mentions that the fugitives received a warm welcome in Rome. surprising therefore that the decision of the episcopal sioner a was adverse fine of to the city, containing, among It is not commis- other things, a hundred thousand ducats for ringing the bells as a call to arms. The viceroy, moreover, by no means confined himself to the persons excepted from pardon, but threw into prison all the leaders whom he could seize. He had already published a considerable list of those excluded and the seventeen also grew to fifty-six, of TUMULT OF 1547 77 whom twenty-six were condemned to death, although it does not appear that any were actually executed, and the prisoners were gradually liberated, twenty-four at one time, four at another and all the rest in 1553. Among them was Placido di Sangro, whose friends could not learn the cause of his confinement Luigi di Sangro to the emperor to find out. and sent Charles said that Placido was buon cavaliero, but that he was a great talker and that orders had already been sent to the viceroy about him. The incident which left on the emperor the impression of Placido 's loquacity is too characteristic of the former's good-nature to be Once, as he omitted. pleading for the city; he chamber, Placido followed him, appeared not to listen and Placido had the left his audacity to pluck his mantle and ask his attention. Charles turned smilingly and said "Go on Placido, I am listening." The Duke of behind and Placido said "Signore, I canfor the Duke of Alva hears all I say," to which Charles Alva was not talk, close him not to hear it" and then obligingly drew Placido to one side and let him say all that he wanted. The conclusion of the whole business was that their arms were returned to the citizens and the emperor contented himself with the fine, but the hated viceroy kept his post until his death in 1553, and no assurance against the Inquisition was obtained. replied, laughing, "Tell 1 Yet the stubborn endurance of the Neapolitans had won a tem- 1 For most of these details I am indebted to a MS. account by Antonio Castaldo, a notary who was intimate with all the leaders in these events. He was a devoted subject of Charles V and considered himself most fortunate in having been born He warmly praises the emperor's clemency towards the city. in his time. Amabile's elaborate narrative (I, 196-211) furnishes additional facts and Dollinger (Beitrage zur Polit.-, Kirch.- u. Cultur-Geschichte, I, 78-124) gives Mendoza's 1. Pdramo, correspondence. See also Giannone, 1st. Civile, Lib. xxxn, cap. v, pp. 194-5. Natalis Comitis Historiar., Lib. n, pp. 35, 52 (Argentorati, 1612). Collenucio da Pesaro, ComPallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib. x, cap. i, n. 4. Regno di Napoli, II, 184 (Napoli, 1563). Campana, La Filippo Secondo, P. i, fol. 7 sqq.(Vicenza, 1608). The narrative of Uberto Fogliotta (Tumultus Neapolitan! sub Petro Toleto Prorege), though he was a contemporary who tells us that he visited Naples for pendio Vita di dell' Historia del Don the purpose of ascertaining the facts, of no historical value. is a confused and turgid piece of rhetoric, NAPLES 78 porary victory. Although they gained no formal condition of exemption from the papal Inquisition, the attempt to introduce was, for the moment, abandoned. For awhile even the epis- it copal jurisdiction over heresy appears to have been inert, as has left ever, was brief, for the tide of persecution was arising in Italy. In March, 1551, Julius III issued a savage the authority of it This respite, how- no traces during the next few years. God eternal malediction on bull, all pronouncing by should inter- who 1 with bishop or inquisitor in their prosecution of heretics. Paul III, in 1549, on the resignation of Cardinal Farnese, had fere appointed, as archbishop of Naples, Cardinal Carafa, who was unsparing in the extirpation of heresy and had been the leader in promoting the reorganization of the papal Inquisition in 1542, Charles V had refused to grant of which he was made the head. exequatur to Carafa, but yielded, in July, 1551, to the urgency of Julius, and Carafa lost no time in appointing Scipione Rebiba his as his vicar-general, through whom the papal Inquisition was 2 It was at first confined to his archiintroduced into Naples. episcopate, for various letters to bishops, in 1552, from the viceroy Toledo show them to be busy in the prosecution of heretics. 3 Toledo died, February 12, 1553 and was succeeded by Cardinal Pacheco, who did not reach Naples until June. The interval, under Toledo's son Luis, seems to have been thought opportune for extending the jurisdiction of the papal Inquisition for, decree of the Congregation, May 30, 1553, by a Rebiba was created delegate and subsequently styled himself "Vicar Commissioner of the Holy Inquisition of Rome. 4 of its Naples and PP. Ill, Bull Licet a diversis, 18 Mart., 1551 (Bullar. Roman. I, 799). Carafa was Chioccarello, Antistitum Eccles. Neap. Catalogue, pp. 331-2. hostile to Spain and, on his elevation to the papacy as Paul IV, in 1555, he 1 Julii 3 He made an was speedily brought to terms He retained the Neapolitan archiepiscopate for some time, doubtless declared the throne of Naples vacant and fallen to the Holy See. alliance with France but, in the ensuing war, he by Alba. in the hope of causing trouble there. Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. 4 Amabile, I, 214. Rebiba was promoted to the cardinalate shortly after the accession of Paul IV. THE CALABEIAN WALDEN8ES 79 In 1555 the episcopal jurisdiction was completely subordinated to the papal, for we find several instances in bishops were demanded by the which prisoners of Roman Inquisition, when Mendoza, the lieutenant of the Viceroy Pacheco, orders them to Naples, in order to be transmitted to sent under Rome and, in good guard 1556, it would even seem that bishops were required to obtain Roman commissions, for a letter of Mendoza to the Bishop of Reggio reproves him for publishing his commission before it had received the vice-regal exequatur. 1 It was probably to reconcile the Neapolitans to this intrusion of the authority of the abhorred by a brief of April 7, 1554, Julius III abolished the penalty of confiscation, but this grace was illusory, for it institution that, required the assent of the sovereign which was withheld and the brief itself It was revoked by Paul IV was not long more in 1556. 2 after this that occasion offered to extend directly the authority of Rome. Early still in the fourteenth century, bands of Waldenses, from the Alpine valleys, flying from persecution, had settled in the mountains of Calabria and Apulia. Their example was followed by others; they increased and multiplied in peace, under covenants from the crown and from the on whose lands they settled and made productive, until was estimated that they numbered ten thousand souls. As a nobles, it matter of self-protection they strictly prohibited marriage with the natives, they used only their own language and their faith was kept pure by biennial pastors of their sect, but it visits from the barbes or travelling was under a prudent reserve, for they occasionally went to mass, they allowed their children to be baptized and they were punctual in the payment of tithes, which secured for them the benevolent indifference of the local priesthood. 3 1 2 More than two centuries of this undisturbed existence Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. Amabile, I, 218. Fontana, Document! Vatican! contro PEresia luterana in 178 (Roma, 1892). 8 Pen-in, Histoire des Vaudois, chap, vn (Geneve, 1618). Amabile, I, 236-9. Lombard, Jean-Louis Paschale et les Martyrs de Calabre (Paris, 1881). Filippo Italia, p. de' Boni, L'Inquisizone e i Calabro-Valdese (Milano, 1864). NAPLES 80 immunity, but the passions aroused on both sides by the Lutheran revolt were too violent to admit The heretical movement of toleration earned by dissimulation. seemed in to promise perpetual Naples seems to have aroused more watchful scrutiny for, in January, 1551, the Spanish Holy Office had information, through its Sicilian tribunal, about the Waldenses, whom it styled Lutherans, and it wrote to Charles not commenced to and sent in to urging him to adopt measures for Nothing came of this, however, and the peacemight possibly have remained in obscurity had they their eradication. ful sectaries V 1 feel dissatisfied Geneva Geneva was for with their ancestral teachings more modern at a white heat instructors. Religious zeal and the missionaries despatched Giovan Liugi Pascale and Giacomo Bonelli were not men to make compromises with Satan. They made no secret of their beliefs and they paid the penalty, the one being strangled and burnt 2 Pasin Rome, September 15, 1560, and the other in Palermo. cale had been lord of arrested, about May La Guardia, apparently cution for, since the coming of 1, 1559, by Salvatore Spinello, from persethe ardent missionaries, they had to preserve his vassals 3 With his companions he was carried to Cosenza and delivered to the archiepiscopal authorities. Then the viceroy, the Duke of Alcald, intervened in a manner to show ceased to attend mass. how uncertain as yet was the inquisitorial jurisdiction, for in letters of February 9, 1560, he urged the episcopal Ordinary to try the prisoners for heresy and, to prevent errors, he was to call and assistance on a lay judge, Maestro Bernardino Santacroce, to whom powers and instructions were duly sent, thus for advice mixed tribunal under royal authority. 4 Eventually however the papal Inquisition claimed and took Pascale, who was carried to Rome and executed. constituting a Its attention 1 a was thus called to the Calabrian heretics, but Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. it 79, fol. 135. Scipione Lentolo, Historia delle grandi e erudeli Persecution! fatte ai tempi Edita da Teofilo Gay, pp. 227, 314 (Torre Pellice, 1906). nostri. ' 4 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. Ibidem, pp. 251, 260 THE CALABEIAN WALDENSES was not until November 13, 1560, that the 81 Dominican Valerio Malvicino da Piacenza presented himself at Cosenza as inquisitor commissioned by Rome to take the affair in charge. He wandered around among the Waldensian villages of Montalto, San Sisto and La Guardia, distinguishing himself, we are told, as a glutton and drunkard, and investigating the beliefs at San Sisto he ordered them all to abjure of the people. their errors Then and wear This they refused, nor had he the "habitello" or sanbenito. more success at Montalto, though at La Guardia many abjured on his telling them that their brethren at San Sisto had done so. Castaneto, the Spanish Governor of Montalto, prepared to arrest the principal inhabitants of San Sisto, when the whole population took to the woods, and Fra Valerio returned to Cosenza to seek aid from the Marquis of Bucchianico, Governor of Calabria, chanced to be there. He ordered the people to lay down who their San Sisto, which they obediently did, on May 8, 1561, but they took flight again on being commanded to present themselves in Cosenza with their wives and children. Castaneto arms and return to then raised a force to reduce them; he allowed them to send the women and children back to but when he did so he availed little fell to the victors. San Sisto, before attacking them, This victory San Sisto was burnt; the women and with fifty of his men. children, subjected to every species of outrage, scattered through them were captured and sent to Cosenza; hunger forced the men to disband and nearly all of them the mountains, where most of fell into the hands of Bucchianico. San Sisto being thus settled, Bucchianico proceeded to La Guardia with Fra Valerio and a commissioner named Pansa appointed by the viceroy to execute justice. Many of the inhabitants fled, but returned under promise of pardon their flight being subsequently held as relapse into the errors which they had previously abjured. These numbered 300 men and 100 women, the latter of whom were sent to Cosenza, while the former, together with the captives of San Sisto, were carried to Montalto, where a sort of inquisitorial tribunal 6 was formed, consisting of Fra Vale- NAPLES 82 Pansa, and two auditors, Barone and Cove. These divided the prisoners between them and each proceeded to employ torture rio, indiscriminately to force to them and them to confess the foul practices ascribed Those who were condemned to profess conversion. were confined in a warehouse and their sentence was read in presence of a crowd gathered from all the neighboring towns. The which followed, June 11, 1561, is described in a lettei written the same day from Montalto by a Catholic who cannot auto de fe conceal his profound horror at the scene. From their place of confinement the executioner led his victims one by one, bandaging their eyes with the bloody rag which had served for their predecessors. Like sheep to the slaughter they were thus taken where he cut their throats; they were then to the public square quartered and the fragments were distributed on poles along the roads from one end of Calabria to the other a spectacle which another pious contemporary describes as fearful to the heretic while confirming the true believer in the faith. The number thus butchered on that day amounted to eighty-eight, while in addition there were seven who had triumphed over to recant their heresies, and these were the torture and refused to be burnt alive as im Sentence of death was also pronounced against a penitents. hundred of the older women; the whole number of captives was reckoned at 1600, all of whom were The condemned. writer adds Holy See and the viceroy interfere, Bucchianico not hold his hand until he has destroyed them all. 1 that unless the will He doubtless continued his cruel work with the rest of his but details are lacking for our next source of inforletter of June 27th, written from Montalto by Luigi d'Appiano (apparently an official of the Archbishop of Reggio) to prisoners, mation is a the Abate Parpaglia. Rome had taken alarm at the butchery of June llth and had commissioned the archbishop, then returning to more regular D'Appiano explains that the prisoners from La Guardia Naples, to take charge of the affair and conduct fashion. 1 Lentolo, pp. 228-41. Bat., 1765). Amabile, I, it in Gerdes, Specimen Italiae Reformats, p. 134 (Lugd. pp. 248-9. THE GALABRIAN WALDENSES 83 were regarded as relapsed (and consequently to be abandoned to the secular arm), because they had abjured, while those from San Sisto, who had were simple heretics, not, would receive back on their submission. chianico, with the commissioner He whom tells the Church us that Buc- and the archiepiscopal vicar of Cosenza, had concluded to impose a salutary penance on the least guilty; those more obstinate were to be sent to the galleys, and the ministers and leaders to the stake been sent to Cosenza to be burnt A had already smearing them with of these five alive, after pitch so as to prolong their sufferings example. ; and serve as a terrifying reward of ten crowns a head had been offered for the capture of fugitives and they were being daily brought Many women to prisoners, in. who were instruments of the devil, were five, who had confessed to the nocturnal be burnt and of these orgies attributed to the heretics, next day. 1 among All children under would be executed at Cosenza the fifteen years of age were scattered Catholic families, at a distance of at least eight miles from the Waldensian settlements and were forbidden to intermarry. 2 How long the persecution lasted does not appear, but a letter of December trials 12, 1561, from the viceroy, alludes to prisoners whose he ordered to be expedited. 3 That the persecution was religious and not political is seen in the fact that the people of San Sisto, who had risen in arms and had defended themselves, were treated with much less harshness than those of La Guardia whose offence was technically construed The conditions imposed on those who were as relapse into heresy. spared the galleys or the stake confirm this. The Roman Inquisition prescribed that all should wear the yellow habitello with the all should hear mass every day, before going to under heavy fines; that confession and communion should be observed on the prescribed feast-days by all of proper age; red cross; that labor, 1 I, 250, 253. Lentolo, p. 245. Lentolo, p. 244. This rests wholly on the authority of Lentolo applied only to orphans. It was a practice derived from Spain. 8 Amabile, I, 256. * Amabile, and probably NAPLES 84 that for twenty-five years there should be no intermarriage be- tween them; that all communication with Piedmont and Geneva should cease, together with various other prescriptions looking to the training of the children in the faith and the instruction of the elders. To these Fra Valerio added that not more than six persons should assemble together and that their native tongue, which they had sedulously preserved, should be abandoned for Italian. 1 In the exigencies of the moment the papal Inquisition had thus obtained a recognition in Neapolitan territory for which it had was intermingled with the episcopal and royal jurisdictions in a manner indicating how The little organization there was for action in an emergency. hitherto been vainly struggling, but it royal jurisdiction, moreover, asserted itself still further when, November 13, 1561, the viceroy issued a commission to Fra Valerio as inspector of heretical books throughout the kingdom, author- and empowering him to summon to his aid the secular magistrates a commission which was renewed May 8, 1562. 2 The viceroy also enforced one of the izing him to go to the points of importation provisions of the Spanish Inquisition, for he laid claim to the confiscations and, on September 17, 1561, tonio Moles to proceed to the spot he commissioned Dr. An- and take possession due property of those convicted, including the debts of all the to them. Apparently there had been general plunder, for he was empowered to enforce the surrender of what had been taken. Dr. Moles seems to have had much trouble with in the spoiling clerics, who had been active and had committed many enormous offences; as they were beyond his jurisdiction, but the vicar of Cosenza him an assistant to exercise the necessary spiritual juris8 As La Guardia and San Sisto had both been burnt and diction. clerics sent the country laid waste, there cannot have been fiscate, much left to con- but Dr. Moles seems to have conscientiously stripped the when the results were sent to Naples and sold at land bare, for 1 Lombard, op. cit., ' p. 105. Chioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII. Amabile, I, 256. Amabile, I, 257. WALDENSES OF APULIA 85 1 This auction they produced a handsome amount of money. evidently represents only the movable property; the real-estate seems to have been granted by Philip II to the Confraternity for the redemption of captives; it was valued at 5000 ducats and wa.s sold for 2500 by the Confraternity to Salvatore Spinello. He had been created Marquis recompense with which he had aided the Inquisition in destroying his vassals, and he finally sold the lands to the communities for an annual of 2 revenue of 180 ducats. Fuscaldo in for the zeal Strenuous as were the methods of the Inquisition, however, deeply rooted faiths have power of pro- some correspondence of the Roman Conof Montesalto, in 1599 and 1600, with the Duchess gregation would indicate that there were still remnants of these heretics in tracted resistance, and Calabria and that there was talk of establishing a school for their conversion. 3 The Waldenses of Apulia had a milder fate. The ruin and butchery in Calabria was a warning to all parties. Their lords were powerful nobles the Prince of Molfetta, the Duke of Airola, the Count of Biccari and others who did not wish to see their lands laid waste and depopulated. Fra Valerio was not called in, but a papal commission was procured for Ferdinando Anna, Bishop of Bovino, in whose diocese most of the infected district lay; less inhuman measures were employed and doubtless the savage work in Calabria led the heretics to be accommodating. Only a few of the more zealous were prosecuted; the mass of the b Collenuccio, Historia del Regno de Napoli, II, 329 (Napoli, 1563). of confiscation seems to have been protracted. vice-regal letter of January 29, 1569, states that all the proceeds had not yet been sold and orders 1 A The process that the matter be closed and the money be paid into the treasury. Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. From a transaction in 1572 it appears that when Neapolitans were burnt in Rome, notice was sent to the viceroy in order that he might seize their confiscated estates. At the same time a statement was presented of their prison expenses, which were reimbursed to the Congregation of the Inquisition out of the Ibidem. proceeds. 2 3 Lombard, op. cit., p. 107. Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 221 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3). NAPLES 86 population submitted and seem to have been taken to the bosom 1 of Mother Church without severe penalties. engaged in more congenial occupation in the province of Reggio, where at this time there were discovered some survivors of those who had embraced the docPossibly Fra Valerio may have been by Juan de trines taught The viceroy sent Valde*s. thither the Commissioner Panza, fresh from his labors at Montalto. He must have had inquisitorial assistance and though, in the fragmentary records, Fra Valerio's name does not appear, he was the most probable collaborator in the active work which Four Reggio and eleven of San Lorenzo were burnt, while a number abjured and escaped with imposition of ensued. the habitello. In all citizens of 2 these proceedings there is an incongruous intermingling of jurisdictions papal, episcopal and secular which shows how well the people had thus far succeeded in preventing the estab- lishment of an organized Inquisition. They looked with complacency on the sufferings of the heretics and offered no opposition to the measures adopted, satisfied with the participation of the and episcopal powers. They had, however, lost none of their horror of the Spanish institution and, when Philip II endeavored civil to force it upon Milan, their fears were aroused that In 1564 there was it might be much popular exciteimposed upon Naples. the Piazze assembled and adopted strong declarations; ment; Pius IV, who did not wish to see the Spanish Inquisition in Italy, and peremptorily ordered the Theatin Paolo d'Arezzo subsequently cardinal and archbishop of Naples to accept the mission with which the city charged him to Philip, to seconded these efforts remonstrate against the threatened introduction of the Inquisition and also to ask for the revival of the brief of Julius III abolishing confiscations. March The latter request Philip refused but, in letters of 10, 1565, he assured his subjects that he had no intention Amabile I, 259. 2 Ibidem, p. 258. EPISCOPAL INQUISITION 87 of introducing the Spanish Inquisition and that trials for heresy 1 should be conducted in the ordinary way as heretofore. The "via ordinaria" meant episcopal jurisdiction exercised in accordance with the practice of the spiritual courts in other criminal trials as distinguished from the secret procedure of the Inquisition, which denied to the accused almost every means of This in the subsequent struggles was constantly cited it was easily evaded. defence. the Neapolitans as their protection, but by The Roman Inquisition, it is true, was not allowed tribunal with an inquisitor at its head to organize a and commissioners in all the cities, as was the case in the northern provinces of Italy, and to exhibit its power with the spectacle of autos de fe, but it had its agents more or less openly and its victims were transmitted to Rome least, and execution. Alongside of this, for a time at over the episcopal jurisdiction heresy was fully recognized for trial and a number of vice-regal letters of the period vigorously exercised by some of the prelates, the via ordinaria or not does not appear. Neapolitans who, 2 in 1571, sent a deputation to show that it was though whether by This gratified the Archbishop Carafa him on his holy labors against the heretics and Jews and to ask him to express to the pope their satisfaction that these people should be punished and extirpated by the episcopal to congratulate Ordinaries, according to the canons of the secular court. 3 This is detestation of the Inquisition, and without the interposition a scarcely veiled hint of the popular whether Spanish or papal, and that 1 Al nostro Santis2. Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib. xxn, cap. viii, simo Padre Innocenzio XII intorno al Procedimento nelle cause che si trattano Discorso del Dottore Angelo Giocnel Tribunale del S. Officio (MS. penes me). catano (Gaetano Agela), MS. penes me. MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII (see Appendix). ItaL, 209, fol. 117-18. 2 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. " Delle sante dimostrazioni contro gli eretici ed Ebrei, e supplicando che voglia esser servito di far intendere & sua Beatitudine la commune sodisfazione che tiene 8 che questa sorte di persone siano del tutto castigate ed estirpate per come si conviene como sempre avemo supplicate, giusta la forma delli canoni e senza interposizione di corte secolare, ma santamente procedano nelle cose della religione tantum." Giacinto de' Mori, Scritture tutta la citt mano del nostro ordinario e Motivi dati a' Signori Deputati di Napoli (MS. penes me). NAPLES 88 this continued unabated is manifested by the Venetian envoy, Girolamo Lippomani who, in his relation of 1575, describes the Neapolitans as most religious and filled with zeal for the love of God, but nevertheless they will not endure the very name of the Inquisition and would be ready to rise against it as they have done in the past. 1 The occasion of this address to the archbishop presumably was a lively persecution of Judaizers then on foot. There had been many abjurations, some burnings, and the archbishop was pre- paring to build cells attached to the walls of his palace to provide for the confinement of those sentenced to perpetual prison. There was considerable popular excitement because an inquisitorial deputy, with the title of vicar, had been sent from Rome, and there was faction among the large, citizens, for the number of accused with kinships ramifying throughout the community. was Car- dinal Granvelle, then recently appointed viceroy, in a letter of July 31, 1571, to the Cardinal of Pisa, head of the Roman Inquisition, expressed his fears of a tumult he had asked the archbishop ; suspend the prosecutions and postpone building the cells; it would be better to send, as the pope desired, the accused to Rome, to where they would be vigorously punished. In effect, towards the end of December, four women and three men were sent as Judaizers to February Rome, where they were duly strangled and burnt on 9, 1572. 2 This sending of the accused to the for trial or execution, gradually as a sort of Office Roman Inquisition, whether became the accepted custom, compromise between the pretensions and the settled repugnance of the people. of the was It Holy not, however, without some complications. Of old, no arrests by the Inquisition were permitted without the royal assent in each case, but in the absence of an organized Inquisition this salutary rule seems to have been forgotten and it evidently was not observed in the Calabrian persecutions. authorities of When, however, in 1568, the Reggio were ordered by the Sicilian tribunal to Relazioni Venete, Serie II, T. II, p. 273. 2 Amabile, I, 312-16, A BD UCTION OF A CO USED 89 and forward two individuals charged with heresy, obedience was refused and the Duke of Alcala, still viceroy, was notified. arrest He approved the position taken but instructed the officials to arrest the parties and hold them until the Sicilian tribunal should report whether the alleged offences were committed in Sicily or in Naples; in the former case he was to forward them; in the latter to hold them until it should be determined whether they were by the Ordinary or by the Roman Holy Office, and such was to be the rule hereafter. The Sicilian tribunal did not justiciable relish this interference month with its arbitrary methods came news that two Reggio, gone inland and carried of its emissaries there off to and the next had landed Messina a friar at from an Augustinian convent; moreover they were now endeavoring to do the same with another of the brethren. Thereupon the viceroy ordered the utmost watchfulness to be observed and, if any attempt of the kind were made, the inquisitorial agents were to 1 be thrown in prison and held for his instructions. If this caution was necessary in dealing with a province under the same crown, much more was it applicable to the Roman Congregation of the Inquisition. No independent state could permit its citizens to be abducted, without the knowledge of the authorities, at the bidding of a foreign prince any moment might be an abdication of 2 1 it by all Catholic the perpetual meddling of the to adopt the rule that no be enforced without first kind should any their internal affairs, papal rescript of submitting forced, whose policy at was to such a claim Moreover, nearly sovereignty. kingdoms had been papacy with To submit hostile. to the government for its exequatur. Naples, as Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. 2 In 1597 the Venetian envoy Girolamo Ramusio alludes to the case of the of Castellanetta, excommunicated by his bishop and summoned to Rome; also to that of Mastrillo, fiscal of the Vicaria, who sold a quantity of grain belonging to the Abbey of S. Leonardo which was held by Cardinal Gaetano, in con- Baron sequence of which he was cited to Rome. In both cases the court intervened and prevented obedience for the reason that, if a precedent was established of allowing those cited by Rome to go, the principal royal ministers could be summoned and forced to go. Relazioni Venete, Appendice, p. 310, NAPLES 90 was particularly however trivial, was allowed especially exposed to papal encroachments, careful as to this, and no brief, take effect without being submitted to the authorities for 1 In 1567 we find Pius V exhaling his indignation to approval. to Philip II at the violation of the rights of the Holy See because a bishop, whom he had sent to Naples as visitor to report on the condition of the clergy, was not functions without the exequatur. allowed to exercise his 2 This necessarily applied to the citations and orders of arrest with which the Roman Inquisition was endeavoring to extend its In April, 1564, Hieronimo de Monte, jurisdiction over Naples. Apostolic Commissioner in Benevento (a papal enclave in Neapolitan territory), in the case of the Marquis of Vico, was taking testi- mony to the effect that no one would dare to serve a summons from Rome on him without the vice-regal exequatur, as he would thus 3 expose himself to punishment, including perhaps the galleys. Rome endeavored to evade this limitation on its jurisdiction and was met with consistent that, firmness. In 1568 Alcala was informed under orders from the Inquisition, the bishop had arrested named Martino Bagnato and was holding him for trans- a citizen mission to Rome. The bishop was at once notified that he must surrender the prisoner to the captain of the city, to be held subject to prosecution in the via ordinaria by his competent judge, and the captain was ordered, in case of refusal, to take him by This did not avail Bagnato much, for the Roman Inquithen wrote to the viceroy, asking to have the prisoner 4 forwarded, which presumably was done. force. sition 1 * Relazioni Venete, Appendice, p. 312. Pii Quinti Epistt., Lib. i, Ep. vi (Antverpise, 1640). Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. Failing in this Cardinal Ghislieri, then at the head of the 1 Roman Inquisition, wrote in November to Viceroy Alcald asking that Vico be sent or be placed under bonds to present himself. To this, in April, 1565, the viceroy assented, requiring Vico to give security in 10,000 ducats to that effect; he was already in prison and condemned to banishment on complaint of his vassals; he duly went to Rome and was sentenced to compurgation and penance. Amabile, I, 286. 4 Chioccarello, ubi sup. ENFORCEMENT OF THE EXEQUATUR There was in this 91 merely an assertion of sovereignty and no desire to shield the heretic, for when the Inquisition accepted the and made application to the viceroy, it was granted almost as a matter of course. The formality was simple. The application was referred to the chief chaplain, who made a show inevitable Audiencia and reported that Occasionit was in due form, when the exequatur was granted. ally, however, some question might be raised when the process of consulting with the judges of the called attention to Thus diction. some abusive extension of inquisitorial juris- in 1610 a certain Fabio Orzolino asked for the exequatur on a citation which he had obtained directed to the Abate Angelo and Carlo della Rocca of Traetto this the chief chaplain reported that the parties 88 ducats, for of (Gaeta). owed On to Orzolino which they had been publicly excom- non-payment Under this excommunication they had lain for a year, which, according to the canon law, rendered them suspect of heresy and thus, by a strained construction, subjected them to municated. inquisitorial action. It is not easy to understand the decision of the chaplain that the exequatur should be granted as to the abate and not as to the layman. 1 A more wholesome case was one in 1574, shown in the application of Giovanni Tomase, Modesto Abate and Sebastiano Luca for an exequatur to the order of the Roman Inquisition to sell the property of Nicola Pegna and Giovanni Mateo of Tagio, to reimburse the applicants for expenses amounting to 338 crowns arising from false accusations of heresy brought against them by Pegna and Mateo, who had been condemned for false-witness to scourging in Rome, with the addition of the galleys for Mateo. system the Roman Inquisition had a tolerably free Naples and its arrests were sufficiently numerous for it to Under hand in 3 this establish a regular service of vessels to carry its prisoners, trans- portation latter by much more economical than by land. The as we chance to learn from a letter of March sea being was expensive, 1586, ordering Captain 8, 1 Amoroso Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII (see Appendix). to be forwarded by land Ibidem. NAPLES 92 because the tempestuous weather prevented vessels from putting He was to have a guard of six soldiers who were to bring to sea. back a certificate of his delivery to the Inquisition, and the expen- were to be defrayed from the property of the The sea service, however, was not without its risks. ses of the journey 1 prisoner. When, Teresa, left which Fray Geronimo Gracian, the disciple of Santa Naples for Rome, it was on a fragata de la Inquisition, in 1593, is described as well provided with chains and shackles for It chanced to be captured by the Moors and Gracian narrowly escaped burning, as he was supposed to be an securing prisoners. 2 inquisitor. Still Rome was not satisfied with this and Osuna (1582-86) obsequious allowed Sixtus V it to its exigencies. to establish in found Viceroy About 1585 he Naples a regular Commissioner of the Inquisition, with jurisdiction practically superseding that of the archbishop. By Neapolitans had Already, in 1580, the Venetian envoy this been effectually broken. Alvise Lando, in describing time the spirit of the how they had been subdued by the universal misery attendant on the Spanish domination, especially under the vice-royalty of the Marquis of Monde jar (1575-79), adds that it is the opinion of many that if the king chose to establish the Inquisition, so greatly abhorred, there would be little oppo3 sition. How speedily under these circumstances the episcopal functions became atrophied is illustrated by a case occurring in In 1590 a French youth named Jacques Girard was 1592. captured by a Barbary corsair, circumcised and forced to embrace Islam. In 1592 he was sent on shore in Calabria with a boat's crew to procure water, when he escaped and, being taken for a Moor, was thrown in prison at Cosenza. He applied to the arch1 1 I, Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. Escritos de Santa Teresa, T. II, pp. 457, 463 (Madrid, 1869). Cf. Amabile, 229-30. In 1588 we find the Congregation of the Inquisition scolding the nuncio at Naples for refusing to pay the expenses of this transportation, as his predecessors had always done. Decret. Sac. Congr. S. Officii, p. 192 (Bibl. del R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol 3). Amabile, I, 332. Relazioni Venete, Serie II, T. V, p. 471. PAPAL ENCROACHMENTS 93 bishop for reconciliation to the Church; the prelate felt unable to act, even in so simple a matter, and wrote to the Roman InquisiBefore these came, Jacques had been transferred to Naples; a second application was made to Rome and the necessary powers were sent to the Archbishop of Naples, with tion for instructions. 1 orders to report the result. celebrated Fra So, in the trial for heresy of the Tommaso Campanella, in 1600, Clement VIII designated as a court his nuncio at Naples, the archiepiscopal vicar and the Bishop of Termoli, and they were to transmit Rome to a summary rendering sentence. of the case, with their opinions, before 2 Under such a viceroy as Osuna, the inquisitorial commissioner was superfluous, for all the powers of the state were put at the As early as 1582 we disposition of the papal representatives. find the nuncio assuming jurisdiction and requesting Osuna to execute a sentence of scourging which he had passed on the Venetian Giulio Secamonte for suspicion of heresy, a request which was promptly granted. The Roman Inquisition had only to ask for the arrest of any one throughout the kingdom, when immediately orders were given to the local authorities to seize him and send him to Naples for transmission to Rome, and if necessary to take possession of and forward all his books and papers. From In 1583 Cardinal this the highest in the land were not secure. wrote that the person of Prince Gianbattista Spinello was wanted in Rome to answer for matters of faith, when immediately Osuna issued orders to seize Savelli, then secretary of the Inquisition, him wherever he might be found and bring him to the Royal 1 Bibliotheque Nationale de France, fonds latin, 8994, fol. 252. Possibly this may be partially explained by the fact that heresy was a case reserved to the Holy See, the absolution for which in the forum internum required a special licence (cap. 3, Extrav. Commun., Lib. v, Tit. ix). But in the forum externum the episcopal jurisdiction over heresy was in no way curtailed by the existence of the Inquisition (Benedicti PP. XIV de Synodo dicecesana, Lib. ix, This was fully admitted by the Roman Inquisition (Decret. S. cap. iv, n. 3). Congr. S. Officii, pp. 174-5, 177, 266-8, 272-3 ap. R. Archivio di State in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. * Amabile, Fra Tommaso del S. Offizio, Vol. 3). Campanella, II, 120-1 (Napoli, 1882). NAPLES 94 Audiencia, where he was to give security in 25,000 ducats to present himself within a month to the Holy Office and not to leave Rome without its 1 permission. Osuna's successor, Juan de Zuniga, Count of Miranda, was equally subservient, but he insisted on the observance of the for- when Rome sought to act independently without viceIn 1587, at the order of Cardinal Savelli, regal intervention. the Apostolic Vicar of Lecce induced the Audiencia of the Terra malities d'Otranto to arrest Giantonio Stomeo. who rebuked the viceroy This was overslaughing it that it should the Audiencia, telling have referred the matter to him and awaited his instructions, meanwhile assuring itself of the person of the individual. It was purely a matter of etiquette for, in the end, after some further correspondence, Miranda ordered Stomeo to be forwarded to Naples by the first chain (of galley slaves), giving advices so that arrangements could be made for his transmission to Rome. There seems to have been some doubt as to the correctness of the stand taken by Miranda for subsequently Annibale Moles, Regent of the Vicaria, was called upon for a consulta in which he stated the be that arrests for the Inquisition must always pass through the hands of the viceroy, who always ordered their execution. 2 rule to Rome was not satisfied with this and continued it encroach- any weakness of the civil power to and claim them as rights. In 1628 we find ments, taking advantage establish precedents its of by the Dominican Fra Giacinto Petronio, Bishop who styled himself inquisitor and was especially represented of Molfetta, audacious in extending his powers. He arrested Dr. Tomas Calendrino, a Sicilian, because he assisted in the escape from Benevento of a contumacious person. He was carried to the Archbishop of Naples and placed on the papal galleys for transmission to Rome, but the Neapolitan spirit was rising again and the Collaterale and Junta de Jurisdicion called on Viceroy Alba to demand his surrender 1 1 under threat of not allowing the galleys Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. Ibidem. STRUGGLE WITH ROME to depart and of banishing 95 Fra Petronio within 24 hours. however conferred with the nuncio and archbishop, him that it was customary In without notice to him. to arrest who Alba assured and send people to Rome Alba referred the matter this perplexity master Philip IV, who warmly praised his prudence in so The papal nuncio at Madrid, he said, had received orders doing. from Rome to protest against the attempted innovation of requirto his ing notice to the viceroy and he therefore ordered Alba, as the matter was of the highest importance, to investigate precedents of persons arrested with or without notice, and not to introduce any novelty. What was the ultimate result as respects Calendrino does not appear, but this nerveless way of treating the matter was not calculated to check the insolence of Fra Petronio who, in the course of the affair, excommunicated the judges Calefano and Osorio, the summoned Roman armed the auditor Figueroa to present himself to Inquisition sbirri. and This was no novelty, for imprisoning and maltreating royal of the him with his own he had no scruple in finally arrested officials for executing orders 1 government. Philip was accustomed to allow his own officials to be thus abused by the Spanish Inquisition, but the Neapolitan temper was stubborn and, in 1630, the Collateral reminded Fra Petronio commissions to arrest required the exequatur; it ordered days all that he had received from that all him to present within three Rome, and moreover forbade him to keep armed retainers. It made complaints to the king and to the Spanish ambassador at Rome, while Urban VIII issued briefs defending him, under which encouragement he continued his arbitrary methods. At length Philip, by a letter of March 18, 1631, ordered that no papal brief should be executed without the exequatur; a new viceroy, the Count of Monterey, was prompted to defend the royal jurisdiction and Fra Petronio complained to Rome that the aid of the secular arm was withheld unless he would state the names of those whom he desired to imprison. The pope appealed to Philip IV, who 1 Chioccarello MSS., T. VIII. Amabile, Inquisizione in Napoli, II, 35. NAPLES 96 apparently had forgotten about the matter and, in a letter of November 27, 1632, asked for explanations. Then Fra Petronio commenced taking evidence against the auditor Brandolino, but when the Collaterale deliberated, January 31, 1633, on a propohe yielded. Monterey negotiated with Rome have him replaced with some one less objectionable and also that the new incumbent should not hold a tribunal but should sition to banish him, to only report to the Congregation the cases occurring. Urban VIII offered to appoint any one whom they might select, and when name was presented Antonio Ricciullo, Bishop of Belcastro, then their ambassador at Rome, he was duly commissioned. 1 the of There was nothing gained by the change. Ricciullo styled himself inquisitor-general; he held a tribunal and in his time con- demned four clerics for functioning without priest's orders three and one strangled privately. The strangled and pope ordered that the Dominican convent should serve as an burnt in public, and should be a consultor, and thus after a struggle of nearly a century the papal Inquisition was inquisitorial prison its prior fairly established in Naples. Ricciullo died, May 2 17, 1642, of Sora. He and was succeeded by Felice died in 1656 and was replaced Tamburello, Bishop temporarily by the nuncio Giulio Spinola, who served until 1659, when Camillo Piazza, Bishop of Dragona was appointed. That Naples should be impatient at finding itself thus gradually and imperceptibly brought under the yoke of the papal Inquisition was natural. The turbulent city had gallantly resisted, at no little cost to itself, the imposition of the Spanish Holy Office, through times in which unity of faith was seriously threatened by Now all such danger was past. There were successive heresies. no Cathari or Waldenses or Protestants to rend in Italy the seamgarment of the Church and the period was one of spiritual less apathy, wholly averse to proselytism. Only the unappeasable longing of Rome to make its power manifest everywhere could explain 1 its Amabile, persistence in thus insinuating the abhorred juris- II, 35-6. Ibidem, II, 37-9. HARDSHIPS OF THE INQUISITION diction in a city which prided itself on its piety, 97 on the number and convents which impoverished it, on the obethe people to the priesthood and on the strictness of its of churches dience of The only religious observance. field of inquisitorial activity lay which might savor of irreligion, in the blaswhich phemy through anger or despair found expression, in the superstitious arts of wise-women, in burning clerics who adminin reckless speeches istered sacraments without having received the requisite orders and in such offences as bigamy and seduction in the confessional, which could only by a strained construction be deemed as savoring of heresy, and could readily be disposed of by the all of ordinary spiritual or secular courts. The Holy Office was a manifest superfluity and its imposition was all the more galling. Nor was there any alleviation in the fact that the tribunal was papal and not Spanish, for there was nothing to choose between them, in spite of frequent appeals to the pledge of Philip II that the via ordinaria alone should be observed. There were the same and impoverishment of families. There were the same travesty of justice and denial of rightful defence to the acconfiscation cused. There were the same secrecy of procedure and withholding from the prisoner the names of There was the same readiness testimony of the vilest, who his accuser and of the witnesses. to accept the denunciations and could be heard in no other court, but in the Inquisition, could gratify malignity, secure that they who, would remain unknown. There was even greater freedom in the all doubts, whether as to use of torture, as the habitual solvent of There were the same prolonged and heartbreaking delays during which the accused was secluded from all communication with the outside world. A careless speech over- fact or intention. heard and distorted by an enemy or perhaps invented by him sufficed to cast a man into the secret prison, where he might lie for four or five years, while his trial proceeded leisurely family might make him intention 7 starve. confess if if It would probably end and his in his torture, to he denied the utterance, or to ascertain his If he sucit. he admitted and sought to explain NAPLES 98 cumbed in the torture he was subjected to a humiliating penance, wearing the habitello and to infamy probably also to confisIf his endurance in the torture-chamber enabled him to to cation. legists phrased it, he was discharged with a verdict of not proven, with nothing to make amends for his sufferings and wasted years. Such was the fate which hung "purge the evidence/' as the over every citizen and it was felt acutely. 1 How little was required to arouse inquisitorial vigilance was shown in 1683, when Agostino Mazza, a priest employed in teaching philosophy, was thrown in prison by the Commissioner of the Inquisition and humiliated by having to abjure in public two abstract propositions which to the ordinary mind have the the faith "The definition of man is least possible bearing not that he is on a reasoning animal" and "Brutes have a kind of imperfect reason." 2 The human intellect evidently had small chance of development under such conditions. It is easy therefore to the understand the growing uneasiness of people when they saw the commissioner, Monsignor Piazza, appointed in 1659, gradually erect a formal inquisitorial tribunal, with a fiscal and other customary officials and a corps of armed 1 These feelings are warmly but respectfully expressed in a memorial addressed XII (1691-1700), by Giuseppe Valletta, an advocate of Naples, in support of envoys sent to negotiate with him (MS. penes me). to Innocent for us to estimate the horror which, as the inquisitors boasted, the Office cast over the population. They relate with pride that in Spain men cited to appear, even on matters not pertaining to the faith, but ignorant of the much cause, were known to take to their beds and die of sheer terror. It is difficult Holy How greater, then, they ask, must and cast into the strictest and " be the horror of those accused, suddenly arrested most secret prison, not to mention what followed ? Sola simplici vocatione alicujus inquisitoris in Hispania, ait Morillus citatus, per aliquem ejus ministrum, ad negotium forte particulare non pertinens ad Inquisitionem Fidei, absque eo quod vocati sciant ad quid vocentur, adeo perterrefieri homines soleant, ut aliquibus statim necessario decumbere et prae nimio dolore At quid in casibus ubi datur prseventio per febri superveniente emori contigerit. accusationem aut denuntiationem et agitur de repentina captura et de carceratione rigidissima ac secretissima, ut taceam de aliis quae hanc consequuntur, quanto magis perterrefiant capti et carcerati? quanto maiori horrore afficientur?" Salelles, De Materiis Tribunalium S. Inquisitionis, Proleg. iv, n. 8 (Romae, 1651). ml rl 9 della Citta di Napoli Sig Capasso, Ragionamenti ad istanza degl* Ecc (MS. penes me). STRUGGLE WITH ROME familiars, recruited, as population. prisons in as we are told, 99 from the lowest class of the His activity was such that he constructed eight many convents, where even women were confined, without respect to rank or condition, under the guardianship of the frati. He celebrated atti di fede in public, where abjurations were administered, followed by scourgings through the streets, and he levied on the resources of the Regular Orders to defray the expenses of his court. Indignation gathered and, on April 2, 1661, the Piazze ordered their representative body, the Capitolo di Lorenzo, to consider the innovations of the commissioner. San The aspect of the people grew threatening and Count Penaranda, the viceroy, ordered Monsignor Piazza to leave the kingdom, which he did on April 10th, under escort of a troop of horse to assure his This did not appease the deputies who, on May 18th, safety. presented a memorial to the viceroy, in which they further drew attention to the subject of confiscation and asked that the prohibitory bull of Julius III, in 1554, should be enforced. Consul- tations and negotiations were long continued during which discussion became so hot that Penaranda threw some of the deputies in on October 24th, he announced that Philip IV had decided that the grant of Philip II must be maintained and the prison, but, Nothing was said as to the abandonment of confiscation and efforts to procure it were via ordinaria alone must be followed. protracted, but without success. If the release 1 Neapolitans flattered themselves that they had obtained Rome institution, they were mistaken. from the odious continued to send commissioners and they continued to disregard Another outbreak occurred in the privileges of the kingdom. 1691 when, under orders from the Roman Congregation, its comGiovanni Giberti, Bishop of Cava seized several persons without obtaining the exequatur of the viceroy. The missioner 1 Pietro de Fusco, Per la fidelissima Citta di Napoli, negli affari della Santa Giannone, Lib. xxxn, cap. 5. Inquisizione (MS. penes me). Amabile, II, 41-52. Pietro de Fusco tells us that confiscations were not infrequently released, as they were in 1587 to the children of Francesco di Aloes di Caserta and to the heirs of Bernardino Gargano d'Aversa, although they died as impenitent heretics. NAPLES 100 Collaterale, or Council, notified him that there was no Inquisition Naples and that the prisoners must be transferred to the archiepiscopal prison, under pain of legal proceedings against him. in He treated with contempt the notary who bore this message and threatened him with the savage penalties provided for impeding the Inquisition, in response to which the Collaterale hustled him out of the kingdom, barely allowing him time to perform quaranInnocent XII felt this keenly, for he was a Neatine at Gaeta. politan and had been Archbishop of Naples, and a warm corre- spondence ensued with the Spanish court. It was claimed by the curia that the pope was omnipotent in matters of faith; that he could abrogate local laws and enact new ones at his pleasure, while the papal nuncio at Madrid warned the king that Naples would be given over to atheism without the Inquisition and the whole vast monarchy of Spain might be destroyed. The city of Naples was equally vigorous in asserting its rights and complained of the numerous officials of the commissioner, exempted from and committing scandals with impunity. The pope threatened an interdict and the Piazze threatened to rise; the latter danger was to Carlos II the most imminent and, in 1692, secular jurisdiction he prohibited all further residence in Naples of papal delegates or commissioners. To render secure the fruits of this victory, the Piazze took the decided step of appointing a permanent deputation to guard the city from further dangers of the whose duty it was same nature. 1 again the good people of Naples imagined that they had at last shaken off the dreaded Holy Office they underrated the perIf sistence of Rome. Trials for heresy continued in the archiepisco- pal court, conducted in inquisitorial fashion and not by the via This caused renewed dissatisfaction and, in hopes of reaching some terms of accommodation, envoys were sent to Rome in 1693 to ask that the procedure should be open, the names of the ordinaria. witnesses and the testimony being communicated to the accused; 1 MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, Tom. XVII. Amabile, II, 54-58. MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Ital., 189, fol. 327; 209, fol. 111-138. THE EDICT OF DENUNCIATION 101 that no one should be imprisoned without competent proof against him; that the city should be allowed to supply an advocate for the poor and that two lay assistants should be appointed to see that these provisions were enforced. Prolonged discussions followed, the cardinals entrusted with the matter seeking to gain readmission for the commissioner and arguing that the bishops 1 There was little were mostly unfit to exercise the jurisdiction. was startled with when of an Naples reaching agreement prospect a wholly novel aggression. February 1, 1695, there was published Rome by the Inquisition an Edict of Denunciation which, in its orders, dioceses. was similarly published in at least one Such edicts were issued of the under Neapolitan but in annually in Spain, Naples they were unknown and the present one was evidently intended for that kingdom, for it included the episcopal ordinaries as well as inquisitors, as the parties to whom every one was required, under pain of able only by excommunication the Inquisition, and latce sententice, other penalties, to remov- denounce whatever cases might come in any way to his cognizance, of a list of offences ranging from apostasy to bigamy, blasphemy and The Deputati took the matter up in a long memorial sorcery. addressed to the Collaterale, pointing out the invasion of the prerogative in publishing the edict without the necessary exequa- be expected from converting the population There into spies and creating a universal feeling of insecurity. tur was and the evils to also the fact that the edict Inquisition over Naples, that assumed the made it jurisdiction of the the bishops its agents, employ the inquisitorial process, and that it comprised not only offences which the Neapolitans contended to belong to the secular courts but a general clause, authorized as its deputies to vaguely embracing whatever the jurisdiction of the Holy else This shrewd device of the The bishops 1 2 might be claimed as subject to Office. 2 Roman Inquisition was to a considerable extent exercised the successful. powers dele- II, 59-72; Append., 68, 71. Acarapora, Ragioni a pro della Fidelissima Citta di Napoli (Napoli, 1709). Amabile, NAPLES 102 gated to them and the Deputati found constant occupation in endeavoring to protect those whom they imprisoned and tried by inquisitorial methods. Then came the troublous times of the War of Succession which followed the death After a fruitless struggle Philip of Carlos II in 1700. V was obliged in 1707 to his rival, Charles of Austria, to abandon Naples and during the interval who the Inquisition succeeded in re-introducing a commissioner, made free use of his powers. The new monarch sought to secure the loyalty of his subjects and from Barcelona sent orders to his viceroy, Cardinal Grimani to support the Deputati in their efforts In spite of this the Deputati were obliged to appeal to him, in a petition of July 31, to uphold the privileges of the kingdom. 1709, representing that, after the publication of his despatch to Grimani, the ecclesiastics proceeded to the greatest imaginable oppressions and violence, so that their condition was worse than ever, wherefore they prayed for relief at his should be conducted in the via ordinaria. hands, so that To trials this Charles replied, September 15th, to Grimani, commanding that matters of faith should be confined strictly to the bishops, to be handled by the any departure from this was to be severely and the authorities were to use the whole royal power, punished through whatever means were necessary, for the enforcement of via ordinaria; his orders. This 1 won as little obedience as the previous royal utterance and the Deputati were kept busy in attending to the cases of those who suffered from the persistent employment of inquisitorial methods efforts which were sometimes successful but more fre- quently in vain. It was probably some special outrage that induced the Deputati, in 1711, to employ Nicolo Capasso to draw up a report on inquisitorial methods. The work is a storehouse of accredited inquisitorial inquisitorial principles as set forth authorities papal decretals and manuals of practice such as by those of Eymerich, Pena, Simancas, Albertino, Rojas, the Sacro Arsenale etc., admirably calculated to excite abhorrence by laying 1 Amabile, II, 74-80. Acampora, op. cit. EPISCOPAL INQUISITION 103 bare the complete denial of justice in every step of procedure, the system and the manner in which the lives, the fortunes and the honor of every citizen were at the mercy of the malignant and of the temper of the tribunal. Yet so far from pitiless cruelty of the being an advocate of toleration, Capasso commences by arguing Religion, he says, is the foundation of against it at much length. social order irreligion. and the principle of toleration infers toleration of Protestants are intolerant between themselves and the Catholic system cannot endure toleration. taught by the philosophers is That which chimerical, and a community is to be must be united in faith, but the enforcement of this unity Punishment must be corporal for the secular power. matter is a and the Church has authority over the spirit alone, not over the stable body. An allusion to the gravissime agitazioni of the people indicate that his labors were called forth would by some action which 1 had aroused especial resentment. It was all in vain. By the death Charles VI succeeded of his brother to the empire in 1711. interests diverted his attention sistently resisted the pressure Joseph I, Wars and other from Naples and, though he con- from Rome to give the Inquisition recognition, the bishops continued to exercise inquisitorial juris- diction in inquisitorial fashion. could, but the success The Deputati did what they depended upon the uncer- of their efforts temper of the successive imperial viceroys, who, though they might sometimes manifest a spasmodic readiness to enforce the tain royal decrees, did not countervail the persistent ecclesiastical determination to wield the power afforded by inquisitorial methods. 2 mi del Sig. D. Niccolo Capasso colli quali ad istanza degF Ecc della Citt& di Napoli prova non doversi ricevere in questo Religiosissimo Sig Regno 1'odioso Tribunals dell' Inquisizione. 1 Ragionamenti rl I am not aware that this work has ever been printed, but it must have had a considerable circulation in MS. I have three copies, of which one is a Latin In one of them the prefatory address to the Deputati is dated Decemversion. ber 3, 1711, which fixes the time of its composition. The other copies were made respectively in 1715 and 1717, indicating that it continued to be referred to. s Amabile, II, 81-3, NAPLES 104 A change was at hand when, in 1734, Carlo VII (better known as Carlos III of Spain) drove the Austrians out of Naples and The kingdom, after two centuries of viceroyalties, at last had a resident monarch of its own, anxious to win the affection of his new subjects and inclined, as his subsequent assumed the throne. His career showed, to curb exorbitant ecclesiastical pretensions. royal oath included a pledge to observe the privileges of the land, including those concerning the Inquisition granted by his predesome there was hesitation in testing years Apparently the quality of the new regime, but in 1738 and 1739, as though by concerted action under orders from Rome, Cardinal Spinelli, the for cessor. Archbishop of Naples, and various bishops throughout the kingdom, undertook prosecutions in the prohibited fashion. Com- who appealed plaints reached the Deputati, to the king. He reproached them for negligence, ordered the proceedings stopped and the processes to be sent to Naples, and gave to Spinelli a warning that such irregularities would not be permitted. by this, the episcopal Inquisition continued at Undeterred work and in 1743 three bishops, of Nusco, Ortono and Cassano, were called to account; the papers of trials held by them were examined and pronounced one case the Bishop of Nusco had cruelly tortured a parish priest named Gaetano de Arco, after holding him in prison 1 for eight months. irregular; in It seems incredible that under such circumstances ecclesiastical persistence should defiantly call public attention to its disregard of the laws, yet on September San Gennaro the churches was greatest 26, 1746, the octave of a time when the popular afflux to atto di fede, conducted according to inquisitorial practice, was celebrated in the archiepiscopal church, where a Sicilian priest an named Antonio Nava abjured certain errors and was condemned to perpetual irremissible prison. Popular indignation was aroused, the cry arose that Spinelli was endeavoring to introduce the Inquisition 1 Re and he was insulted in his carriage by crowds Amabile, II, 84-5. Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alia il Santo Uffizio, Dec. 19, 1746 (MS. penes me), per as he MaesU del EPISCOPAL INQUISITION 105 drove through the streets. The Deputati represented to the king that they had been appealed to by three prisoners whose trials were not conducted by the via ordinaria, showing that the ecclesiastics were seeking to impose the abhorred Inquisition on the were open and according to the via ordinaria and that he was ready to obey whatever commands he might receive from the king. Carlos sent all the kingdom. Spinelli protested that the trials papers to his council, known as the Camera di Santa Chiara, with orders to investigate and report. The Camera made a thorough examination and reported, De- cember 19th, that Nava had lain in prison since April, 1741; another prisoner, a layman named Trascogna, had been incarcerated for three years and his trial was yet unfinished the third, a ; deacon named Angelo Petriello, was accused of celebrating mass on July 24th last and was about to put in his defence. The archbishop argued that, unlike his predecessors, he did not conceal the witnesses' names and therefore the process was the ordinary one, but investigation showed that was followed and in other respects inquisitorial practice were cited; during the trial the prisoner was kept incomunicado in his cell and debarred from all communication with the outside world. In the papers inquisitorial authorities the expression "Tribunale della Santa Fede" was constantly used; in the it marble the words prison used the door leading to the rooms occupied by Sanctum Officium" were cut and the part of the lintel of " by it was called "del Sant' Ofncio." corps of special officials and in a passage-way there It had a had been full for a tablet bearing their names and positions, with the inscription "Inquisitori del Tribunale del S. Uffizio." It also had a seal different from that of the court of the Ordinary, bear- five or six years ing for device two hands, one of St. Peter with the key, the other Paul with a naked sword and the legend " Sanctum Officium Archiep. Neap." The Camera thence concluded that it was the of St. old Inquisition under various devices in 1691 1711 and 1739 and, as ; it and only awaiting an oppor- was shown by the occurrences was impossible to place reliance tunity to establish itself openly, as NAPLES 106 on the promises of ecclesiastics, so often made and broken, it all the officials of the pretended Tribunal of Faith should be banished as disturbers of the public peace; the three processes should be sealed and filed away in the public archives, advised that the accused should be restored to their original position and be tried again by the via ordinaria. Everything connected with the Tribunal should be abolished officials, prison, seal and inscrip- and notice be given that any one in future assuming such offices would incur the royal indignation. All spiritual courts tion should be notified that, in actions of the faith against either clerics or laymen, before arrest the informations must be laid before the king for his assent and before sentence the whole process, so as to make sure that there were no irregularities. The accused while in prison must have full liberty of writing and talking to whom he pleased and be furnished with an advocate chosen by the Deputati or the Camera. To protect the laity against prosecu- blasphemy or other matters not subjurisdiction, the nature of the alleged crime must tions for simple sorcery or ject to spiritual be clearly expressed when applying for licence to arrest. 1 These suggestions were promptly adopted and were embodied in a royal decree of December 29th, by which two of the officials 1 Consulta dalla Real Camera de S. Chiara alia Maesta del Re per il Santo Uffizio (MS. penes me). That the Neapolitan Government was not actuated by any tenderness towards heresy is manifested in a singular transaction of the period detailed in a letter of which I have copy, of July 11, 1746, from Edward Allen, the British Consul, to the Marchese Fogliani apparently the foreign secretary. An English girl of 13, named Ellen Bowes, was forcibly abducted from her father's house, after surrounding it with about a hundred armed men. Against this outrage the consul protested as a violation of the privileges of the English nation, to which Fogliani replied, explaining the reasons which had led the king to do this and what was proposed to do with the child. Apparently she had expressed an intention to join the Catholic Church and had been taken so as to secure her conversion. Allen rejoined in a long argumentative letter and, although he pointed out that a child of such tender age could have no conception of the different religions, he himself obliged to disavow asking her return to her parents and limited his request to having her delivered to some one of the English nation, where she could be examined as to her motives. What was the issue of the affair does not felt appear from the paper in my possession, but evidently the king, after taking such a step and justifying it, could not well retreat, SUPPRESSION 107 were banished within eight days and similar punishment was threatened for any future attempt to exercise such functions. By January 5, 1747, the Marchese Brancone, under royal order, able to report to the Deputati that the seal and commissions was had been surrendered, the inscription over the door had been changed to "Archivium" and the name S. Francesco and S. Paolo. of the prison altered to prisons of Archbishop Spinelli was compelled when Benedict XIV sent Cardinal Landi to Naples to seek some method of re-establishing the tribunal, he was in danger of being mobbed and was obliged to return without having secured an official audience. Thus the Inquisition ceased to have to resign and, a recognized existence in Naples; the rejoicing was general and, as an expression of its gratitude, the city made a voluntary offering to Carlos of three hundred thousand ducats. Yet the Deputati did not disband; taught by past experience they kept vigilant see that the detested institution or its methods were not watch to smuggled in and that the rules. Carlos was ecclesiastical courts observed the new called to the throne of Spain in 1759, by the death of his half-brother Fernando VI, leaving Naples to his young son, Ferdinando IV. Possibly it may have been thought that during a minority there was an opportunity to revive the institution Deputati made an appeal to the king. The Regent Tanucci was not a man to relinquish the advantage gained. The decree of 1746 was again sent to all prelates with commands that for, in 1761, the obeyed and the royal thanks were conveyed to the 1 Deputati for their vigilance, which they were ordered not to relax. They heeded the injunction and, in 1764, they addressed to the be it strictly king a memorial on the case of Padre Leopoldo di S. Pasquale, a Bare-footed Augustinian, who had been tried by his brethren on charges of financial irregularities and unchastity. procedure had been employed, no opportunity been allowed and, for seven years, the unfortunate 1 Lettera circolare del Marchese Fraggiani, Napoli, 1761. della Inquisizione, pp. 372-77, Appendice, 80. 382 (Milano, 1797). Inquisitorial for defence friar had been Beccatini, Amabile, op. had cit., II, Istoria 104-5; NAPLES 108 1 What subjected by his superiors to a series of inhuman cruelties. was the result I have no means of ascertaining, but this prolonged vigilance indicates the profound tained of the Inquisition 1 by and enduring impression enter- the Neapolitans. Supplica al Re nostro Signore de' Deputati por opporsi Sine nota sed Napoli, 1764. Le Bret, Magazin Officio. Staaten- und Kirchengeschicte, III, 160 (Frankfurt, 1773). ai pregindizj del S. zum Gebrauch der CHAPTER III. SARDINIA. As the was a possession island of Sardinia of the crown of Aragon, it was not neglected in organizing the Inquisition. There were Conversos there and doubtless in the earliest period it served who from Spain. The introduction of the Holy Office is probably to be attributed to the year 1 He 1492, when Micer Sancho Maria was appointed inquisitor. as a refuge for some of those fled served until 1497, for a letter of December 15th of that year, from Ferdinand to Miguel Fonte, receiver of Sardinia, recites that the inquisitors-general have appointed Maestre Gabriel Cardona, rector of Peniscola, as inquisitor in place of Sancho Marin, transferred to Sicily, and it proceeds to give instructions as to salaries, from which we learn that the organization was on a most economical scale. There was, as yet, no settled habitation for it, March as a letter of Don Pero Mata 11, 1498, to requests him to let Cardona continue in occupation of his house, as Marin had been, and one of September 24, 1500, orders that quarters be rented in Cagliari where all the officials can lodge together. There inquisitor, with an assessor, no fiscal, one alguazil, a single notary to serve both in the tribunal and for the confiscations, and a receiver, with salaries too modest to offer much temptation was but one to serve in an inhospitable land, where the principal occupation seems to be quarrelling with Inquisition all was as unpopular the other authorities. 2 In fact the in Sardinia as elsewhere, for Fer- 1 Paramo, p. 219. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 1. The salaries are as follows: Gabriel de Cardona, inquisitor, from the date of his embarcation 150 ducats. " Bartolome" de Castro, assessor 50 An alguazil, with charge of prison, to be selected by Carmona .... 20 " Bernat Ros, notario del secreto y de los secuestros \ the salaries Yourself / heretofore paid. 2 . . . . , (109) SARDINIA dinand, in announcing to his lieutenant-general the appointment of Cardona, feels it necessary to order that he and his subordinates shall receive more favor than their predecessors, so that they freely exercise their functions; they are not to be may ill-treated by any one, nor be impeded in the performance of their duties. Ferdinand had heard how his lieutenant-general took certain wheat out of the hands a hundred and of the receiver, resulting in the loss of sixty libras, wherefore he is ordered in future to abstain from interference in such matters, as otherwise due provision will be made to prevent him. 1 Notwithstanding these royal injunctions, Cardona was not long in becoming involved in a bitter quarrel with both the secular and ecclesiastical authorities. It appears from a series of Ferdi- nand's letters, September 18, 1498, that a certain Santa Cruz who Domingo de ten years before had been the cause of similar was imprisoned by the inquisitor and forreleased by the lieutenant-general and the Archbishop of trouble in Valencia cibly who claimed that, in furtherance they had given him a safe-conduct. The Cagliari, of the king's interests, archbishop, moreover, had withdrawn from Cardona a commission enabling him to exercise the episcopal jurisdiction, the cooperation of which was Ferdinand writes in great wrath; he instructs the inquisitor to reclaim Domingo at once, to throw him in chains and hold him until the royal pleasure is known; if requisite in all judgements. the lieutenant-general and archbishop resist, he is to proceed against them with excommunication; the latter are roundly scolded and ordered to surrender the prisoner and hereafter to support the inquisitor and the archbishop is told to renew the Not content with this, the king orders episcopal commission. the viguier of Cagliari, under pain of dismissal from the commands of the inquisitor to the town-council. 2 The to obey and similar instructions are sent inquisitor thus office, was made the virtual Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 1. Paramo, pp. 220-222. For the Valencia experience of Domingo de Santa Cruz, see History of the Inquisition of Spain, Vol. I, p. 242. 1 1 HI IMPEDIMENTS autocrat of the island, but his triumph was evanescent, for on 1499, we find him in Ferdinand's court at Avila and November 15, his salary ceases on that day. He evidently left Sardinia in undignified haste and involved in trouble, for a royal cedula of November 18th commands the governor and other officials, under penalty of the royal wrath and of a thousand furniture, books, bedding and personal Cardona to be freely shipped to him. before the vacancy was filled florins, to allow the effects of the late inquisitor 1 Nine months elapsed by the commission of the Bishop of Bonavalle, August 18, 1500, to whom was granted the power of appointing and dismissing his assessor and notary the two officials on whom, as Ferdinand tells him, the success or failure of the 2 Inquisition chiefly depends. Cardona's precipitate departure may have been motived by terror for, about that time, the receiver, It is quite possible that Miguel Fonte, was assassinated in Cagliari, as we by some of those whom he had reduced to poverty. may assume, He was not on the spot; from letters of February 13, 1500, we learn that he had been carried to Barcelona, in hopes of cure, and died there. killed Ferdinand ordered that his widow should be treated with all con- and that the lieutenant-general should pursue and punthe assassins. Sympathy seems rather to have been with the sideration ish criminals frivolous and the royal commands were disregarded, under the pretext that it was the business of the Inquisition a palpable falsehood, seeing that the tribunal was vacant for which Ferdinand took his representative severely to task on August 18th. The receivership had also remained unoccupied, for it was not until August 4th that a fit person could be found, venturesome enough to tempt its dangers, in the person of Juan 3 Lopez, a merchant of Jativa. 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 1. Pdramo (p. 223) calls the appointee Magister Farris, subsequently created Bishop of Bonebolla a see subsequently merged into that of Cagliari. There is no reference in Gams's Series Episcoporum to such a bishopric in Sardinia. Paramo interposes a Nicolas Vaguer as inquisitor, from 1498 to 1500, which is evidently a mistake. 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion. Lib. 1. 2 Ibidem. SARDINIA 112 may It well be that there was wide-spread hatred felt for the receiver of confiscations, for the correspondence of the period shows that persecution had been the poverty of the island. productive, considering August 29, 1497, there is an order to pay fairly the royal secretary Calcena, out of the property of Antoni Cones, a debt claimed by him of a hundred ducats, before any other credi- Then, on January 21, 1498, a servant of the royal household, Mosen Gaspar Gilaberte, receives a gratuity of twenty thousand sueldos (833 J ducats) out of the confiscation of Juan tors are paid. On March llth we hear of a composition, Cagliari. made by request of the Archbishop and Syndic of Cagliari, whereby Soller of the representatives of certain deceased persons, condemned by Micer Morin, compounded for the confiscation of their property an agreement subsequently violated by Morin, whereupon the Dean and other prominent persons appealed to Ferdinand. Then, October 14th, there is an ayuda de costa to the notary Bernat Ros to refund his expenses on a journey to the court and back. Then, October 12, 1499, there is a gratuity of two hundred and of Cagliari fifty ducats to Alonso Castillo, servant of quez, royal mayordomo mayor. hurrying to the court the royal treasury. bunal cut Soon Don Enrique Enri- after this Cardona, in from Sardinia, brings five hundred ducats to During 1500 the disorganization of the tri- off receipts but, in June, 1501, we hear of six hundred and fifty ducats given to the nuns of Santa Engracia of Saragossa. In 1502 there were found some pearls among the effects of Micer Rejadel, condemned for heresy, and these Ferdinand ordered to be sent to him, covered by insurance and, in due time, on July 17th, he acknowledged their receipt, fifty-five in number, weighing one ounce and one eighth and nine grains, after which they doubtless graced the toilet of Queen Isabella. At the same time he warned Juan Lopez, the receiver, to be careful, for there were many complaints coming in as to his methods of procedure. Some months before this, in February, Ferdinand had complimented the inquisitor on the increased activity of his tribunal and had urged him to be especially watchful as to the confiscations, so that noth- FERDINAND'S KINDLINESS ing might be lost through official negligence. 113 To assist in the enlarged business thus expected, he promised to appoint a juez de 1 los bienes, or judge of confiscations. Amid ing this eagerness to profit by the misery which he was creat- pleasant to find instances of Ferdinand's kindliness in it is special cases. Thus, January 12, 1498, in the matter of the conJoan Andres of Cagliari, he releases to Beatriz de fiscated estate of Torrellas, sister and heir of Don Francisco Torrellas, because she noble and poor and her brother had served him, a debt of 59 ducats due by Don Francisco to Andres, which of course Beatriz is would have had to pay. A few weeks later, on February 4th, he clemency and charity as his motive for foregoing the con- alleges fiscation of certain houses in Cagliari, belonging to Belenguer Oluja and his wife, both penanced for heresy. October 14th of the same year he takes pity on Na Thomasa, the wife of Joan Andres, who had been penanced when her husband was condemned; reduced to beggary and has an old mother to support and two young girls of her dead sister, he orders the receiver to give as she is her fifty ducats in charity. This same estate of Joan Andres gave occasion to another act of liberality, February 8, 1502, in releasing to the Hospital of due by principal, it San Antonio a to the estate. they are worth recording, if 2 censal of sixty libras Trivial as are these cases, only for the insight which they afford on the ramifications through which confiscation spread misery throughout the land. The season of prosperous confiscations seems to have speedily passed away and the Sardinian tribunal proved to be a source of more trouble than derived a momentary Ferdinand when he learned that a who had been condemned and Romero, satisfaction certain Miguel Sanchez del burnt in It is true that, in 1512, profit. effigy in Saragossa, from it, had escaped to the island, where the lieutenant-general had taken him into favor and made him viguier of Sassari. He promptly ordered the inquisitor to seize him 1 2 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. Ibidem, Lib. 1. 1; Lib. 2, fol. 1. SARDINIA 114 and send him, under charge of his alguazil, to Saragossa, by the first vessel and, at the same time, he notified the lieutenant-general that any impediment offered would be secretly at once punished with deprivation of excommunication by the office, confiscation of property 1 and This exhibition of vigor, inquisitor. however, did not serve to put the tribunal on an efficient basis; Ferdinand was becoming thoroughly dissatisfied and, in August, 1514, he tried the expedient of appointing as inquisitor Juan de Loaysa, Bishop of Alghero, at the other end of the island from Cagliari, without removing the existing inquisitor, Canon Aragall, but rendering him subordinate to the bishop, whose place of residence was to be the seat of the tribunal. It is significant of the decadent condition of affairs that Bernat Ros, who had become the receiver of confiscations, sent in his resignation, on the plea of ill-health, and that Ferdinand refused to accept it unless he would find some one Presumably the trouble was that confiscations had been gathered and spent, without to take his place. the harvest of making investments that would give the tribunal an assured income, and that the financial prospects were gloomy. Ferdinand realized this to and assume the his zeal for the faith was He made responsibility. insufficient to lead him out a new schedule of on an absurdly low basis, amounting, for the whole tribunal, to only three hundred and thirty libras, telling the receiver that, if the receipts were insufficient, the salaries must be cut salaries down to a sueldo in the libra for he did not propose to be in way responsible. 2 The institution was was perhaps the best way 1 1 The Bishop fol. 306, 307, 308. The An 100 30 30 30 10 100 30 escribano for both secreto and secuestros portero and nuncio inquisitor (see Appendix). this 3, fol. 184, 185. of Alghero, inquisitor Bernat Ros, receiver Mossen Alonso de Ximeno, fiscal It is observable that no salary if salaries ordered were: Micer Pedro de Contreras, advocate Luis de Torres, alguazil A any be self-supporting, which to stimulate its activity but, Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. Ibidem, to is provided for Canon libras. " Aragall, the other VICISSITUDES 115 were the object, it was scarce successful for, in January, 1515, Ferdinand writes that the baile of the island, in whose house the Inquisition was quartered, the house; as there so is is little about to return home and wants business and so few prisoners, can it Dominican convent, which will serve get accommodation the purpose. Loaysa's term of office was short, for he was sent to Rome as agent of the Spanish Inquisition, and the Bishop of Ales in the and Torrealba was appointed in his place. In announcing this to him, August 28, 1515, Ferdinand significantly warns him not to meddle in matters disconnected with the Holy Office. 1 Notwithstanding this palpable decadence, the Sardinian Inquisition continued to exist. It was in vain that, after Ferdinand's death in January, 1516, followed by that of Bishop Mercader, the Inquisitor-general of Aragon, the people rejoiced in the expectation of its abandonment, for the representatives of Charles V, by a circular letter of August 30th to the lieutenant-general and the municipal authorities, assured them that it would be continued and ordered them to take measures for its increased activity, while the inquisitor was informed that, although Sardinia was under the crown of Aragon, it was not to enjoy the provisions of the Concordias to which Ferdinand had been obliged to assent at home. 2 Possibly the tribunal was not more productive it may have become more for, in 1522, the home active but tribunals were support, Majorca being called upon for two hundred ducats and Barcelona and Saragossa for a hundred each. 3 assessed for its About 1540, however, heretics, for in censos. 4 its financial we hear it seems to have discovered some well-to-do having three thousand ducats to invest This accession of wealth, however, does not argue that of its management was was customary better than Inquisition for, in 1544, a commission was sent in the to the Bishop of Alghero, the inquisitor, clothing him with full power to require from the receiver, Peroche de Salazar, a detailed account of his expenditures and his receipts from 1 2 * Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. Ibidem, fol. 366; Lib. 75, fol. 40. Ibidem, Lib. 78, fol. 304. fines, 3, fol. penances, commutations 321, 348, 349, 351. 3 Ibidem, Lib, 940, fol. 36. SARDINIA 116 and rehabilitations, and to investigate all frauds, collusions and concealments, the terms of the commission indicating that there had long been no check on embezzlements. 1 Such prosperity as the tribunal enjoyed was spasmodic and it soon relapsed into indigence. In 1577 we find the tribunal of Murcia ordered to pay two hundred ducats, arrearages of salary due to Martinez Villar, who had been promoted, the inquisitorship to the archbishopric of Sassari in 1569, 2 from and, in 1588, and Llerena were each called upon for 119,000 maravedis to repair an injustice committed by the Sardinia tribunal on Maria Malla apparently it had spent the ill-gotten money and was Seville 3 unable to make restitution. In hopes of relieving this poverty- stricken condition, Philip II, in 1580, appealed to Gregory stating that which assigned to the could not sustain it of course its Suprema itself meant that canonries 4 support. and asking XIII for assistance, or other benefices should be This appeal was unavailing for, in 1618, represented to Philip III the deplorable condition of the tribunal, unable to defray the salaries of a single inquisitor, a fiscal, two secretaries and the minor officials; it urged him to obtain from the pope the suppression of canonries and meanwhile to meet its necessities by the grant of some licences to export wheat and horses, which the pious monarch hastened to do. 5 This did not relieve the chronic poverty and, in 1658, Gregorio Cid, transferred to Cuenca after six years and a half of service in Sardinia, represented to the inquisitor-general that the tribunal ought to have two inquisitors and a fiscal and that it was difficult to find any one to serve as a notary, for the salary was small and expenses were great; besides, the climate was so unhealthy that the tribunal often had to be closed in consequence of the sickness of the officials. 1 3 4 8 6 8 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 136. 8 Ibidem, fol. 44, 45. Ibidem, Lib. 940, fol. 44. Biblioteca national de Madrid, MSS., D, 118, fol. 179, n. 55. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 19, fol. 100. Biblioteca national, loc. tit., fol. 124, n. 44. EPISCOPAL INTERFERENCE 117 The tribunal was evidently a superfluity, in so far as its legitimate functions were concerned, and we may assume that it was maintained not so much to deal with existing heretics as to prevent the island from becoming an asylum for heresy. This could have been accomplished by strengthening and stimulating the episcopal jurisdiction, but the Inquisition had monopolized this and was jealous of all In 1538 Paul III addressed to the interference. bishops and inquisitor of the island a brief in which he recapitulated the provisions of the Council of Vienne requiring them to cooperate and work in harmony; he urged the bishops to be so active in repressing heresy that they should need no outside aid but, if such should be necessary, the mandates of the council The bishops apparently were not remiss were to be observed. in taking advantage of this to revendicate the jurisdiction of which they had practically been stripped and the Inquisition resented the intrusion; Charles V must speedily have made the pope sensible of his mistake for, in 1540, he addressed to the judges of the island another brief revoking the previous one and reciting that the episcopal Ordinaries were interfering with the functions of the inquisitors and must be restrained from impeding them or molesting the invocation, if in any way by the liberal use of censures necessary, of the secular arm. allowed to be a dead letter for, when and This was not in 1555 Salvator, Archbishop under the brief of 1538, undertook to interfere with the tribunal, Paul IV, at the request of the emperor, promptly of Sassari, ordered the Bishops of Alghero, Suelli and Bosa to intervene and 1 granted them the necessary faculties to coerce him. The tribunal had little so eagerly monopolized. multiplying its nominal to show as the In fact, its chief officials and for in consequence of their privileges less liberally paid for. result of the jurisdiction As early as industry consisted in familiars positions sought and immunities and doubt- 1552, Inquisitor-general Valde*s rebuked Andreas Sanna, Bishop of Ales and inquisitor, for the number of familiars and commissioners who obtained inordinate 1 Fontana, Documenti Vatican!, pp. 100, 110, 169. SARDINIA 118 appointments for the purpose of enjoying the exemptions, and he ordered them reduced to the absolute needs of the Holy Office. 1 This command was unheeded, the industry flourished and the principal activity of the tribunal lay in the resultant disputes So recklessly did it distribute its favors that, on one occasion, an enumeration in three villages of Gallura disclosed no less than five hundred persons entitled to the priviwith the secular courts. leges of the Holy The consequences Office. of this widely dis- tributed impunity were of course deplorable on both the peace and the morals of the island. 2 Under such circumstances quarrels with the secular authorities were perpetual and inevitable and were conducted on both sides with a violence attributable to the remoteness of the island and the little respect felt by A either party for the other. of the spirit developed in these conflicts is afforded in specimen a brief of Paul V, March 22, 1617, to Inquisitor-general Sandoval y Rojas, complaining bitterly of a recent outbreak in which the inquisitor excommunicated two On absolve them. officials sentenced him to exile and elsewhere to and the royal court ordered him to him to appear and his refusal, the court cited sound a decree which was published in Cagliari of drum and trumpet. Then the governor intervened in support of the court, treating the inquisitor, if we may believe the ex parte statement, with unprecedented harshHe broke into the Inquisition with an armed force and ness. ordered the inquisitor either to grant the absolutions or to go on board of a vessel about to sail for Flanders and, on his refusal, he was so maltreated as to be left almost lifeless on the second intrusion he was found in bed with a fever he ; floor. On still refused a embark and was left under guard, but he succeeded in escaping by a rope from a window and took asylum in the Dominican church, whither the governor followed him and seized him while celebratThis time he was kept ing mass, with the sacrament in his hands. to in secure 1 ' custody until he gave bonds to sail, after which, in fear Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, Lib. 4, fol. 208. Manno, Storia di Sardegna, II, 189-90 (Milano, 1835). DISAPPEARANCE of the voyage, he 119 submitted and absolved the excommunicates. Paul summoned the governor and his accomplices to appear in undergo the penalty of their offences, but it may be Rome and doubted whether they were obliged to obey, for Spanish jealousy of the curia was quite as acute as indignation caused by invasion of inquisitorial inviolability forbidden to all parties. 1 manent basis of pacification up to 1630, there were and, and appeals to Rome were absolutely was impossible to devise any per- It between the conflicting jurisdictions less than seven Con- enumerated no cordias, or agreements to settle their respective pretensions, in spite of which the disturbances continued as actively as ever. 2 During the tured of the War of the Spanish Succession, Sardinia was cap- by the Allies in 1708 and, in 1718, it passed into possession House of Savoy. As soon as the Spanish domination ceased the Inquisition disappeared and the bishops revendicated their one organizing an Inquisition of his own, not so much, we are told, with the object of eradicating heresy as to enable them to exempt retainers from public burdens, jurisdiction over heresy, each by appointing them had been the to useless offices. 3 Jealousy of the Inquisition traditional policy of the Dukes of 4 Savoy and, as institution, arm was essential to the activity of the we may presume that even these episcopal substitutes faded in silence. the support of the secular away In 1775 a survey of the ecclesiastical and makes no allusion to prosecutions religious condition of the island for heresy although it records a tradition that, of the seventeenth century, certain Quietists towards the end and followers Molinos had found refuge in the mountain caves. 1 2 fol. 3 Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. Ill, Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 13, of 5 fol. 594 (Archive fol. 28; Lib. 20, hist, national). fol. 208; Lib. 21, 240; Libros 56, 57, 918. La Martiniere, Le Grand Dictionnaire Geographique et Critique, IX, 237 (Venise, 1737). 4 Antica Legislazione del Piemonte, p. 484 (Torino, 1833). Magazin zum Gebrauch der Staaten- und Kirchengeschichte, 5 547 (Frankfurt, 1776). Sclopis, 5 Le Bret, Theil, p. CHAPTER IV. MILAN. BY the treaty of Cambrai, in 1529, Francis I abandoned the Milanese to Charles V and it thenceforth formed part of the Italian In the eleventh and twelfth centuries it possessions of Spain. had been the hot-bed and was, in the thirteenth, one It was there that of the earliest scenes of inquisitorial activity. Pietro di Verona sealed his devotion with his blood and became of heresy it the patron saint of the Holy Office. With the gradual extermination of heresy, the Inquisition there as elsewhere grew inert and, even after the new and threatening development of the Refor- mation, when Paul was alarmed by reports of the Fra Battista da Crema, he had no III, in 1536, proselyting zeal and success of tribunal on which he could rely to suppress the heretic. fault of this he was then In de- commissioned Giovanni, Bishop of Modena, who in Milan, together with the Dominican Provincial, to preach against the heretics and to punish according to law those whom they might find guilty, at the same time significantly 1 forbidding the inquisitor and the episcopal Ordinary to interfere. Even when the Inquisition was reorganized by Paul III, in 1542, it was for some time inefficiently administered and lacked the This was especially neighborhood to Switzerland secular support requisite to its usefulness. felt in the Milanese which, from its and the Waldensian Valleys, was peculiarly exposed to infection. The adventure which brought the Dominican Fra Michele Ghis1 Fontana, Document! Vatican! contro PEresia Luterana, p. 87. Raynald. Annal., ann. 1536, n. 45. The greed of the curia in grasping at all attainable rich preferment was a fruitful source of neglect and gave opportunity for heresy to flourish. Cardinal Ippolito d'Este, who was archbishop of Milan from 1520 to 1550, during the whole of that time never entered the city. Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 797. (121) MILAN 122 lieri into notice and opened for him the path the danger and difficulty of the situation. shows was Heresy creeping to the papacy, through the Orisons, the Valtelline and the Val forming was sent part of the diocese of Como when, di Chiavenna, in 1550, Fra Michele thither as inquisitor to arrest its progress. He found a dozen bales of heretic books consigned to a merchant in Como, to be distributed throughout Italy where, in all the cities, there were said to be agencies for the purpose. He seized the books in the custom-house, whereupon the merchant complained to the Ghislieri wrote episcopal vicar, who took possession of them. to the Roman Holy Office which cited the vicar and the canons appear; in place of obeying, they appealed to to Ferrando Gonzaga, Governor of Milan, and raised such a storm among the people that Gonzaga summoned him to come to him the next day; he started at night on foot and it was only the accident of his taking the longer road that led him to escape Ghislieri's life was in danger. an ambush where he would have shared the fate of St. Peter Martyr. Gonzaga threatened him with imprisonment, but finally allowed him to depart, when he went to Rome and so impressed the cardinals of the was not much Holy Office that he was marked for promotion. better in 1561 when, after being created Bishop of his diocese and returned dissatisfied, for he he visited Mondovi, had been unable to secure the support of the secular arm for the It suppression of heresy. 1 1 Catena, Vita del Papa Pio Quinto, pp. 6-8, 17 (Roma, 1587). similar cases show that the Venetian territory was equally inOne of these likewise exhibits fected and equally indifferent (Ibidem, pp. 9, 10). Vittore Soranzo, Bishop of Brescia, was overGhislieri's implacable persistence. curious in reading heretic books. Ghislieri was sent to make a secret investi- Two somewhat gation and, on his report, Soranzo was summoned to Rome and confined in the castle of Sant' Angelo for two years. Nothing was proved against him; he was and returned to his see, where he continued to perform his functions In 1557 Ghislieri was promoted to the cardinalate and, in 1558, Paul IV created for him the office of supreme inquisitor an office which he was careful not to perpetuate after he became Pius V. He had not forgotten his failure to released until 1558. convict Soranzo. In April, 1558, Paul IV, in public consistory, deprived of his the unfortunate bishop, who retired to Venice and speedily died of grief. Catena, pp. 13, 15. Ughelli, Italia Sacra, T. IV, pp. 695-701. office INEFFICIENC Y OF INQ UISITION In Milan, we are the laity but whom seem were told, there among many 123 heretics, not only among the clergy, both regular and secular, some of have been publicly known and to have enjoyed In 1554 Archbishop Arcim- to the protection of the authorities. boldo and Inquisitor Castiglione united in issuing an Edict of Faith, comprehensive in its character, promising for spontaneous accomplices the reward of a fourth part of the fines and confiscations that might ensue. Denunciation of heretics was also commanded, with assurance of confession and denunciation secrecy for the informer. of This Edict as comprehending what is moreover of especial inter- est perhaps the earliest organization of censorship, for it required the denunciation of all prohibited books and the presentation by booksellers of inventories of their stocks, with is heavy penalties for omissions or for dealing in the 1 This zeal seems not to have aroused the secular prohibited wares. authorities to a fitting sense of their duties, for a brief of Paul IV, May Mandrusio, lieutenant of Philip II, that son of iniquity, the apostate Augustinian Claudio 20, 1556, to Cardinal recites how de Pralboino, had been condemned by the inquisitor and handed over to the secular arm; how, while awaiting his fate in the public prison, a forged order, purporting to be signed by the inquisitor, had been fabricated by some lawyers, on the strength escaped and, in punishment view of all this, the cardinal is of which he urged to see to the of those concerned in the fraud, to lend all aid assistance to the inquisitor and creeping in from the Orisons. and to be watchful against the heresies was doubtless with the hope of was taken It securing greater efficiency that, in 1558, the Inquisition from the Maria friars of delle Grazie San Eustorgio and confided to those of Santa and the Dominican Gianbattista da Cremona 2 was appointed inquisitor-general. In 1560, Cardinal Carlo Borromeo, in his twenty-second year, was, through the nepotism of his uncle Pius IV, appointed to the great archiepiscopate of Milan, which extended over all Lombardy. 1 Cesare Cantu, Eretici d' Italia, III, 34-7. 2 Fontana, Document! Vatican!, pp. 174, 184. MILAN 124 Sincere as for fill, was his piety, he remained in 1566, required him he accepted an Rome office which he did not until the severe virtue of Pius V, in His ceaseless labors to to reside in his see. reform his people, both clergy and laity, his self-devotion, his charity, earned for him the honors of canonization and the admiration even of Jansenists, but the zeal displayed in the enforcement of discipline upon unwilling ecclesiastics found equal expression in the persecution of heretics. He was, in fact, the incarnation of the Counter-Reformation, in combating heresy by force as well as by depriving it, as far as possible, of its raison d'etre. In the early years of his archiepiscopate, during his attendance on the papal court, the business of the Inquisition in Milan was carried on in most slovenly fashion. tiveness as to heresy for, This was not for lack of any sensiJuly, 1561, the Franciscan Guar- when in dian of Marignano, being delayed in making a sacramental confession, exclaimed, in a fit of impatience, that confession to God trial he was arrested for such heretical speech and sent for to Milan, under a guard of soldiers. They arrived at night and carried their prisoner to the archiepiscopal palace, sufficed, where they were told to take him to the prison, but misunderstanding^ as was said, their instructions, they marched him to one of the 1 city gates and let him go, whereupon he naturally disappeared. In that same month of July, Carlo's uncle, Giulio Cesare Borromeo, writes to him that the inquisitor has allowed to escape a certain chief of the Lutherans, whom he had had infinite trouble to seize; he would give a thousand ducats that the culprit had not been brought to Milan for, as a relapsed, he was already convicted. He shrewdly suspects complicity, scandal is to be expected. 2 but there is no remedy and great Matters probably did not improve when, in the Spring of 1563, the inquisitor Fra Angelo da Cremona involved himself in a bitter quarrel with Andrea Ruberto, the archbishop's vicar, over a printer named Moscheno, whom he cast into prison and whose wife and work-people he threatened had 1 2 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 9, F. 45, Parte Inferiore, Lettera 92. Ibidem, Tom. 51, F. 101, P. Inf., Lett. 107. THE SPANISH INQUISITION PROPOSED 125 It was a conflict of jurisdiction, the vicar claiming to arrest. concurrent action and the inquisitor that his cognizance of the The vicar appealed to the archbishop and case was exclusive. represented the inquisitor in no flattering terms. The inquisitor wrote to the Roman Congregation that the vicar was a man without fear of God and was was disseminating his heresies the vicar's request to interfering to protect a heretic who throughout the land he had refused ; communicate the proceedings, as he desired to preserve the privileges of the Holy Office. Carlo counselled moderation to his vicar and, as the latter was replaced the next year by Nicolo Ormanetto, he was evidently worsted in the encounter. It is 1 not surprising that this imperfect working of the machinery of persecution should prove wholly unsatisfactory to Philip II. Twenty years had elapsed since the reconstruction of the papal Inquisition, yet in the Lombard province where, if anywhere, it should be active and unsparing and where he had ordered his representatives to give it all favor and assistance, it was proving manifestly unequal to its duties. The natural remedy lay in taking it out of hands that proved incompetent and in remodelling it after the Spanish fashion to Pius IV and this he resolved to do. for the necessary briefs, This was inevitable. He applied but met with some delay. The Roman Congregation had already ample independence of the Spanish Suprema experience of the unyielding and it could only look with disfavor on having to surrender to its important a portion of its own territory, with the inevi- rival so table result of an endless ably often be worsted. was equivalent to a reason for refusal series of broils in which At that time however it would prob- Philip's request command; it was difficult to frame a plausible and Pius gave his assent. 2 It was Philip's intention that the Milanese Inquisition should be organized on an imposing scale and he had a commission as inquisitor issued to Gaspar Cervantes, an experienced Spanish inquisitor, 1 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf., Lett. 42, 43, 44, 45, 77, 97. 2 then Muratori, Annali d'ltalia, aim. 1563. De Thou, Hist., Lib. xxxvi. MILAN 126 Archbishop of Messina and recently elected to the see of Salerno, but Pius delayed the confirmation for months. Cervantes was at the council of Trent when he received the commission; he replied that, as the decree requiring episcopal residence had been adopted, he could not be absent from his see more than three months at a time, but that, if the king considered his services at Milan essenwould he the tial, resign archbishopric. Archbishop Calini, who reports this from Trent, August 23, 1563, adds that two ambassa- dors from Milan had just arrived there to plead with the papal legates against the introduction of the Spanish Inquisition in their city. In 1 fact, as soon as the rumor spread of the impending change, there arose an agitation which speedily and threatened a repetition tions grew to serious propor- of the experiences of Naples. The people declared that they would not submit peaceably. The municipal Council of Sixty at once arranged to send envoys to The latter reached Philip, to the pope, and to the legates at Trent. we have seen, on August 22d and their instructions doubtwere the same as those prepared for the envoys to the pope, there, as less representing that the existing Inquisition was thoroughly manned and active and had the earnest support of the secular authorities, while the mere prospect of introducing the Spanish institution had so alarmed the people that many were already leaving the city, threatening its depopulation if the project were persisted in and the transfer of its The envoys ties. commerce and to the industries to rival communi- pope were also told to invoke the good Cardinal Borromeo and to point out that, as he was responsible for the Inquisition and for the defence of the faith in offices of Milan, the necessity for a new organization would infer neglect of 2 duty on the part of his representatives. A Milanese agent of the Cardinal-Archbishop confirmed this in a letter to him of August 25th, describing the great popular perturbation, arising not from a consciousness of the existence of 1 Lettere del Archivescovo Calini (Baluz. et Mansi Miscell., IV, 329). 1 Salomon!, Memorie Storico-Diplomatiche, p. 159 (Milano, 1806). POPULAR EXCITEMENT 127 heresy but from the disgrace of the imputation and the dread of the facilities offered for the gratification of malignity, coupled with the destruction of the families of the accused. It were to be wished that the virtue of the people was equal to their devotion, was seen for the ardor of their faith in the frequentation of the and the performsacraments, the great demand 1 Further news was sent to him, Sepance of other pious works. for indulgences tember 1st, by his confidential agent, Tullio Albonesi, that the governor, the send envoys Duke who reported of Sessa, has not wished the city to had already taken measures to the dreaded tribunal. Still it was to Philip II, for he prevent the introduction of desirable that the cardinal, on his part, should see that this turned out to be successful, for the popular mind was so inflamed that great disorder would be inevitable and it would be well for him to let it be clearly seen that he had opposed the project so as 2 The municipal authorities trusted the governor and promptly abandoned their purpose of sending envoys to the king and to the pope. These had already been chosen and had arranged for the journey, incurring expenses which had to be defrayed. Accordingly, at a meeting of the Council of Sixty, held September 24th, it was resolved that, as the governor had stopped them and taken upon himself to to disabuse those who deal with the king and the pope, the envoys should be repaid the in preparations, on their surrend- fifteen asserted the contrary. hundred ducats expended ering the articles purchased for the purpose, which were then to be publicly sold at sound of trumpet in the Plaza delli Mercanti, as was customary in such cases. Besides this there had already been spent a hundred and ten ducats in twice sending letters to the 3 pope and cardinals. The mission to Trent had proved conspicuously serviceable, for the popular resistance was efficiently seconded by the bishops assembled there. Those of Lombardy dreaded Ambrosian Library, Tom. to be exposed to 1 MSS. 3 Ibidem, Tom. 53, F. 103, P. Inf. Lett. 176. Archivio civico-storico a S. Carpofaro, Armario A, Filza vn, n. 43. 1 of 23, F. 73, P. Inf. Lett. 47. MILAN 128 the experience endured by their Spanish brethren, humiliated in their dioceses by the unrestrained autocracy of the inquisitors. Those of Naples argued that, if the Spanish Inquisition were once installed in Milan, it would surely be extended to Naples, with similar results to them. Those of the rest of Italy felt that could not then be refused to the princes of the other states, while the papal legates recognized that in such case the authority of the Holy See would be seriously crippled, for the allegiance of it the bishops would be transferred to their secular rulers who could control them through the inquisitors and, in the event of another general council, it would be the princes and not the pope that would predominate in its deliberations. Earnest representations to this effect were the relief in promptly sent to Rome and great was Trent when word came that the pope was of the same 1 to the execution of the project. opinion and would not assent Even Philip's fixity of purpose gave way before these obstacles, but he delayed long before yielding. More than two months of anxiety followed, until at length, on November 8th, he wrote to the Duke of Sessa that his report as to the condition of Milan had been confirmed by letters furnished by the Bishop of Cuenca. His dextrous management in preventing the envoys from coming was praised and, in conformity with his judgement, the Bishopelect of Salerno was ordered not to leave Trent and the efforts to obtain faculties for him from the pope were to be abandoned. The duke was ordered to tell the people, as plausibly as he could, that Philip had never had the intention of introducing any inno- vation in the procedure of the Inquisition but only to appoint an inquisitor of more authority and with larger revenue, who could do what was necessary for the service of God in that infected time and dangerous neighborhood. They could rely that there would be no change and the king was confident that so Catholic and zealous a community would do its 2 duty as heretofore. The 1 Lettere del Nunzio Visconti, n. 67, 68 (Baluz. et Mansi, Miscell., Ill, 491-2). Pallavicini, Hist. Concil. Trident., Lib. xxn, cap. viii, n. 2-4. 3 Archivio civico-storico a S. Carpofaro, Armario A, Filza vn, n. 40 (see Appendix). RELATIONS WITH SWITZERLAND 129 shows how unwillingly he withdrew from a position that had become untenable and how hard he strove to obtain a whole letter capitulation with the honors of war. Philip's failure left the Milanese Inquisition in its unsatisfactory There was one burning question especially which refused to be settled. Political considerations of the greatest condition. moment required the maintenance of friendly relations with the Catholic Cantons of Switzerland, but the Catholic Cantons were deeply infected with heresy. Moreover the financial interests of the Milanese called for free commercial intercourse with their northern neighbors while, at the same time, the rules of the Inquisition forbade the residence of heretics and dealings with them. was impossible to reconcile the irreconcileable to erect a Chinese wall between Lombardy and Switzerland, as the Roman Holy Office desired, and at the same time to retain the friendship It and maintain contentment among the Lombards. of the Swiss Intolerance had to yield to politics and commerce, but not without perpetual protest. Tullio Albonesi writes, April 12, 1564, to Cardinal Borromeo that he had presented to the Duke of Sessa the letter asking him to cease employing those heretic Orisons, the Capitano Hercole Salice and his sons and had remonstrated with him in accordance with the information received from the inquis- The duke was Spain the next day, but took time to explain that the pope was misinformed as to his wishing to bring heretics to reside in the Milanese; he had arranged to pay itor. them them in their to depart for own country and had given than were accorded to the Orisons for the king's service greater privileges of trade in general under the capitulations and, if this did not please his Holiness, he must treat with the king about it. Albonesi adds that he reported this to the inquisitor who concluded that the to stop the trade of these heretics with the Milanese only way was for the Bishop 1 9 1 pope to appeal to Philip. of Brescia, in a letter to MSS. of The next year we find the Borromeo, alluding to two persons Ambrosian Library, Tom. 54, F. 104, P. Inf. Lett. 48. MILAN 130 in his diocese suspected of heresy because they caused scandal by 1 dealing with the Orisons. How delicate were these international relations and how little them are manifest in an occurrence some years later, after Cardinal Borromeo had come In visiting some Swiss districts of his province to reside in his see. the Inquisition was disposed to respect he promulgated some regulations displeasing to the people, sent an ambassador to complain to the Governor of Milan. who He took lodgings with a merchant and, as soon as the inquisitor heard This arrogant of his arrival, he arrested and threw him in prison. was a peculiarly dangerous blunder reached the governor he released the envoy from prison and made him a fitting apology, but word had violation of the law of nations and, as soon as news of it already been carried to the Swiss, who made prompt arrangements to seize the cardinal. Borromeo escaped by a few hours, 2 How comobnoxious regulations were never obeyed. pletely, in his eyes, all material interests were to be disregarded, in comparison with the danger of infection from heresy, is to be and his seen in a pastoral letter addressed, in 1580, to all parish priests a which is moreover instructive as to the extent to which the letter ecclesiastical jurisdiction trespassed on the secular. He recites the danger to the faith arising from those who, under pretext of business or other pretence, visit heretical lands, where they may be perverted, and on their return spread the infection, wherefore he orders that no one shall make such journeys or visits without obtaining a licence from him or from his vicar-general 01 first from the inquisitor. All who disobey this are to be prosecuted by the Inquisition as suspect of heresy and are to be penanced at This letter is to be read from the altar on three discretion. feast-days and subsequently several times a year, while the priests are further ordered to investigate and report within a month all who are absent, the cause of their going 1 1 and the length of their of Ambrosian Library, Tom. 56, F. 106, P. Inf. Lett. 211. Beccatini, Istoria dell' Inquisizione, p. 178. MSS. ZEAL OF SAN CARLO BORROMEO 131 The question was one which refused to be settled and was the subject of repeated decrees by the Roman Congregation, which 1 stay. serve to explain why behind their more the nations subjected to the Inquisition liberal rivals in the race for prosperity. fell 2 With the failure to introduce the Spanish Inquisition, Cardinal Borromeo seems to have felt increased responsibility for the suppression of heresy, prompting him to efforts to render the Milanese In his correspondence of 1564 and 1565, tribunal more efficient. we find him paying the salary of the inquisitor, enlarging the archi- episcopal prison with the proceeds of confiscations and discussing the transfer of the Inquisition from the monastery of le Grazie to the archiepiscopal palace, where it would be more conveniently and honorably established. He is also recognized as its head, for Fra Felice da Colorno, the inquisitor of Como, asks his instructions about a box of books addressed to the impious Vergerio, which he has found among those hidden by the Rev. Don Hippolito 3 In fact, the Inquisition of the period seems to be a Chizzuola. curious combination of the inquisitorial and episcopal jurisdic- As tions. early as 1549 we find the Roman Congregation giving to Antonio Bishop of Trieste a commission as its commissioner as though the ordinary jurisdiction were insufficient. Gasparo Bishop of Asti boasts to Cardinal Borromeo 4 In 1564 of his earnest labors in keeping his diocese free of heresy, although the neigh- boring ones were infected; in 1565 Costaciario Bishop of Acqui excuses himself for delay in obeying the summons to the first provincial council (October 15th) because he trial of portant of the a heretic whom same year Bollani Bishop was engaged on an im- he had imprisoned; in November of Brescia writes in considerable dread of the Signory of Venice because he had forced the podesta to abjure for some impudent and reckless speeches; he throws the responsibility on the cardinal and begs that his letter 1 3 1 Acta MSS. Eccles. Mediolanens., of I, be 471 (Mediolani, 1843). See Appendix. S. VI, 29. Ambrosian Library, H. Ibidem, Tom. 54, Vol. 68, F, 104, P. Inf. Lett. 63, 147, 163; Tom. 55, F, 105, Lett. 250. 4 may Ibidem, C. 185, P. Inf. Carta 14. MILAN 132 A few days later he seems much relieved, for the podesta has apologized and he describes a curious assembly "la solita burnt. nostra congrega della Santa Inquisizione," which he was accustomed to hold weekly in his palace, consisting of the inquisitor, the podesta, the rettori (or Venetian governors) and some others, when the inquisitor rejoiced them by reporting that there were but two heretics in the city, one of whom was mentecaptus. 1 Evidently Cardinal Borromeo was stimulating his suffragans to increased zeal and activity and when, in 1566, he came in Milan, his ardor for the extermination of heresy whether through urgency of the his new own a curious 1 MSS. of grew apace, convictions or through the impetuous Inquisitor-Pope, St. Pius V, whose aim to subject the whole Christian world to the is to reside Holy Office. memorandum drawn up by Borromeo, Ambrosian Library, Tom. 44, F, 94, P. Inf. Lett. 72; 2 was There detailing the Tom. 56, F, 106, Lett. 51, 206, 211. Brescia formed part of the Venitian territory, in which these weekly conferences and inquisitorial powers were prescribed. When the Inquisition was founded in the thirteenth century, Venice refused it admission, but in 1249 of the secular organized a kind of secular tribunal against heresy, known as the ire Sam dell' At length, in 1289 it admitted an inquisitor, but adjoined it eresia or Assistenti. him the Assistenti, who were not to partake in the judgements but to see that he did not overstep his proper functions and to lend when necessary the aid of the secular arm. As the mainland territory of the Republic increased and the to reorganized papal Inquisition appointed its delegates in the cities, the Signoria in 1548 provided that the rettori or other magistrates in each place should coSperate with the inquisitor and bishop as assistenti. Rome took umbrage at this and a prolonged negotiation ensued, which ended with the assistenti being accepted, with the understanding that they were to have a consultative but not a decisive This gave the Signoria power to curb excesses and to save the people from vote. being harassed with inquisitorial prosecutions for trifling cases of sorcery, bigamy, If we may believe Pdramo, etc., which were so bitterly complained of elsewhere. when Philip failed to inflict the Spanish Inquisition on Milan, Pius V sought to introduce one of the same kind in Venice, but the proposition produced so alarming a popular excitement that the Signoria prevailed upon him to abandon the attempt, promising at the same time to exercise the greatest vigilance in the suppression of heresy. Vettor Sandi, Principj di Storia Civile della Repubblica di Venezia, Lib. x, cap. iii, art. 3 (Venizia, 1756). Albizzi, Riposta alP Historia della Sacra Inquisitione del R. P. Paolo Servita, pp. 40-58 (Ed. n, s. 1. e. d.}. P&ramo de Orig. Off. S. Inquis., p. 266. Natalis Comitis Historiar., Lib. xiv, ann. 1564. J Sec Appendix for a decree of Pius V, issued within a few months of his acces- sion. SAN CARLO BORROMEWS ACTIVITY 133 matters to be enquired into in episcopal visitations, which shows that the persecution of heresy, the efficiency of the Inquisition, the avoidance of communication with heretics of the faith and the observances were regarded by him as the points of first 1 importance. In 1568 he was suddenly summoned to Mantua as the most fitting The working inclined and had long person to put the Inquisition there into order. duke, Guillelmo Gonzaga, was liberally given trouble to the Holy Office. Pius V, soon after his accession, in 1566, had been moved to pious wrath by his refusal to send to Rome two heretics for trial. A threat to bring him to terms by open war failed and Pius would have proceeded to extremities, had he not been dissuaded by the other Italian princes. 2 He contented himself with sending orders to the inquisitor there, Fra Aldegato, to clear the city of heretics, Ambrogio who were numerous, but from the struggle and, pleading age Pius gave him the bishophe to asked be relieved. infirmity, of Casale and extended over Mantua the jurisdiction of Fra the frate was old; he shrank and ric Camillo Campeggio, styled Inquisitor-general of Ferrara, who had doubtless been selected as a man of vigor for that post, in view of the encouragement to the reform given not long before by Rene*e de France, the Duchess of Ferrara. The new inquisitor was not favorably regarded by Gonzaga, who interfered with the public penances and abjurations imposed by him, who was slack in obeying his commands to make arrests and who even allowed suspected heretics to escape. Campeggio was more earnest than respectful in his remonstrances and mutual ill-will increased until, on Christmas night of 1567, some sons of Belial slew two Dominicans who had doubtless been overzealous in aiding the inquisitor. 1 See Appendix. Bzovii Annales, ann. 1566, n. 88. This may very probably have been the occasion of the decree just referred to. Yet the duke, in 1567, offered no opposition when Pius V ordered him to send to Rome for trial the canon Ceruti, who, in 1569, was condemned to the galleys for He could not have been a Protestant for his chief heresy was the denial life. of immortality. The intercession of the duke however, in 1572, procured his liberation and permission to keep his house in Mantua as a prison. Bertolotti, Martin del Libero Pensiero, pp. 43-5 (Roma, 1891). * MILAN 134 No active efforts were made to detect the assassins; some higher authority was evidently needed and Pius V, by a brief of February 12, 1568, ordered Cardinal Borromeo to go there with all speed, to bring the duke to obedience and to sit with the inquisitor in the Borromeo lost no time in obeying the mandate and, on his arrival he gave the duke to understand that the pope's determination was unalterable; he would rather see all Dominicans cut to pieces, and all Dominican convents burnt, than that trial of cases. heresy should go unpunished in Mantua. It required resolute action for there were heretics high-placed in both Church and State a company of sbirri had to be borrowed from Bologna, but ; Borromeo succeeded in breaking down all opposition. Already, by May 16th, he was able to report that his mission was accomOn May 21st plished and that his presence was no longer needed. he writes that the duke has come humbly to the inquisitor to beg for release from prison and sanbenito of two penitents, which was granted, seeing that they had already been compelled to abjure As the pope had rewarded Campeggio with the bishoppublicly. and Nepi, the duke had at once begged that the place might be filled by Fra Angelo, the vicar of the Inquisition, to all of which the cardinal points triumphantly as showing how the ric of Sutri ducal temper had changed. Possibly some explanation of this may be sought in a request from the duke that the confiscations should be made over to him, in so far as to suggest that reason by the may which Borromeo was willing to meet he be allowed one half. Another perhaps be discerned in his apprehension of an attack of Savoy, for, on June 4th, Borromeo writes that he Duke had asked this as it papacy in such contingency. Be Borromeo in June to return to Milan, was able may, for the support of the 1 leaving the Inquisition firmly established in Mantua. 1 MSS. Ambrosian Library, Tom. 5, F, 41, and F, 177, P. Inf. relates (Vita di Pio V, p. 157) that an heretical preacher of Morbegno in the Valtelline, named Francesco Cellaria was accustomed to visit Mantua of Catena where he had relations with some of the nobles. To put Pius sent in disguise the Dominican Piero Angelo Casannova to the Valtelline with instructions for his capture. With a band of eight men secretly as a missionary, an end to this, SAN CARLO BORROMEO'S ACTIVITY 135 predominating zeal for the extirpation on of heresy that when, May 16th, he begged permission to return to Milan, the reason he assigned was that he was wanted there for It is an indication the long-protracted of his trial of Nicholas Cid. This was a case which The for years been occupying the Milanese Inquisition. accused was treasurer-general of the Spanish forces, in whose favor Cesare Gonzaga wrote, November 2, 1565, to the cardinal, had repeating what he had frequently stated before, that it was a 1 This ardor for the purity persecution arising from malignity. of the faith did not diminish with time. In his second provincial council, held in 1569, the first decree requires the bishops to pro- mulgate an edict to be read in all the parish churches, on the first Sundays in Lent and Advent, calling upon all persons, under pain excommunication, to denounce within ten days, to the bishop or inquisitor, any case of heresy or of reading forbidden books of that may come to their knowledge. His own formula for this, very stringent, insisting on the denunciation of every 2 heretic act or suspicious word. in 1572, is It is evident that thus far the episcopal jurisdiction over heresy was not superseded by the inquisitorial, but that both worked in harmony and, between the two, it may be questioned whether the Milanese gained much in escaping the Spanish Inquisition. As the Roman organization perfected itself throughout Northern Italy, Milan naturally was a centre of activity, as a sort of bulwark The troubles arising from against the influence of Switzerland. the inevitable commercial intercourse with the heretics, and the capitulations which provided for the residence of traders on each Casannova kidnapped him at Bocca d'Adda, as he was returning from Coire to Morbegno, hurried him to Piacenza whence Duke Ottavio Farnese transmitted him to Rome. There he was condemned to be burnt alive but at the last moment he weakened and recanted, so that he was strangled before burning. He had been forced to name his accomplices in Mantua and other cities, and immediate The Orisons complained loudly of this steps were taken for securing them. invasion of their territory, but the Duke of Alburquerque, then Governor of Milan (1564-71), replied that the papal jurisdiction over heresy was supreme in all 1 3 lands. MSS. Acta of Ambrosian Library, Tom. Eccles. Mediolanens. I, 56, F, 106, P. Inf. Lett. 140. 67, 469. MILAN 136 continued to be a source of perpetual anxiety and vigilance. Then the transit of merchandise had to be watched; everything side, destined for Milan had to be opened and searched for heretic literature, but packages in transmission were allowed to pass through, relying upon examination at the points of destination. Correspondence by mail was also the subject of much solicitude. In 1588 the Congregation of the Inquisition was excited by the news that the heretic Cantons proposed to establish in the Valtela school for instruction in their doctrines, whereupon it wrote urgent letters and threatened to cut off all intercourse if the project line was not abandoned. inquisitor favoring In the same year warmly it wrote to the Milanese the plan of rewarding those who would capture and deliver to the tribunal heretic preachers and promis" ing to pay for this holy and pious work" according to the importance of the victims kidnapped, but it uttered a warning that this had better not be attempted in the Orisons, for fear of reprisals that would ruin the Catholic churches and monasteries there. In 1593 the tribunal was reminded that, while the capitulations permitted the residence of heretic merchants from the Orisons and Switzerland, the privilege was confined to must be prosecuted and punished. to go to Switzerland, returning are to be watched, and As home them and for Milanese all others who desire several times a year, they licences are not to be given to reside in places where they cannot have access to Catholic priests. Then, in 1597, there was fresh excitement over an edict of the Three Leagues, prohibiting the residence in the Valtelline of foreign In 1599 the zeal of the Milanese tribunal seems priests and friars. have provoked reclamations on the part of the Swiss, for the inquisitor was ordered not to molest the heretic merchants but to to observe the capitulations an outburst of persecution and retain the children This was doubtless part of in 1600, orders were given to seize strictly. for, of the heretics who had fled to Switzerland. 1 1 Decreta Sac. Congr. Sti. Officii, pp. 217-20 (R. Archivio di Stato in Roma, Fondo Camerale, Congr. del S. Offizio, Vol. 3). Under Venetian rule when, in 1579, the inquisitor at Treviso was about to publish an edict prohibiting departure for heretic lands without his licence, the EXTINCTION 137 It is evident that the Milanese tribunal had ample work in protecting the faith from hostile invasion. Its activity continued under the Spanish Hapsburgs until, in 1707, the genius of Prince Eugene won Lombardy the Spanish Succession. for Austria, as It still an incident in the War of existed on sufferance until the eighteenth century was well advanced. In 1771 Maria Theresa foreshadowed the end by ordering that no future vacancies should be filled and by suppressing the affiliated Order of the Crocesignati, whose property was assigned This to the support of orphanages. was followed by a decree of March 9, 1775, declaring that the existence of such an independent jurisdiction was incompatible with the supremacy and good order of the State, wherefore it was abolished and, as the inquisitors and their vicars should die, their 1 salaries should be applied to the orphanages. Thus passed away the oldest surviving Inquisition, which 1232, when we find may be said to date from Fra Alberico commissioned as Inquisitor of Lombardy. podesta and captain of the city prevented it, for which they were praised by the Signoria and similarly the rettore of Bergamo was rebuked for permitting it. Cecchetti, La Republica di Venezia e la Corte di Roma, I, 23 (Venezia, 1874). Fra Paolo tells us that in 1595 Clement VII issued a decree forbidding any Italian to visit a place where there was not a Catholic church and pastor, without a licence from the inquisitors. The result of this was that traders returning from heretic lands were watched, reports were sent to Rome and they were publicly appear there. The transalpine countries took offence at this and then cited to the public citations were made at the residence of the parties. Venice sought to diminish the evil effect of this on commerce by forbidding public citations in such cases. Sarpi, Historia dell' Inquisizione, p. 77 (Serravalle, 1638). heretics, sending to or receiving from them merchandise, or letters constituted fautorship of heresy and subjected the trader to the jurisdiction of the Inquisition. Masini, Sacro Arsenale overo Prattica dell' Simply trading with money Officio della S. Inquisizione, Roma, 1639, p. 16. 1 MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. vi, 29. der Staaten- und Kirchengeschichte, Sechste Le Bret, Magazin zum Gebrauch Theil, 101 (Frankfurt, 1777). During the 18th century the powers of the Inquisition were greatly limited civil authorities. In Tuscany we learn, in 1746, that in Florence and Siena no arrest or imprisonment could be made by it without the assent of the Government. Consulta fatta dalla Real Camera di S. Chiara, in Napoli (MS. by the penes me). CHAPTER V. THE CANARIES. 1 IN 1402 Jean de Bethencourt, an adventurer from Normandy, discovered or rediscovered the Canaries and made himself master of the islands of Lanzarote, Fuerteventura, Gomera and Hierro. After various changes of ownership, they fell to the crown of Castile, and Isabella undertook the conquest of the remainder of Grand Canary, Tenerife and la Palma. The sturdy Guanches rendered the enterprise an arduous one, consuming eighteen years, and it was not until 1496 that it was finally accomplished. That Columbus, on his first the group, the resistance of the native voyage, took his departure from Gomera indicates the importance assumed by the Canaries in the development of trade with the New World and this, conjoined with their productiveness, as they became settled and cultivated, rendered them a centre of commerce frequented by the ships of all maritime nations, as well as an object of buccaneering raids, in an age when trade and piracy were sometimes indistinguishable. Their proximity to Morocco and the Guinea coast moreover exposed them to attacks from the Moors and gave them an opportunity of accumulating Moorish and negro slaves, whom the piety of the age sought to The tribunal of the Canaries was reckoned among those of Castile and most new material in my possession concerning it has been embodied in the "History of the Inquisition of Spain." Its insular position, however, and the consequent attraction of foreign merchants and sea-faring men, rendered its career somewhat peculiar, and it has seemed worth while to devote a chapter to it, based on two works 1 of the Historia de la Inquisicion en las Idas Canarias, por Agustin Millares, 4 vols., Las Palmas de Gran-Canaria, 1874. Catalogue of a Collection of Original Manuscripts formerly belonging to the Holy Office of the Inquisition in the Canary Islands and now in the possession of the Marquis of Bute. By W. De Gray Birch, LL.D., 2 vols., Edinburgh and London, 1903. (139) THE CANARIES 140 convert into Christians by the water of baptism. In various ways, therefore, there came to be abundant material for inquisitorial activity, although the Judaizing New Christians, who furnished the Spanish tribunals with their principal business, appear have been singularly few. to There was no haste in extending the Spanish Inquisition to As early as 1406 a bishopric had been founded in the Canaries. Lanzarote, subsequently transferred to Las Palmas in the Grand Canary, which was regarded as the capital of the group. If the successive bishops, who, with more or less regularity, filled the see, exercised their episcopal jurisdiction have no over heresy, their labors It is not until the time of Diego de Muros, in who was consecrated 1496, that we have any evidence of such That stirring prelate, who held a diocesan synod in 1497, action. left trace. announced, April 25, 1499, that, as inquisitor by his ordinary authority, he would have inquest made in some of the islands into heresy and Judaism and other crimes against the faith. What was the result, we have no means of knowing except a confession made, on May 22d, stitious prayer by Isabel Ramirez, of having taught a super- which was regarded as sorcery. It is probable that Bishop Muros was warned that he was invading the jurisdiction of the Holy Office, for he sent the papers in the case to 1 noteworthy that, after the establishment of the Canary tribunal, the bishops and their provisors long continued to use the title of "ordinary" inquisitor, to which no the tribunal of Seville. It is exception seems to have been taken, although elsewhere it was contested and forbidden. The latest occasion of its employment with which I have met occurs in 1672. 2 It was not until 1505 that the Suprema bethought itself of establishing a tribunal in the Canaries, when Inquisitor-general Deza appointed as inquisitor Bartolome* Lopez Tribaldos. The first entry in his register the earliest record that is dated Tuesday, October 28, 1505, and we have of his activity there were two reconciliations, one of 1 Birch, I, 5, 7-8. Millares, is in 1507, when Juan de Ler, a Portuguese, I, 95-6. Birch, I, 160-7, 173. SUBORDINATION TO SEVILLE for Judaism, and the other of Ana 141 Rodriguez, a native, for sor- What whose sanbenitos were duly hung in the cathedral. no means have we were the exact powers conferred on Tribaldos of knowing, but they must have been exceedingly limited, and for 1 ceries, a long time the tribunal continued to be in close dependence on that of Seville. When, about 1520, Martin Ximenes, fiscal of the Seville tribunal, came to Las Palmas in the of precentor of the Cathedral, provisor and combined capacity inquisitor, he left as his deputy fiscal in Seville Doctor Fernando de Zamora, thus not abandoning that office. Even as late as 1548 we chance to have the record of a consulta de fe held 13th, to decide the Seville tribunal, January by on certain informations and cases sent to it by the Juan Alonso, a Morisco, Canary inquisitor Padilla. it was ordered that he should be arrested and tried, when the result In the affair of be reported for action. In that of Juan Fernandez, he was to be summoned and examined as to his blasphemy and then be penanced at the discretion of Padilla and the Ordinary. Leo- was to nor de Lera was to be arrested and tried and the result be submitted. The case of Diego Martinez had apparently been con- cluded under Padilla, for the Seville consulta sentenced him to 2 Thus every act, from the prelimitwelve years of galley service. nary arrest to the was regulated from Seville. To more anomalous we hear of an inquisidor final decision, render the position still ordinariOj Alonso Vivas, Prior of the cathedral, commissioned, October, 1523, to try cases of faith throughout the Grand 3 Canary as he had already done in Telde and Aguimes. in and imperfect as may have been the organization of In the tribunal, it yet managed to accomplish some convictions. Irregular 1510 there was held an auto de fe in which there were three recon- Judaism and one, of a Moorish slave, for reincidence ciliations for Mahometan error, while a fifth culprit was penanced for Juda4 Then in 1513 occurred the first relaxation, that of Alonso ism. Fatima, a native Morisco, who had fled to Barbary. This was in 1 8 Birch, I, 6. Millares, I, 71. Millares, I, 79. 3 * Birch, I, 1, 67. Millares, I, 75. THE CANARIES 142 always deemed sufficient evidence of relapse to former and he was duly burned that in effigy. be attributed the may Juan de Xeres first It was probably that of relaxation in person of Seville, for Judaism. It errors, also to 1516 shows that the tribunal was indifferently equipped that, when he was sentenced the physician whose presence was obligatory on such to torture, occasions, Doctor Juan Meneses de Gallegas, was required personally to was exceedingly severe, extending to eleven jars of water; the accused was unable to endure it; he confessed his faith, was sentenced to relaxation as a relapsed and for administer It it. and was executed on Wednesday, June 4th. 1 Martin Ximenes seems to have performed his duties with com- fictitious confession, He commenced by making an mendable energy. register of all the parties denounced under alphabetical his predecessor, com- prising 139 individuals, besides various groups, such as "the Confesos and Moriscos of Lanzarote," "other Confesos, their kindred," "certain persons of Hierro" etc., which indicate how 2 He made a visitation of Teneslovenly had been the procedure. rife and la Palma, from which he returned with ample store of fresh denunciations. ecclesiastical, and 3 all May 29, 1524, all the dignitaries, civil and the people were assembled in the church of Santa Ana, where an edict was read commanding them to render aid and favor to the Inquisition, and an oath to that effect was There was also an Edict administered. from confiscation to to themselves all of Grace, promising relief who would come forward and confess as and others; also an Edict of Faith requiring denunand specifying the various kinds of blasphemies and the distinctive Jewish and Moorish rites; and ciation of errors and sorceries finally an edict reciting that the Con versos were emigrating and forbidding their leaving the islands and all ship-masters from carrying away suspected persons without licence from him, under the penalties of fautorship and of forfeiting their vessels. 4 In the record concerning Juan de Xeres, the year is Birch, I, 91, 92-4. omitted, but as Wednesday fell on June 4 in 1511, 1516, 1533 and 1539. the probable date is 1516 1 ' Birch, 1, 1-5. Millares, I, 82. Birch, I, 15-33. TRIVIAL CASES The terror inspired from a before single him had heard by the instance. to confess that of the 143 Ximenes may be estimated 21st, Ynes de Tarifa came activity of On May when, a couple of months before, she in Seville of her son-in-law Alonso burning Hernandez and of his brother Francisco, she recalled that after meals Alonso used to read to Francisco out of a book in an un- known tongue she had erred in not denouncing this to the 1 The publibegged to be treated mercifully. cation of the edicts throughout the islands brought in an abun- and, if Seville tribunal, she dant store of denunciations, the record for eight months, from September 13, 1524, to May 15, 1526, amounting to 167. They were nearly all of petty sorceries by women, in sickness or love affairs, but with an occasional blasphemy or suspicion of Judaism, and persons of station were not exempted, for the list comprises the Adelantado Don Pedro de Lugo and his wife Elvira Diaz, the Dean Juan de Alarcon, the Prior Alonso Bivas and others of The adelantado, in fact, was dead, but the accusation position. his against memory is sufficiently significant of the prevailing temper to be worth relating. The Bachiller Diego de Funes came forward, by command of his confessor, to state that when Diego de San Martin was holding for ransom a Judio de senal (one obliged to wear a distinctive mark) who had been caught on his to Portugal, the captive was starving to death because he could not eat meat slaughtered by Christians de Lugo charitably gave him a sheep to kill according to his rites and even himself way : some of the mutton. These petty cases kept Ximenes busy he and despatched them with promptness; the punishments as a rule were not severe in one or two cases scourging or vergiienza, ate but mostly small fines, exile and occasionally spiritual penances. 2 There were, however, cases in which the faith demanded more exemplary vindication. The island of Grand Canary, from 1523 to 1532, was ravaged with pestilence creating great misery. Among other causes of divine wrath the people included the secret apostasy of the Portuguese 1 Birch, I, 33. New Christians and of the l Moorish Ibidem, 34-64. THE CANARIES 144 and demanded severe measures for its repression. It may have been with an idea of placating God that Ximenes, on February slaves, 24, 1526, celebrated the first auto publico general de fe with great solemnity, in which iars. izers all the nobles of the island assisted as famil- The occasion was impressive, for there were seven Judarelaxed in person and burnt, there were ten reconciliations, were of Moorish baptized slaves, four were for Judaism and one of a Genoese heretic, in addition to which there which of five 1 were two blasphemers penanced. This is the last that we hear of Ximenes, whose place, in 1527, was filled by Luis de Padilla, treasurer of the cathedral. For awhile he imitated his predecessor's activity and, on June 4, 1530, another oblation was offered to God, in an auto celebrated with the same ostentation no relaxations many Moorish as the previous one. This time there were in person, but there were six effigies burnt of as slaves, who had escaped and were drowned in their way to Africa and liberty. There were infidelity while on their also the effigy and bones of Juan de Ynes de Tarifa who had denounced Converso descent and had committed equivalent to self-condemnation. tions, of Tarifa, the husband of the herself in 1524; he was of suicide in prison, which was There were three reconcilia- which two were for Judaism and one for Islam and five 2 The next auto was held on May 23, 1534, in which there were two relaxations of effigies for Judaism and twenty-five reconciliations twenty-four of Moriscos and one penitents for of minor a Judaizer. for it trial. was of When offences. One of the relaxations carries with it a warning, Costanza Garza, who had died in 1533 during her too late her innocence was discovered and the Suprema humanely rehabilitated her memory and her children, and ordered the restoration of her confiscated estate. 3 Whether this aggressive vindication of the faith put an end to heresy or whether Padilla had exhausted his energies, it would be impossible now to say, but after 1 Millares, I, 87-92. Ibidem, 96-100. this 8 auto the tribunal sank Ibidem, 103-7. Birch, I, 90. TEMPORAR Y SUSPENSION 145 on February 8, 1538, the chapter secretary, Canon Alonso de San Juan, into lethargy so complete that notified Padilla and the that the revenues of their prebends were stopped, for they did not assist in the choir and it was notorious that the Holy Office had 1 Possibly this may have stimulated action, but seen that in 1548 the tribunal was merely collecting nothing to do. we have evidence and obeying the instructions of the Seville Inquisition. Under this there was an accumulation of culprits for an auto held burnt of fugitives There all Moriscos, except a Fleming, Julian Cornelis Vandyk. of one Moriscos were also four reconciled, them, curiously enough, in 1557, where there were seventeen for so-called Calvinism. remains action of 2 effigies This seems to have exhausted whatever energy Padilla possessed for by him, except a we hear of no further quarrel with the royal Audiencia in 1562, but nevertheless the tribunal shared in the suppression of prebends, and a papal brief assigning one to it was presented to the chapter, August 27, 1563, thus adding another efficient cause of dissension between them. 3 Soon after this the tribunal virtually In 1565 there was a curious case, of which more It was carried on hereafter, of John Sanders, an English sailor. the absence of the bishop the wholly by episcopal provisor, during ceased to exist. Diego Deza. There were arrest, sequestration and the collection of voluminous testimony, which was carefully sealed and despatched to Bishop Deza, to be handed to the Seville tribunal. Throughout it all, there is no trace of participation by the local Inquisition, which, in the consuming jealousy of episcopal ennot could croachments, possibly have been the case had there been 4 a tribunal in the Canaries. The policy followed thus far had evidently proved a failure, and Inquisitor-general Espinosa resolved to reorganize the tribunal and render it independent of Seville. The fiscal of Toledo, and was sent out as a full Diego Ortiz de Funez, was selected of the unusual with powers selecting and removing his inquisitor, 1 1 Millares, 1, 109-10. Ibidem, 10 I, 125. J 4 Ibidem, I, 115-18 Birch, II, 1018-26. THE CANARIES 146 subordinates, while subjected only to the requirement of reporting Suprema. The royal letters commanding obedience to him are dated October 10, 1567, and he left Madrid in the his acts to the Spring of 1568, landing at Las Isletas on April 17th. Four days later he started for Las Palmas, accompanied in procession by all On May the dignitaries, secular and ecclesiastical, of the island. 1st all the population excommunication, was summoned, to assemble the next under pain of fine day and in the cathedral, at the reading of the Edict of Faith and to take the oath to obey and favor the Holy Office, all of which was performed with due 1 solemnity. Fiinez carried instructions to appoint twenty familiars and no more cities Las Palmas, and such as were found necessary in the other and islands. This was his first care, and he soon had a in formidable body, recruited from the old nobility, to support his authority. Thus far the Inquisition had had no special habitation, not even a prison, and those under trial on the most serious charges were confined in their own where there was no provision for houses or in the public gaol, their segregation. manded a competent building, with a demand not easily complied with finally was installed in the episcopal the absence of the bishop. 2 Funez de- the necessary conveniences, in so small a place, and he palace, then vacant through This of course could be but tempo- rary and some other provision must have been made, for we are told that, when the Dutch under Pieter Vandervoez, in 1599, took possession of Las Palmas, they burnt both the episcopal palace and the building of the Inquisition. until thirty years later shall see, tribunal. The former was not by Bishop Murga and was reconstructed in rebuilt the latter, as due time on a large scale by we the 3 A matter not easily understood is the bestowal, May 25, 1568, on Ftinez, by the dean and chapter, sede vacante, of cognizance of 1 1 Millares, II, 7-20. l Ibidem, pp. 15, 21-22. Murga, Conatituciones sinodales del Obispado de la Gran Canaria, fol. 333 (Madrid, 1634X RENEWED ACTIVITY 147 not remain superstitions arid sorcery, because these crimes should unpunished and his powers as inquisitor were deficient in this 1 These offences in Spain were recognized as subject to inquisitorial jurisdiction when savoring, as they always were respect. assumed and pact with the demon; they formed to do, of heresy coming before the Canary tribunal and the previous inquisitors had not hesitated to deal with them. They formed however a kind of debatable ground, far the larger part of the cases by claimed by both the secular and spiritual as well as the inquisi- and Funez may have taken advantage of the impression produced by his reception to obtain from the chapter, torial jurisdiction in the absence of a bishop, a transfer of its powers. Funez was zealous and energetic in restoring the tribunal to usefulness and, in about eighteen months, he material for an auto de fe, celebrated had accumulated November he sent out his proclamation through 5, 1569. For all the islands so that, as he boasted to the Suprema, although the Grand Canary had this only fifteen hundred inhabitants, there were fully three thousand The new bishop, Juan de spectators assembled. so warm an Azolares, took interest in the affairs of the Inquisition that he voted walked in the procession and he There were twenty-seven penitents for personally in all the cases, he preached the sermon. minor ties, offences, involving fines, scourging, galleys and there were three and other penal- effigies of Moriscos relaxed. One of Felipe, a rich merchant of Lanzarote who, had been issued for his arrest, chartered a warrant on learning that a vessel under pretext of going to Tenerife, on which he embarked these represented Juan with his wife and children and some thirty of his compatriots, finding a safe refuge in Morocco and furnishing material for 2 heightening the interest of several more autos. The activity of Funez was not confined to the Gran Canaria for he made repeated in denunciations and January 1 Birch, I, 4, 159-60. from visitations to the several islands, gathering all 1571, the quarters, so that, between list of accused amounts 2 May 2, 1568, to 544 besides Millares, II, 23-30. THE CANARIES 148 a number of collective entries, such as "bruxas," "the Frenchmen who took the caravel of the Espinosas," " renegades," "Moriscos of Lanzarote," ''fugitive negroes" etc. The names of English- men and of an occasional Fleming also begin to appear. Yet the denunciations consist largely of the veriest trifles of careless speech, indicating how acute was the watchfulness excited to observe and report whatever might seem to savor of heresy. There was no safety in lapse of time, for matters were treasured up to be brought out long afterwards, when there was no possibility of disproving them. In Gomera, October 23, 1570, Maria Machin denounced Catalina Rodriguez for telling her of a love-charm thirty years before; in Garachico, December 21, 1570, Marina Ferrera informs on Vicente Martin, a cleric who had gone to the some who told her more than twenty-seven years unnamed woman who had tried on him a conjuration before of an Indies, bleeding. January More serious 14, 1571, by to stop nose- was the accusation brought in Laguna, Barbolagusta, wife of the Regidor Francisco de Coronado, against the physician Reynaldos, because, twelve or thirteen years before, when the husband of a patient told her to seek the intercession of the saints, he said that God alone was to 1 be prayed to and there was no need of saints. Complaints of Funez must have reached the Suprema for, after a short interval, probably in 1570, Doctor Bravo de Zayas was He seems to have associated sent out as visitador or inspector. himself companionably with Funez as a colleague and, in August, 1571, he made a visitation of the islands, bringing back an abun- The two held together an auto on December 12, 1574, in which there was but one relaxation the Four slaves were reconciled, includeffigy of a fugitive Morisco. dant store of denunciations. ing a case which is suggestive that of a negro of whom it is recorded that he was tortured for an hour, when the infliction was stopped because he was so ignorant and stupid. Pious zeal for the salvation of these poor savages led to their baptism after capture; they could not be intelligent converts or throw off their 1 Birch, I, 133-53. VISITATIONS 149 native superstitions, and no one seemed able to realize the grim absurdity of adding the terrors of the Inquisition to the horrors When a negro slave-girl was bemoanwas her she condition, kindly consoled with the assurance ing that baptism preserved her and her children from hell, to which of their enslaved existence. she innocently replied that doing evil and not lack of baptism This was heresy, for which she was duly prosecuted. 1 Under the inquisitorial code the attempt to escape from slavery led to hell. thus was apostasy, punishable as such successful if auto, held by concremation in by Zayas and Fiinez, if unsuccessful, This effigy. June is and expiated an illustrated in 24, 1576, in which among sixteen effigies of absentees were those of eight slaves, seven negroes and one Moor. bought by Dona sugar plantation. They had undergone baptism, had been Catalina de la Cuevas and were worked on her They seized a boat at Orotava and escaped to which they were duly prosecuted as apostates and a ghastly mockery their effigies were delivered to the flames which does not seem to have produced the desired impression in Morocco, for preventing other misguided beings from flying from their salvation. 2 While Zayas thus cooperated with Funez, he did not neglect the special mission entrusted to him. Charges piled up against Funez, which he condensed into a series of thirty articles, embracing all manner of misdeeds favoritism, injustice, improper finantrading with the Moors of Barbary, illtreatment of prisoners, lack of discipline in the tribunal, etc. Zayas and Funez seem to have returned to Spain towards the close cial transactions, illicit of 1576, for the latter's defence against the charges is dated at Madrid, February 12, 1577. In this he answered all the points in full detail, with citation of documents the people of the islands, ; given to perjury and, when offended, bring false accusations to revenge themselves a habit which, it may be he asserts, are hoped, he bore in mind when sitting as a judge. Doubtless he had given them provocation enough to induce them to exercise their 1 Millares, II, 43-44, 47, 51. J Ibidem, pp. 57-61. THE CANARIES 150 him and the numerous charges indi- cate a wide-spread feeling of hostility towards the tribunal. His talents in this line against defence was skilfully drawn and, on The Canary its face, seems to be sufficient. 1 was thus placed upon the same footing as those of Spain, though perhaps it was subjected to a somewhat closer supervision by the Suprema than was as yet exercised at tribunal - home, for we happen to have a letter of October 11, 1572, ordering that Antonio Lorenzo be released from the secret prison and be given his house as a prison. authority was necessary, Perhaps it felt that assertion of its and uncertainty commercial intercourse was not frequent; in view of the delay communication, for Funez says, about this time, it was notorious that there were no vessels sailing for two or three or even more months. 2 Be of as may, there was another visitor sent to the Canaries in The latter was Claudio de la Cueva, 1582, and a third about 1590. whose visitation lasted until 1597 and was useful in exposing the this as it Joseph de Armas, who had served as fiscal for more than twenty years. A quarrel between him and the secretary, iniquities of Francisco Ibanez, led to mutual accusations and the unveiling of secrets which show how the terror inspired by the Inquisition and the immunity of its officials enabled them to abuse their There was a rich and respected Fleming named Jan positions. Aventrot, married to a native widow, who was accused by a step- daughter of eating meat on Fridays and saying that meat left no stain on the soul; also of eating meat in Lent and speaking Flemish. Aventrot was secretly a Protestant, which could read- ily have been developed by the ordinary inquisitorial methods, but he escaped with a reprimand and a fine of 200 ducats. 3 How this happened in prison, finds its explanation in the fact that, while he Armas obtained from him, without payment, a 1 was bill of Archive de Simancas, Canarias, Expedientes de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. Cuad. 3. 1 1 Ibidem, fol. 10, 13. Millares, II, 105-6. Cote is m, alluded to in The subsequent case of Aventrot and his nephew Jan my History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 300; II, 348 ; III, 102. ABUSES exchange on Seville. 1 He 151 also defrauded the revenue by receiving goods imported by an Englishman named John Gache (Gatchell ?) and selling them through his brother Baltasar. Hernan Peraza, alguazil of the tribunal, complained that his debts Armas would not pay and so did Daniel Vandama, a Flemish merchant. A harder case was that of a chaplaincy in the Inquisition founded by Andre's de Moron for the benefit of Juan de Cervantes, son of Caspar Fullana, auditor of accounts in the cathedral. Armas induced Inquisitor Francisco Madaleno to take the chaplaincy from Cervantes and give it to him. When Claudio de la Cueva came, Fullana complained to him and he ordered the chaplaincy and the income accrued during four years, amounting Armas delayed payment for some to 190 doblas, to be refunded. restored months and then insisted on compromising it for 120 doblas, which Fullana agreed to, fearing that Armas, who was a canon, would induce the chapter to deprive him of his auditorship, but in place of getting money he received orders on parties at a distance. In under examination by la Cueva, May 4, 1596, Fullana begged him not to insist on the restitution of the remaining 70 2 doblas, for Armas was a dangerous man. stating this He Dona proved so to the convent of la Concepcion, founded by whom Cardinal Rodrigo Isabel de Garfias, a Cistercian nun, de Castro, Archbishop of Seville, had sent to Las Palmas for the purpose. Armas persuaded the bishop, Fernando de Figueroa, to appoint him as visitor of the convent and used his authority to cultivate a suspicious intimacy with some of the younger inmates, to the destruction of discipline and rules of the Order. When the abbess endeavored to enforce them, he deposed her and re- placed her with Francisca Ramirez, a Dominican, who had accompanied her from Spain, and who was of near kin to Dona Laura Ramirez, his mistress, by whom he was said to have a child. The abbess appealed to the archbishop, who addressed, December 19, 1595, a forcible letter to the bishop, recapitulating the misdeeds 1 Archive de Simancas, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. 849, 872. 1 Ibidem, fol. 406, 407, 411, 417-22. i, fol. 844, THE CANARIES 152 Armas and of ordering him to investigate and apply the appro- priate remedies, but to no purpose, and the abbess turned to la Cueva, February 28, 1596, with an earnest memorial, imploring Armas, she said, desired her death, for when would not allow the physician to visit her, so that his interposition. she was sick he 1 A more prominent ecclesiastic who experienced him was the prior of the cathedral, Doctor provoking Luis Ruiz de Salazar, who was also a consultor of the tribunal. They had a quarrel in the chapter; Salazar called him the son of a clockmaker and, when Armas gave him the lie, Salazar seized his cap and beat him with it. Inquisitor Madaleno promptly threw she nearly died. the risk of Salazar into prison and prosecuted him, but, as the affair concerned a church dignitary, he was obliged to submit the papers to the for the sentence. Suprema With unexpected moderation the latter replied, April 2, 1591 that, as the affair took place in the chapter and in the capacity of canons, the tribunal abandon the case and allow it jurisdiction but it to be decided must by whatever judges had did not prescribe any satisfaction to Salazar 2 by his imprisonment. infamy Meanwhile the tribunal had been actively performing such for the inflicted duties as came in its way, strengthened by the addition of another we find Funez replaced with Diego Osorio de Seijas and Juan Lorenzo, who celebrated a public auto on March 12th of that year. It will be remembered that, in the auto inquisitor, for, in 1581, appeared the effigy of Juan Felipe, who had escaped from Lanzarote, carrying with him some thirty other fugitives. of 1569, there The tribunal had not forgotten them and now, after duly trying them it burnt their effigies, to the number of thirty-one, including Felipe's wife and sister and three children, fifteen slaves, mostly negroes and a miscellaneous group of others. In addition there with the usual penalties. 3 Six years elapsed before there was another auto, celebrated were 1 fifteen reconciled penitents, Archive de Simancae, Canarias, Exp. de Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. i, fol. 568, 1115-19. 1 Birch, I, 297-300. 8 Millares, II, 72-4, PERSECUTION 153 July 22, 1587, in which there were burnt three effigies of a remnant of the Lanzarote fugitives. There was also the more impres- izers in 1526. man first since that of the Juda- This was an Englishman named George Caspar sive relaxation of a living the who, in the royal prison of Tenerife, had been seen praying with back to a crucifix and, on being questioned, had said that his prayer was to be addressed to God and not to images. He was transferred to the tribunal, where he freely confessed to having been brought up as a Protestant. Torture did not shake his faith and he was condemned, a confessor as usual being sent to his cell He asked to be the night before the auto to effect his conversion. alone for awhile and the confessor, on his return, found him lying on the floor, had picked up official having thrust into his stomach a knife which he in the prison account piously tells The pleased God that the wound and concealed us that it for the purpose. was not immediately mortal and that he survived so that the sentence could be executed ; the dying to the quemadero and ended until evening, man was his misery in the flames. carted Another Englishman was Edward Francis, who had been found wounded and abandoned on the shore of Tenerife. He saved his life, while under torture, by professing himself a fervent Catholic, who had been obliged to dissemble his religion, a fault which he expiated with two hundred lashes and six years of galley service. Still another Englishman was John Reman (Raymond ?) a sailor of the ship Falcon; he had asked for penance and, as there was nothing on which to support him in the prison, he was transferred to the public gaol. The governor released him and, in wandering around he fell into conversation with some women, in which he expressed A ensued in which, under torture, he professed contrition and begged for mercy, which he obtained in the disguise of two hundred lashes and ten years of Protestant opinions. galleys. twelve in trial In addition there were the crew of the bark Prima Rosa, number, all English but one Fleming. Cne of them, John Smith, had died rest, second in prison, and was reconciled in effigy; the with or without torture, had professed conversion and were THE CANARIES 154 sent to the galleys, Besides tion. some these, them with a hundred of lashes in addi- notable auto presented twenty-two this penitents, penanced or reconciled, for the ordinary offences and 1 with the usual penalties. Another auto was celebrated December 21, 1597, with a large number of penitents, but no relaxations either in person or in was the last of these solemnities held in public, for the next one, December 20, 1608, was an auto particular, in the catheeffigy. dral, It when sition in three effigies were relaxed. 2 In fact, while the Inqui- power and threatening to the Canaries there seems to have been Spain was consolidating its dominate the monarchy, in an unconscious combination of opposing forces which crippled its energies and gradually rendered it inert. Yet during the early years of the seventeenth century it had vigor enough to burn two unfortunates alive. Gaspar Nicholas Claysen (Claessens?) a Hollander, had been condemned to a year of prison, in the auto He seems to of 1597, when he must have professed conversion. have imagined that he would escape recognition and, in 1611, he tempted his fate again and sought the Canaries as the captain of a merchant He was vessel. arrested April 19th and tried again. In spite of torture he maintained his faith to the last and, on January 27, 1612, he was sentenced to relaxation, as an impenitent, by the inquisitors Juan Francisco de Monroy and Pedro Espino de Brito. Then a delay of two years occurred, possibly occupied with efforts for his salvation, and it was not until February 22, 1614, that the governor, Francisco de la Rua, was summoned to hear his sentence and receive him for execution. There was a Dutch ship and many of his compatriots in rescue seems to have been feared, for such is loading him with chains and guarding him in the harbor the town, so that his the reason given for with four soldiers carrying arquebuses with lighted matches. At the appointed hour he was paraded through the streets, under a guard of soldiers, to the plaza de Santo Domingo, where he was Millares, II, 80-94, * Ibidem, III, 9-10. RELAXATIONS 155 duly burnt alive. The next year, on June 2, 1615, Tobias Lorenzo, a Hollander settled in Garachico (Tenerife), who had been arrested 1 was burnt as a relapsed Protestant. This was the last relaxation in person, making, according in 1611, to Millares, a total of only eleven since the foundation of the tribunal, Juan de Xeres, the count amounts After this a long interval occurs before there was even to twelve. an effigy burnt. Duarte Henriquez Alvarez was a Portuguese New Christian, who was a collector of the royal revenues and a but, as he omits the earliest one, 2 merchant rich he fell in love with the and resolved He to In his frequent voyages to Europe in Tenerife. daughter of an Amsterdam correspondent marry her and return remitted to Holland as ting suspicion, he to the faith of his ancestors. much money abandoned as he could without exci- to the Inquisition the rest of his con- and departed, never to return. He was duly prosecuted in absentia and condemned to relaxation in effigy. Permission to execute the sentence in an auto particular was siderable property asked of the Suprema and its assent was received, May 29, 1659. No time was lost; on June 1st the auto was held in the cathedral; the effigy was delivered to the corregidor and was solemnly burnt From quemadero, being the last execution in the Canaries. this time to the end of the century the work of the tribunal was almost nothing, the records 'of the prison showing that there were 3 in the rarely more than one or two 4 prisoners. Before following the history of the tribunal to its decadence and extinction, we may pause to consider its condition and the various directions in 1 2 which its activity Millares, III, 12-24. Ibidem, 163-4. The figures of Millares are drawn from the In 1526 there are 8; in 1587, 1 in 1614, 1 in 1615, 1. Quemados. 3 was developed. Millares, III, 26-31. The official list of ; ; total relaxations in effigy amount to 107, as follows (Ibidem, III, 164-8): 1 4 in 7 " 2 " 1513 1530 1534 Birch, II, 695. 17 in 3 " " 1 1557 1569 16 in 30 1574 3 " " 1576 1581 1587 23 3 1 in " " 1591 1608 1659, THE CANARIES 166 presumably were limited. During the earlier term of its career, when it had no buildings of its own and no prison to maintain, when its officials for the most part were Its financial resources drawn from the chapter and other beneficed incumbents, an occasional confiscation and levying of fines probably met the moderate necessary expenses. In 1563 it had the benefit of a suppressed prebend and when, in 1568, Funez was sent to organize it, the energy of his administration doubtless supplied the funds necessary for the establishment which he founded. Imposing fines, however, probably was easier than collecting them, for when, was about to depart on a visitation of the islands in 1570, he he impressed upon the many persons fiscal, who owed Juan de Cervantes, that there were the fines to which they had been con- demned and he was especially empowered to use all the rigor of law 1 This seems to have been the only source payment. thus far of funds, for when one of the charges against Funez, in in compelling the visitation, was that he kept no book for recording confiscations, his reply, in 1577, was that there had been none since that of the Felipes (in 1569) he could till A visit and this was so involved that he waited Lanzarote and straighten it out. 2 however, as we shall see, was now developing in the prosecution of heretic merchants and shipmasters who were seeking the trade of the Canaries, when a latitudi- more promising field, narian construction of the law permitted the seizure of vessels and cargoes, on which the grip of the Inquisition was not easily relaxed. Either from this or some other source the tribunal was emerging its poverty, for a stray document shows us that, in 1602, it from was investing 5000 ducats in a ground-rent, from which it was 3 We also catch a glimpse of receiving the income in 1755. still its affairs in 1654, when the Seville Contratacion sent its fiscal to the Canaries to put a stop to the exportation of wine to the Indies, the commerce of which was confined to Seville. 15th the tribunal addressed to Philip 1 * 1 Birch, I, On June IV a memorial, arguing that 383-4. Archive de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. in, Cuad. Birch, II, 1007 3, fol. 20. FINANCES to cut off this trade would be the 157 total destruction of the islands, which now pay the king 60,000 ducats a year over the expenses of the garrison and judiciary, for the English took only the malmsey of Tenerife and the rest of the vintage, amounting to 16,000 The bishopric, now worth pipes per annum, went to the Indies. would not be worth 10,000; as for the Inquisition, it held ground-rents on the vineyards paying 22,232 reales and 28 mara30,000, vedis, which it would lose, and, as its only other source, the pre- bend, was worth only 300 ducats a year, its support would fall on 1 The only relief obtained from the king was permission the king. Whether to ship 1000 tuns a year to various American ports. the tribunal suffered or not we have no means knowing, but in 1660 we find it gathering in the estate of Duarte Henriquez, burnt in effigy in 1658, and applying 1942 reales from it to the of renewal of 212 sanbenitos, hung in the churches, which had 2 indistinct with age. become worm-eaten and This does not look as if the tribunal were oppressed with poverty; must have enjoyed abundant means for about this time completed what is described as an imposing palace for its habi- in fact it it This had a spacious patio, covered with an awning in hot weather, which led into a handsome garden, opening upon a To these the public was freely admitted and street in the rear. tation. they formed a thoroughfare from one street to another, the object which was to enable witnesses and informers to come without of attracting attention. In the building were lodged the senior inquisitor, the gaoler and the subordinate officials, the prison and 3 Later financial data are the torture-chamber being in the rear. 1 Millares, III, 153-7; IV, 19-20. The exportation of wine from the Canaries to the Indies was an old subject of complaint in the home country. In 1573 the Cortes represented that its profits had caused the abandonment of sugar culture, which had formerly supplied the Spanish sugar market, greatly enhancing its price and deteriorating its quality, while at the same time the nourishing wine-trade was being ruined. In reply to this Philip II only promised to look into the matter and evidently nothing was done at the time. Cortes de Madrid del afio de setenta y tres, Peticion 76 (Alcala, 1575). 2 Millares, III, 85. 3 Ibidem, 93-5. THE CANARIES 158 missing, but the tribunal probably to managed meet its expenses to the end, with no greater difficulty than those of the Peninsula. From first was not burdened with a punitive prison or misericordia, and its sentences to confinement are to last casa de la it always to convents or to the houses of the culprits or to hold the The detentive or secret prison was economically city as a prison. administered, the ration, as The vedis a day. complaints by visitor, we learn in 1577, being only 24 mara- Bravo y Zayas, was assailed with many the inmates of insufficient food, which they ascribed of the officials, but Funez explained it by saying the in Canaries there were usually one or two months while that, of scarcity in a year, there had been a famine lasting through to the knavery when the price of bread went up to a cuarto of six maravedis for two or three ounces and the people were 1571, 1572 and 1573, reduced to eating chestnuts; meat was correspondingly scarce and the supply of fish was very uncertain. Rich and poor fered alike and, as the prisoners' allowance was in money, suftheir 1 food was unavoidably diminished. Judaizing New Christians, who furnished, in the Peninsula, so abundant a source of exploitation, formed a comparatively insigAt first nificant feature in the activity of the Canary tribunal. there was better promise, as we have seen in the statistics of the but these energetic proceedings seem either to have driven them away or to have thoroughly converted them and, in earlier autos, the subsequent period, the cases of Judaism are singularly few, in so far as we can learn from existing documents. a denunciation of a Dutchman named Rojel, Tenerife and who subsequently was living as a Jew. In 1636, a In 1635 there who had been is in seen in Holland, dressed and man named Mardocheo, aged 80, La Laguna in Tenerife, was accused of talking Judaism who man a had been a fellow-prisoner with him in the public by resident of gaol. 1 In 1638 the Licenciado Diego de Arteaga was suspected Archive de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. in, Cuad. 8, 10. 3, fol. 2, JUDAIZEES 159 consequence of irregular conduct in a In 1653, Francisco Vicente, a West Indian, who had procession. accompanied his master Diego Rodrigo Arias from Havana to of being de casta de Judio, in London and thence to Tenerife, denounced him for taking a crucifix every night from his chest and flogging it for half an hour. In 1659 we have seen the relaxation in effigy of Duarte Henriquez Alvarez. In 1660 Fray Matias Pinto accused Antonio Ferndndez Carvajal of saying that he was a Jew since Protector Cromwell had broken peace with Spain. In 1662 Gaspar Pereyra, alias de Vitoria, was convicted of Judaism and sent to Seville to serve out his term of imprisonment. His grandmother had been burnt and merchant had carried him to Brazil, Angola, his business as a Lisbon, Madrid, Antwerp, Amsterdam, Middelburg and many other places, so that he had a comprehensive acquaintance with the communities of Jewish refugees everywhere, and the care with which the minute evidence that he gave concerning them was collected and ratified, although they were all out of reach, shows not the result of any It was natural however that the that the paucity of cases in the records lack of desire to persecute. inquisitors should enquire about is Geronimo Gomez Pesoa, a rich Lisbon merchant who disappeared just in time to avoid arrest and, as an English vessel sailed that night without a licence, he was supposed to have escaped in it a supposition fortified by learning that he had joined the colony of Conversos in Rouen and had thence gone to Amsterdam. 1 Doubtless there were more cases than these, but the records available do not furnish them. During the sixteenth century baptized Moorish and negro slaves furnished a certain amount of business, especially they escaped and added to the impressiveness their effigies, but subsequently we hear little when of the autos with of them. When would seem that the owner was obliged maintenance, for a warrant of arrest, in 1575, of prosecuted in person to it pay for their Pedro Morisco manco, slave 1 of Pedro d'Escalona, requires eight Birch, II, 534-6, 547, 548, 580, 626, 634, 646-61. THE CANARIES 160 ducats to be brought with him, to be furnished by his masters There is one case of a free Morisco which is not easy to underAbout 1590, Sancho de Herrera Leon, with his wife and stand. children, was carried off in a Moorish raid. After a short time he returned and, although he asserted that he had come back to preserve his faith, he was made to abjure de levi, was fined in forty doblas and was exiled perpetually from Lanzarote and Fuerte2 In the seventeenth ventura, under pain of scourging and galleys. century we hear little of such cases, but in 1619 there occurs one which throws some light on the fate of the Moriscos expelled from Spain in 1610. Juan de Soto, born in Valladolid and brought up as a Christian, was seven years old at the time of the expulsion. The family passed into France; at Toulouse his parents and brothers died, but a kinsman took charge of him and carried him to Barbary, where he was circumcised and made to utter certain For seven years he served various masters, to Constantinople, Alexandria and other In 1618 a fleet sailed from Algiers to the Canaries, in words in Arabic. who carried places. him twice which he served a Turkish captain named Hamet. Sent ashore on Lanzarote with a foraging party and attacked by the natives, was wounded and captured. The Inquisition claimed him, which was probably fortunate for him, for, as a renegade he escaped with reconciliation and four years three were killed and he of sanbenito and reclusion in a convent. 3 Renegades, in fact, were quite numerous, and the facility is noteworthy with which Christians when captured abandoned their The tribunal kept a close watch on them and all who esfaith. caped from Barbary were closely questioned as to fellow-prisoners renegaded, when these could be prosecuted in absentia, or record be kept to confront them in case of their return. 4 who had The vast number 1 1 4 of denunciations Birch, I, 207. Birch, I, 416-20. Ibidem, II, which kept pouring 2 Millares, II, 102. 726-8, 735, 750-72, 813, 832. in upon TRIVIAL CASES 161 how sedulously the population was trained as Many of the alleged spies and informers upon their neighbors. offences were of the most trivial character, yet they have their the tribunal shows interest as an index of the hypersensitiveness of orthodoxy with the cases which which the Spanish mind was imbued. Among Doctor Bravo y Zayas brought home with him for visitation of the islands in 1571, was that of a trial, man from his who, while dressing himself, was annoyed by the glare of the sun and pettishly " exclaimed Devil take the sun," which was gravely qualified as blasphemy. Another who, in a procession, had aided in carrying the frame on which was seated an image of the Virgin, remarked a camel, which was decided to be ill-sounding and offensive to pious ears. Even absence of intention did not that it was a load for In 1591, Caspar L6pez of Tenerife, when on guard one night, went through the exercise of arms with his partizan, in the course of which he happened to strike a wooden cross that was excuse. behind him, and for this he was sentenced to the indelible disgrace an auto, followed by vergiienza parading on an ass through the streets, naked from the waist up, while the townof appearing in 1 This hyperaesthesia did not diminproclaimed his misdeed. In 1665 the tribunal entertained and investigated ish with time. crier an accusation that a certain person when praying allowed his 2 rosary to hang down his back, which was regarded as irreverence. How olence readily such a system could be abused to gratify malevis indicated in the case of the Dominican Fray Alonso de las Roelas. In March, 1568, he made an utterance about purga- tory which excited remark, and some of his brother f railes discussed with him, when Fray Bias Merino, a prominent member of the it know what he said Some years later, made Provincial, was Order, said that Roelas was simple and did not and that it was not for them to denounce him. however, Bias Merino, in the hope of being engaged in a sort of plot to get the Canaries separated from the Province of Andalusia and erected into a province of the Order. The Dominican 1 authorities heard of this Millares, II, 47-54, 112. 11 and Roelas was com2 Birch, II, 682. THE CANAEIE8 162 missioned to seize all the papers connected with Merino to abandon the project. To revenge it and to notify himself Merino hunted up all the witnesses to Roela's utterance and persuaded them to denounce him in 1572. Bishop Azolares, whose zeal for the Inquisition we have seen, said that the matter was not worth prosecuting, because Roelas did not deny purgatory, which was a matter of faith, while its place and the character of its torment were matters of debate with theologians. Nevertheless Roelas was arrested and tried, and, as usual during trial, he was recluded in the convent of his Order in Las Palmas. One mid- came knocking at the door of the Inquisition; Funez was awakened and sent him word that it was no time for him to He did so and stated call and that he could come the next day. he had once served because so maltreated brethren his that him, night he as inspector of the house, that he asked to be placed in the secret which was granted, and he stayed there until The sentence punished him with reclusion and he prisons, a request sentenced. was delivered commenced dogs. to the prior of the convent, snarling and growling Funez rebuked the when they at once at each other like quarrelsome prior, telling him to avoid such public scandals and that he would send Roelas to the convent in Tenerife until the Provincial should decide as to his place of reclusion. Funez probably spoke from experience when he said that among was no restraint nor truth, but only envy. 1 frailes there The Canaries enjoyed an ample supply of beatas revelanderas, but, as a rule, the tribunal did not follow the example of the Peninsula in molesting them. One of the most renowned of these was Catalina de San Mateo, a nun of the house of Santa Clara Las Palmas, who had ecstasies and revelations and was reverenced as a saint. God spoke with her familiarly through the medium of a painted Ecce Homo, which hung in her cell, giving in her counsels and spiritual comfort and prophecies. May 1 26, 1695, the body lay for three On her death, days emitting the odor of Archive de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. in, Cuad. 3, fol. 6, 16. BEA TAS-SOLICITA TION sanctity and with rosaries 163 was viewed by a vast concourse, eager to touch it and other objects, and all her clothes and effects were treasured as relics. All this is described in a letter of July Suprema, by the inquisitors Lugo and Romero, who express no doubts as to her holiness. Commencement was made to collect testimony for her canonization, but enthusiasm evapo5th, to the rated and the effort was abandoned. She was succeeded in popu- San Esteban, of the convent of lar veneration by San Bernardo in Las Palmas, which she had entered in 1680, at the age of four. She was a bride of God the child Jesus came to nestle in her arms; the man Christ came to soothe her with sweet Sor Petronila de ; words; legions of angels, headed by David, came to rejoice her with the music of heaven. She had terrible conflicts with demons, whom she overcame, and a little wooden image of St. John, with which she held discourse, was the medium through which she enjoyed revelations and prophecies. The Inquisition took no action to interfere with her and almost the only case in which instituted proceedings, in such matters, Don cisca was it one, in 1695, against Miguel de Araus, confessor of two beatas in La Laguna, FranMachado de San Jose and Margarita de Santa Teresa, the former of whom boasted of the stigmata. 1 In the later period a very considerable share of the labors of was devoted to cases of " solicitation" the seduction the tribunal of women by their confessors. It was not until 1561 that this crime was subjected to inquisitorial jurisdiction, under the pretext that it implied erroneous belief as to the sacrament of penitence, and some time was required to settle the question of including in the Edict of Faith calling for denunciations. The it earliest case have met occurs in 1574, when Maria Ramos accused her con2 After this they occur with increasing fessor, Fray Pedro Gallego. I frequency and offenders appear to be treated with even more sympathetic leniency than in Spain. There was moderate rigor in the sentence of Fray Pedro de Hinojosa, denounced Millares, III, 117-23, 125-37. in 1579 Birch, I, by 198. THE CANARIES 164 numerous maids, wives and widows, for he was deprived of the faculty of hearing confessions, he received a circular discipline in his convent and he was recluded with the customary disabilities. 1 for three years in a Much less severity convent was shown, Manuel Gomez Pacheco, priest of Garachico, accused by a number of women, for he was only sentenced to abjuration in 1584, to deprivation of administering the sacrament of penitence, two months reclusion in a convent and some spiritual exercises. 2 de levi, The penalties varied with the discretion of the tribunal. 1590 Fray Antonio Pacheco Sampayo, against was deprived whom About there were had three years of many accusers, reclusion and fifty lashes in his convent, while Andres de Ortega, parish priest of Telde, likewise accused by several women, was of confessing, deprived merely of confessing women, fined in twenty ducats and severely reprimanded. 3 Cases grow more frequent with time and, with their increasing frequency, the penalties seem to grow less. In 1694 Fray Domingo Mireles was accused by four women, with details of foul obscenity. He was sentenced to deprivation of confession and reclusion for four yearSj but was allowed to choose his place of retreat. He served out the term, went to Spain, and returned with a rehabilitation charitably granted by the inquisitor-general. In 1698 Fray Cipriano de Armas was prosecuted on the evidence of two women; the case was carried to the end and remitted for decision Suprema, which ordered its suspension. In two cases in 1742 the sentence was merely deprivation of confessing, six to the months' reclusion and five years' exile from certain places. In 1747 Fray Bartolome Bello had not only seduced Maria Cabral Gonzalez, but had strangled in his cell a child born to them, after piously baptizing it, but when the case reached the Suprema it was suspended. In 1750 Francisco Rodriguez del Castillo was prosecuted on very serious charges but was only suspended for two years from confessing and given some Millares, II, 37-9. Birch, I, 214-17. spiritual exercises. ' In Millares, II, 98, 102. SOLICITATION 165 1755 there were nine complainants against Fray Francisco Garcia Encinoso, who was deprived of confessing and sentenced to six months' reclusion, when he was sent to the convent of N. Senora de Miraflor, with instructions to the superior to keep the matter profoundly secret and to treat him well. In 1769 Fray Domingo Matos was sentenced only to six months' reclusion and the denial which was subsequently remitted. The sympathy of the tribunal apparently was exhaustless and frequently resulted in practical immunity. In 1785, Fray Joseph of certain privileges, Estrada, Franciscan difinidor, was accused by several women with full details, but the tribunal, on December 7, 1793, suspended Then, in 1804, he was again accused by a nun in the convent of la Purisima Concepcion of Garachico. Finally, after the case. twelve years' delay, on February 28, 1805, the tribunal ordered its commissioner to give him audiencias de cargos, or private exami- on report of which the case would be voted on, bearing mind the advanced age of the accused and the difficulty of nations, in communicating with the Suprema, in consequence of the war. This was the last of the matter for, on April 9, 1806, the com- When so the death of the culprit. serious an offence was visited so lightly, we can scarce be surmissioner at 1 Ycod reported prised that its subjection to inquisitorial jurisdiction failed to check it. There naturally was much difficulty in inducing women come forward as to accusers, yet the number of denunciations was Thus, from July 26, 1706, to February 15, 1708, the total denunciations of all kinds to the tribunal was 75; of large and steady. these only 22 were of men, out of which 7, or practically onethird, were for The bulk solicitation. 2 of the business of the tribunal consisted in trials for sorcery, under which term were included the superstitions, more or less innocent, employed to cure or to inflict disease, to provoke love or hatred, to discover theft and to pry into the 1 Birch, II, 512-17, 870, 931-5, 939, 973. all 2 Ibidem, 890-2, THE CANARIES 166 future, for theological ingenuity inferred pact, express or implicit, with the demon in everything which could be construed as transcending the powers of nature, except the ministrations of the Such a community as that of the Canaries, priest or exorcist. which the primitive magic arts of the natives were added to those of their conquerors, and on these were superimposed the in beliefs of Moorish and negro slaves, could not fail to accumulate an incongruous mass of superstitions affecting all the acts of daily Birch afford to life, and the summaries of cases printed by Mr. the student of folk-lore an inexhaustible treasury of curious dedetails. No matter what might be the industry of the tribunal and punishing the practitioners of these arts, it could effect nothing in repressing them, or in disabusing popular credulity, for its very jurisdiction was based on the assumption in prosecuting that the powers attributed to the sorcerer were real, and he was punished not as an impostor but as an ally or instrument of the demon. It would carry us too far to attempt even a summary of the multitudinous superstitions embalmed in the records, but a couple of cases may be mentioned which illustrate the popular tendency whatever excited wonder, and also the good In sense which sometimes intervened to protect the innocent. to ascribe to sorcery 1624, Diego de Santa Marta of Garachico was denounced as a some The accusation was entertained and Fray Juan sorcerer to the tribunal in consequence of his performance of tricks with cards. de Saavedra was ordered to investigate and report. He invited Diego to exhibit his skill and the performance took place in the cell of the Provincial, Fray Bernardo de Herrera, who was a consultor of the Inquisition, with whom were associated Padre Luzena, regent of the schools, several theological professors and Don Francisco Sarmiento, alguazil of the tribunal. Diego was not aware that he was practically on trial before this imposing assemblage, and he performed some surprising card tricks as well as sundry other juggleries. Fortunately for him the spectators were clear-sighted and Fray Saavedra reported that it was all a SORCERY 167 matter of sleight of hand, which could be detected by careful observation. any one 1 More of four serious was the denunciation, women named in 1803, of (apparently the individual was not who had, twelve years before, administered to Marfa Salome some snuff which caused her to bark like a dog. Luckily Doctor Elchantor, the inquisitor-fiscal, had a touch of the rationidentified) alism of the age. He reported that the vomiting and extraor- dinary movements alleged might have been produced by natural causes; that among timid and ignorant women there was a habit of attributing all disease to sorcery; that it could not be said that the snuff had been prepared with diabolic arts and that there were no other suspicions against the parties accused. He there- fore advised that the papers be simply filed away, and in this Inquisitor Borbujo concurred. 2 Although the term bruja, or witch, occasionally appears in the records, there would not appear to be any cases of specific witchcraft. Dona The nearest Isabel allusions to the Ybarra testified that, Sabbat occur in 1674, when a year before, Dona Ana de Don Juan de Vargas, now dead, told her that once, in returning home about midnight, he encountered a dance of women with timbrels and lighted candles. In the same Ascanio told her that year Fray Pablo Guillen deposed that at midnight he saw Guillerma Pere naked; she anointed herself and flew through the air with another woman. Connected with this was the statement that a son of Juan Hernandez, at midnight, found in the street Dona Ana Maria, widow of Captain Juan de Molina, entirely naked. He took her to her house, when she gave him a garment and begged him to keep silence. For a comparatively 3 brief period the most important work of the tribunal concerned the foreign heretics mostly Englishmen and Flemings, or rather Hollanders who frequented the islands, whether for peaceful commerce or for piracy. As the port of call Birch, I, 482-4. 2 Ibidem, II, 992-3. * Ibidem, 819, 826, THE CANARIES 168 in the trade with America, the islands the sea-rovers of were the favorite resort of the nations at enmity with Spain, that all of nearly all Europe, in hopes of capturing some is rich galleon or of ravaging some unprotected spot. In 1570, a Norman Huguenot, cruising off Gomera, seized a vessel starting for Brazil with forty Jesuit missionaries he put them all to death and landed his other prisoners at San Sebastian, a port of Gomera, which next year was ; To some extent, doubtless, sacked by another French corsair. a as was the Inquisition safeguard against such marauregarded 1 ders. ship of In 1589, an Englishman, captured at Garachico from the Vincent Pieter the Fleming, was said to have been a pirate who had pillaged in other Englishmen, and was company with brought before the tribunal, although nothing else was alleged About the same time certain French "pirates," against him. taken on the islet of the tribunal, when they proved themselves by Graciosa, off Lanzarote, were delivered to their familiarity with the prayers to be good Catholics and other observances. 2 Much more serious was the interference of the Inquisition with who came to trade, and it is difficult to understand how those Spain could carry on any commerce with foreign nations under the impediments which it interposed. The earliest case in the records one to which allusion has already been made, that of John Sanders who, in 1565, came as a sailor in a vessel from Plymouth, of which the master was James Anthony, the cargo consisting of is 28 casks of sardines, 20 dozen of calf-skins and a lot of woollen On goods, the property of the master and his brother Thomas. arrival at Las Isletas, as Anthony got him Sanders could speak and write Spanish, to enter the goods as his in a shop to sell them. own and installed him After two or three months, one day the public scrivener, Melchor de Solis, came and demanded three While they were talking he placed reales, his hand on the wall, where there was hanging a paper print of Christ, which he had not recognized, as its face was turned to which Sanders refused. the wall and , II, it was partly 152-62. torn. Passing his hand over 2 Birch, I, it, 347, 350-2, a FOREIGN HERETICS piece fell off, when Christ; he picked it Solis 169 charged him with tearing an image of up, reverently kissed it and replaced The it. story spread and caused scandal in the abeyance of the tribunal, ; March 29th the provisor took up the matter, arresting Sanders and sequestrating the property, which consisted of 2492 money, 3J casks of sardines and 2-| dozen of calf-skins, all was duly placed in the hands reales in of which of the secrestador, and, in addition, he had bought and paid for goods to Under examination Sanders prothe amount of 340 ducats. Leonez Alvarez testified that fessed himself a Catholic; he could recite the Pater Noster Credo and the Ave and Maria without the final clause imploring the prayers of the Virgin, which he said he had never been taught he could cross himself but did not know the peculiar Spanish form; ; he reverenced images of saints although the Queen of England had banished from the churches all but those of Christ and the Virgin, and he had attended mass since he came. Then James Anthony came forward and claimed the property, confirming the story of Sanders, and it was delivered to him, but not until he had furnished satisfactory security to abide the result. What was the outcome we have no means of knowing, as the papers were sent to the tribunal of Seville for that could happen to Sanders and its action, but the least Anthony was interminable 1 delay. Trading with the Canaries evidently was a hazardous business and the danger increased as time went on, for it sufficed that the crew were heretics to justify their the accompaniment of sequestration trial and and punishment, with Thus on confiscation. April 24, 1593, a single vote ordered the arrest with sequestration of the pilot and other officers, the sailors and boys and passengers named El Leon Colorado and of all who came in the named San Lorenzo, both now at anchor in the port of Las ship 2 The case of the Leon Colorado is suggestive. She was Isletas. of the ship an English ship which, until 1587, had been employed in the Lisbon trade under a licence from the Marquis of Santa Cruz, but after Birch, II, 1018-26, 3 Ibidem, I, 303-4, 377, THE CANARIES 170 his this death she seems to have been transferred to Flanders. On voyage she had sailed from Antwerp, a Spanish port, under a from Alexander of Parma, the nephew of Philip II and the licence governor of the Low Countries. The escrivano or purser of the ship, Franz Vandenbosch, while on trial, procured a certificate from the municipal authorities of Antwerp setting forth that his parents were good Catholics and so were their children, and that Franz had of the with the licence and passport The only effect of this was a vote to sailed for the Canaries Duke of Parma. torture him, on learning which he confessed that in Mecklenburg he had embraced Calvinism, and his sentence was reconciliation and confiscation, prison and sanbenito for three years and per- petual prohibition to visit heretic lands or to approach within ten leagues of the sea, for which reason he was to be sent to Spain. Another member of the crew Georg Van Hoflaquen asserted his Catholicism and adhered to through four successive inflictions, each of three turns of the cordeles. Then he was ordered to be it placed on the burro or rack, when he declared that he could no longer endure the agony and that he was a heretic. He was sentenced to reconciliation and confiscation, and three years of 1 prison and sanbenito, with the corresponding disabilities. In these cases the adverse evidence from other members of the crews, is almost wholly derived who had no fying to their comrades' Protestantism. hesitation in testi- There was usually no concealment attempted but, when orthodoxy was asserted, torture Conversion did not obtain much was unsparingly employed. Another alleviation of punishment. of the crew of the Leon Colorado was Jacob Banqueresme, a Hollander, who freely admitted his Calvinism. He knew nothing of Catholicism but was ready to embrace seemed him good. Theologians were set to work and, in due time, he announced his conversion and was formally admitted to the Church, but he was sentenced to be sent to it if it to Spain and confined in a convent for two years, in order to be 1 Birch, I, 374-9; II, 1048-9, FOREIGN HERETICS 171 thoroughly instmcted, and he was prohibited to go to heretic lands or to approach the sea within ten leagues.^ The result of these labors was seen there were seventeen Englishmen in the auto of 1597, in and Flemings which reconciled, with imprisonment ranging from two to eight years, and twenty-six penanced, with from one to four years of prison, the ships to which they belonged being La Rosa, San Pedro, La Posta, San 2 There Lorenzo, Leon Colorado, Margarita and Maria Fortuna. When were no obstinate heretics and no martyrs. this active proselytism was carried on for twenty years or more with commerce and the its con- easy to understand sequent confiscation of ships and cargoes, the financial ease of the tribunal and to conjecture it is its influence on prosperity of the islands. This flourishing industry was interfered with by the treaty with England ratified by James I on August 29/19, 1604, and by Philip It provided that English subjects visiting III on June 16, 1605. in the Spanish dominions were not to be molested on or resident account of their dal, and this religion, so was extended long as they gave no occasion for scanto the United Provinces in the twelve years' truce, concluded in 1609. treaty, even before case of 3 its ratification The caution induced by the by Spain, is exemplified in the Edward Monox, an English captain and merchant, charged with offences in the matter of images and with following the doctrines of Luther and Calvin. The consulta de fe, September llth, unanimously voted his arrest with seques- September 10, 1604, tration but that, before action, the papers be sent to the for its decision, in view Suprema of the considerations of state arising from the peace with England, and from the fact that he was a rich merchant who, since the death of Queen Elizabeth, had twice come with highly commendatory passports from the Spanish ambassador in London. 4 While thus some wholesome restraint was imposed on the 2 1 Millares, II, 148-50. 5 Coleccion de Tratados de Paz; Phelipe III, pp. 161-2, 198, 465. Birch, II, 1054. 4 Ibidem, 141-7. THE CANARIES 172 Inquisition and the vexations inflicted on merchants and seamen became much less frequent, they did not wholly cease, for the the treaties arbitrarily in such wise as to construed Suprema limit the privileges of foreign heretics as far as possible. still continued to throw obstacles in the way of trade How may it be seen in the petition of Jacob and Conrad de Brier and Pieter Nansen, merchants of Tenerife, presented May 3, 1611. The ship Los Tres Reyes arrived at Las Isletas with some goods for them; for some reason, not stated, it had been seized by the tribunal and cargo had been sequestrated and they sought release of their property. Their prayer was granted and, on May 25th, an order was given to deliver to their agent the packages specified and their its however to the payment of the cost of disembarking the goods, the carriage to Las Palmas, the fees of the secres- letters, subject tador for keeping them, 24 reales to the interpreter of the tribunal for his trouble, 18 ducats 4 reales for the freight and 10 reales 1 average to the ship, at the rate of one real per package. When war broke out with England, lasting from 1624 to 1630, of course the treaty of 1604-5 became dormant, but it was not until April 22, 1626, that a royal proclamation of non-intercourse with England appeared, confiscating all English goods imported in contravention of it, and this was followed, May 29th, by a carta acordada of the regular way, of all regards the faith. 2 Suprema ordering the prosecution, in the Englishmen who had been delinquent as This led to a discussion between the three Francisco de Santalis presented a long opinion to the effect that in Tenerife there were very many of them who, in spite inquisitors. of the war, remained, in place of departing as enemies. The Suprema were therefore applicable to them; Catholics incurred the risk of excommunication in supplying them with orders of the food and were exposed to the danger of infection; they were delinquents in not hearing mass or confessing and communing, and in eating meat on fast days. This was not only a great scandal, but afforded opportunity of flight and of concealing their property, it 1 Birch, I, 414-16. 2 Ibidem, II, 1069-70. FOREIGN HERETICS which was He large. 173 therefore voted that secret information be taken as to their delinquencies and, when this was sufficient, that they should all be arrested and their property be sequestrated, Suprema could be awaited as to The other two inquisitors, Alonso Rincon and their prosecution. Gabriel Martinez, referred to a consultation had on September 2d with the Ordinary, the consultors, and the calificadores, when it was resolved that the matter be referred to the Suprema and after which the orders no action be taken of the till its orders were received; the royal procla- mation had said nothing about residents; to seize them and their property would be a great hardship; the commissioners at La Laguna, Orotava and Garachico had been instructed to be vigiIt is creditable lant and no denunciations had been received. to the tribunal that amount it resisted the temptation of seizing the large of property involved, been molested. and the English appear not to have 1 Yet the position of the foreign merchants was exceedingly to these precarious, as is shown by the case of John Tanner, prior to the and He was arrested deliberations. prison, Nobrought vember 12, 1624. On examination he stated his age as 22; he was a baptized Christian, who kept feast-days and Sundays, but did not hear mass or confess, for in his country there was no mass or confession; he knew nothing been instructed in it. When of the Catholic faith asked as usual if and had never he knew the cause was because Juan Janez, the commissioner at Garachico, had asked him for some linens and a pair of wool stockings which he refused, when Janez called him a heretic dog and they came to blows, and then he of his arrest he said that he did not, unless it was thrown into the public gaol. On being told, as usual, to search his memory, he added that once he went with some other Englishmen to La Laguna to see Don Rodrigo de Bohorquez, then governor of Tenerife; he asked Bohorquez to pay him 400 pesos owing to him and 2800 reales due to Robert Spencer for goods taken, when Boh6rquez grew angry and 1 Birch, II, 1065-70. said that Henry Ysan THE CANARIES 174 was the cause of all the English making demands upon him; if he had hanged him while in his power there would be none of this and he was a heretic dog, for no one could be a Christian who was not a Roman. Tanner replied that one could be a Christian without being a Roman, when Bohorquez called for witnesses and swore that he should suffer for it. Tanner was then asked what he meant by saying that one could be a Christian without being a Roman, when he fell on his knees and begged mercy if he had He was a poor youth and had a ship lying at Garachico, erred. on which he had embargo on to pay demurrage of 120 reales a day, while the his property prevented his despatching her. At a second audience on November 19th he again begged mercy on his knees; his credit was being ruined by the demurrage on his ship, on his principal. Then, on the 23d, he asked for which he represented that the ships were loading an and preparing to sail, while his was idle; his whole career was being wrecked be begged them for the love of God to have mercy on him and tell him what he had done; he had lived in the religion and the loss fell audience in ; of his fathers and must continue to do to England; he and his parents so, or he could not return had engaged to serve his master for seven years were under bonds for him. The pleadings of the dragged on through the custoon February 11, 1625, the consul ta de fe mary voted that he be absolved ad cautelam and be recluded for two poor wretch were fruitless; the case formalities and, years in a convent for instruction, at the expiration of which he must bring a certificate of improvement. In accordance with on February 18th, he was placed in the Franciscan convent, 1 maintenance being paid for as a pauper. Proselytism after this, his this fashion can scarce have conduced to the salvation of souls, however much it may have replenished the treasury of the Holy Office. With the peace of 1630 the provisions of 1604 were revived but hardly a year passed in which some Englishman was not thrown in prison and prosecuted on one pretext or another, as ' Birch, II, 1055-63. FOREIGN HERETICS 175 Roderick Jones, in 1640, for saying that God alone is to be prayed 1 to, and Edward Bland, in 1642, for having a Bible in his house. In spite of this the flourishing wine-trade of the islands brought many English and Hollanders as residents, and there was even an English company established at Tenerife, where, in 1654, the tribunal reported that there were more than fifteen hundred Protestants domiciled, who were prevented from infecting the The captains-general usually incessant vigilance. people by sought to protect them, and the influence of their ambassadors in Madrid was invoked on occasion, but, when one fell sick, the its Inquisition sought to isolate and put him unseemly contests in which to remedy him from his family it was not always successful. To September 18, 1654, asked of the Suprema that when one of the rich Protestant residents fell this the tribunal, power to insist and entrance should sick, his compatriots should be excluded alone be permitted to learned Catholics from and friends in charge of theologians to convert him, giving rise his errors. 2 We who might wean him should probably do no injustice to the motives of the tribunal in assuming that this was dictated rather by the expectation of pious bequests than by zeal for death-bed conversions. Foreigners sometimes sought to avert trouble by pretending Catholicism and thus placed themselves in the power of the tri- was constantly on the watch for them. In 1654, for Fray Luis de Betancor was summoned and interrogated bunal, which instance, as to his knowledge of such cases, to which he replied that, some twelve years before, Evan Pugh, an English surgeon, had come to Adeje to cure Dona Isabel de Ponte, and sometimes went out to hunt with her brother Juan Bautista de Ponte. He remem- bered that one day, when he had finished celebrating mass, he told that Pugh had stood at the church-door with his hat in was his hand, and it Juan de Medina. Groney 1 was currently said that he confessed Similarly, in 1674, testifying that Birch, II, 542, 555, 557. when he we sailed to Fray find the Hollander Pieter from the Texel 2 in 1671 Juan Millares, III, 83-4, 157. THE CANARIES 176 de Rada was a fellow-passenger, who told him he was a Protestant and as such joined in the services during the voyage, but, when the ship was visited on arrival he swore that he was a Catholic and had since then acted exteriorly as a Catholic, though, when they meat freely on fast him as a Protestant rather than as a Cathodays and he regarded 1 lic. What was the outcome in these cases cannot be told, but the lived together for a couple of months, he ate investigations illustrate the careful watchfulness of the tribunal and the dangers incurred by residence within its jurisdiction. Even his official position did not protect from prosecution Edmund Smith, the British consul at Tenerife, when he was accused, in 1699, of maltreating converts to Catholicism and threatening those inclined to it, even, them away when other measures failed. 2 it and was of persuading said, shipping In the 18th century, while foreign vessels were closely watched vigilant eye was kept on resident Protestants, they were no and a longer molested with investigations and denunciations. If, in V ordered the expulsion of all foreigners, it was not 1728, Philip on religious grounds, but to put an end to frauds on the revenue. None, however, were expelled, although some professed conversion 3 A similar impulse seems to to save themselves from annoyance. have impelled Dr. James Brown, a physician of Tenerife, who wrote, in March, 1770, to the tribunal, from the Augustinian convent of La Laguna, in which he had sought asylum from the captain-general, To England. who was secure its seeking to seize him and send him to protection he asserted his desire to abjure and to be received into the Catholic Church, but in this for, on July 14, he was ordered to leave the islands within his errors he failed 4 forty days. The for The 1 intellectual activity of the Canaries much was not such as to call vigilance of censorship, at least during the earlier period. visitas de navios, or Birch, II, 592, 825-6. MiUares, IV, 19-20. examination of ships arriving, for heretics J Ibidem, 1070. 4 Birch, II, 948. CENSORSHIP and heretic books, was performed was inadequately equipped 177 after a fashion, but the tribunal for the duty. against Inquisitor Funez, in 1577, was One of the charges his sending the gaoler to perform it, to which he replied that he had done so but once and that on occasions he had sent the fiscal or the secretary; it was not his business and he had no one Towards the middle little to whom to depute 1 it. of the seventeenth century there was some who were activity with regard to the foreign Protestants, The prosecution a of Edward Bland, in 1642, for possessing Bible, seems to have attracted attention to this and, on July 5, 1645, the tribunal assumed to be subject to the rules of the Index. commissioner at Orotava to take the alguazil, notary and two familiars and visit the houses of the English heretics, ordered secretly, them its without disturbance and with much discretion, asking to exhibit all the books they possessed, examining all their and packages, making an inventory of all books and their authors, and making them swear before the notary as to their having licences to hold them; also whether they had been examined chests by the Inquisition and, if so, at what time and by what officials. were works by prohibited authors, or such as had not been seen by the Inquisition, they were to be deposited with a suitable If there person, sending a report to the tribunal, with and awaiting its action. lists of the books, If portraits or busts of heresiarchs were found they were to be seized and deposited with the books. Under these elaborate and the reports, if instructions the search truthful, would indicate that was duly made and art literature were not extensively cultivated by the English traders. Nothing was of as dangerous course, found, though regards English books, the investigators had to accept the word of the owners. In one house they describe, as hanging on the walls of a room, very ugly half-length portraits of a strange collection of worthies Homer, Apelles, Philo Judseus, Aristotle, Seneca, Pliny, two of Gustavus Adolphus and one without a name. It is perhaps significant that nowhere was there a Bible, a prayer-book or a work of devo1 Archive de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. in, Cuad. 12 3, fol. 20. THE CANARIES 178 The houses two Portuguese traders were similarly inspected, where were found pictures of saints and of damsels with 1 exuberant charms; also of Barbarossa and of some other pirates. Possibly supervision of this kind may have continued for, on tion. June 7, of 1663, Richard Guild describe six English books sion of was summoned and four pamphlets, found Edward Baker, when among them several controversial to the tribunal to in posses- there proved to be works as to Presbyterianism and the Inde- Joseph Pinero, a Portuguese, who was building a ship, was denounced for the more dangerous offence of having some Jewish books, but diligent search failed 2 to discover them. pendents. So, in 1670, Captain Books, however, were not the only objects of censorial animIn 1671 some plates and jars with figures of Christ, adversion. by Juan Martin Salazar of Ycod, deemed were apparently irreverent, as subordinating the divine to the commonplace of daily life, and Fray Lucas Estebes was ordered to go to his shop, with alguazil and notary, and break the stock on hand, at the same time ascertaining the name of the seller and of all purchasers. Soon after this, in 1677, an edict the Virgin and the saints, sold was issued ordering the surrender of some snuff-boxes, brought by an English vessel, which were adorned with two heads one with a tiara and the legend dZcclesia perversa tenet faciem diaboli, and the other of a philosopher and the motto Stulti sapientes aliquando* In the latter half of the eighteenth century there seems to be more intellectual activity and desire to seek forbidden sources of knowledge, for we begin to hear of licences to read prohibited A register of them, commencing in 1766, shows that when obtained from the inquisitor-general they had to be submitted to the tribunal for its endorsement, but it could exercise the disbooks. and protesting, as in the case of one granted, 1786, by Pius VI and endorsed by Inquisitor-general Rubin de cretion of suspending in Birch, II, 563-66. 2 Ibidem, 640-2, 705. Ibidem, p. 716, 847-8 CENSORSHIP 179 Fray Antonio Ramond, on which the tribunal reports that he ought not to have it, as he is of a turbulent spirit and dis- Cevallos, to Licences generally made exception of certain specified books and authors, but sometimes they were granted without When the holder of a licence died, it was, as a rule, to limitation. orderly life. be returned to the tribunal. At this period the tion of censorship. main 1 activity of the tribunal but assumed to investigate for and we was in its func- It did not content itself with awaiting orders are told that the itself; monthly nothing escaped its vigilance, which it forwarded to the lists books denounced or suppressed are surprising as Suprema from a province so small and so uncultured. In fact, coming in 1781 it expressed its grief that great and small, men and women, of the 2 were abandoning themselves to reading, especially French books. To do it justice it labored strenuously to discourage culture and to perpetuate obscurantism. Yet the visitas de navios, as described in a letter of August 23, 1787, were less obstructive to commerce than the practice in Spain. When a vessel cast anchor, after the visit of the health officer, the captain landed and, in company with the consul of his nation, went to the military governor, and then to the Inquisition where, under oath, he declared his nationality, his port of departure and what passengers and cargo he brought. When the vessel was discharging, the secretary of the tribunal superintended the process and noted whatever he deemed objectionable, whence 3 often happened that matters adverse to religion were seized. it Notwithstanding all vigilance, however, the dangerous stuff found entrance. The works of Voltaire and Rousseau were widely read among practically the educated class and the hands of the tribunal were tied. It would laboriously gather testimony and compile a sumaria against one who read prohibited books, only to"" be told, when submitting it to the Suprema, to suspend action In a letter of May 24, 1788, it complained bitfor the present. 1 Birch II, 940-7. a Millares, IV, 33-6. s Ibidem, pp. 36-7. THE CANARIES 130 terly of this and of the consequent diminution of respect for the Chief Inquisition. the offenders were the among Commandant- general and the Regent of the Audiencia, whose cases had been Their openly expressed contempt for the sent on April 26th. tribunal perverted the whole people, who laughed at censures An and read prohibited books. object of especial aversion was the distinguished historian of the Canaries, Jose de Viera y Clavijo, Archdeacon His sermons had caused him of Fuerteventura. to be reprimanded repeatedly and, when his history appeared with its explanation of the apparition of the Virgen de Candelaria and other miracles of the Conquest, and its account of the contro- versies between the chapter and the tribunal, the indignation of A the latter was unbounded. virulent report was made to the 1784, which remained unanswered. Suprema, September 18, Another was sent, February 7, 1792, complaining of the evil effect of allowing the circulation of such writings, but this failed to elicit action, for the work was never placed on the Index. 1 Whatever may have been its deficiencies in other respects, the tribunal seems never to have lost sight of its functions in foment- ing discord with the authorities, secular and ecclesiastical. 1521 we hear of Inquisitor Ximenes excommunicating some In of the canons, in consequence of which the chapter withdrew the revenue of his prebend and sent a special envoy to the court, but he appealed to chapter to Rome and make a royal c6dula of July the payments. 2 8, 1523, ordered the Even during the inertness of had sufficient energy to carry on a with the Audiencia. He ordered the deputy desperate quarrel governor, Juan Arias de la Mota, to arrest Alonso de Lemos, who Padilla's later inquisitorship, he had been denounced to the tribunal and, on his obeying, the Audiencia arrested and prosecuted him, which led to an envenomed controversy in which excommunications and interdict were freely employed, until Philip II, February 16, 1562, ordered the liberation of Arias, adding an emphatic command in future to give to Miilares, IV, 39, 42-44. > Ibidem, I, 79-80. CONFLICTS OF JURISDICTION the inquisitor and his officials all 181 the favor and aid that they might require in the discharge of their duties and to honor them was done everywhere throughout his dominions. It was doubt- as of putting an end to these unseemly disturbances a by ce*dula of October 10, 1567, prescribed rules for The inquissettling competencias, or conflicts over jurisdiction. itor and the Regent of the Audiencia were required to confer, less in the hope that Philip, when, if they could not come to an agreement, the bishop was to be called in, when the majority should decide. 1 No regulations were of avail to prevent the dissensions for and which were rendered especially bitter by the domineering assumption of superiority by the InquiIt was not long after Funez had reorganized the tribunal sition. which parties were eager all became involved in an angry controversy with Bishop Alonso de Valdes, a canon, incurred the episcopal displeasure by removing his name from an order addressed to the chapter for the reason that he was not present. Vera thereupon imprisoned him incomunicado so strictly that his food was that he Cristobal Vera. handed was him through a window. It chanced that Valde*s notary of the tribunal and Funez claimed jurisdiction, in to also but the bishop refused to surrender him, in spite of the fact that the absence of its notary impeded the Inquisition. The tribunal complained to the Suprema which came to its aid in a fashion showing how complete was the ascendancy claimed over the episcopal order, and how chance a bishop had in a contest with Inquisitor-general Quiroga wrote to Vera little such an antagonist. that, if the fault of Valdes was such that he should punish it, this should have been done in such wise as not to impede the operation of the tribunal. handed over He hoped that already the case would have been to the tribunal to which it belonged and that in future Vera would not give occasion for such troubles. This was enclosed in a letter of instructions from the Suprema prescribing the utmost courtesy and the most vigorous action. Funez is to call, with a witness, on the bishop and demand the person of 1 Millares, I, 130j II, 166. THE CANARIES 182 Valdes and the papers in the case, as being his rightful judge, at the same time promising his punishment to the bishop's satisfacIf Vera refuses, Quiroga's letter is to be handed to him, tion. and if he refuses he still is to be told that he obliges the tribunal to proceed according to law. This so-called law against the bishop Then the is and inquisitor is that the fiscal shall his officials for commence prosecution impeding the Inquisition. to issue his formal mandate against the provisor, officials, gaolers, etc., ordering them, under pain of excommunication and 200 ducats without further major notice, to sur- render Valdes within three days to the tribunal for punishment, If this does not suffice, so that he can resume his office of notary. a similar mandate is to be issued against the bishop, of privation of entering his church. If the provisor under pain and officials persist in disobedience through three rebeldias (contumacies of them excommuni- ten days each), the inquisitor shall proclaim to be prohibited from bishop church and to be admonished that if he does not com- If the cated. entering his is stubborn he is ply he will be suspended from his orders and fined. If he perseveres through three rebeldias, letters shall be issued declaring have incurred these penalties and admonishing him to obey within three days under pain of major excommunication. him to contumacious, letters shall be issued declaring him pubexcommunicated and subject to the fine, which shall be col- If still licly lected by levy and execution. from cognizance the Inquisition that he may In all this he of the case, but only that by detaining its is not to be inhibited he must not impede notary, and, as seek the aid of the Audiencia, it is if it very possible intervenes it is to be notified of the royal ce*dula (of 1553) prohibiting all inter1 ference in cases concerning the Inquisition. This portentous document was received in the tribunal, April It was impossible to contend with adversaries armed 11, 1577. with such weapons and Bishop Vera was obliged to submit. 1 Archive de Simancas, Canarias, Visitas, Leg. 250, Lib. in, Cuad. Millares, II, 167-76. Not 3, fol. 1.- CONFLICTS OF JURISDICTION content with him still its further. 183 triumph the tribunal undertook to humiliate Dona Ana de Sobranis was a mystic who be- and gifted with miraculous powers. In 1572 she had denounced herself because a Franciscan, Fray Antonio del Jesus, had given her, as he said by command of God, lieved herself illuminated nine consecrated hosts, which she carried always with her and worshipped. The tribunal case but, as the bishop took the hosts and dismissed the was her warm admirer and extolled her virtues, to mortify him, in 1580, the fiscal presented a furious accusation against her, as a receiver and fautor of heretics and heresies. She was arrested and imprisoned, but the tribunal had overreached itself. She had friends who appealed to the Suprema and, in May, 1581, there came from it a decision ordering a public demonstration that she was innocent and that there had 1 been no cause for her arrest. Undeterred by the fate of Bishop Vera, his successor Fernando de Figueroa, about 1590, had a lively struggle with the tribunal. He excommunicated Doctor Alonso Pacheco, regidor of the Grand Canary and deputy governor of Tenerife, because he would not abandon illicit relations with a married woman. The tribunal intervened and evoked the case, giving rise to a prolonged com- petencia, which remained undecided in consequence of the death 2 of the culprit. Causes of such strife were never lacking and the first half of the seventeenth century and by an endless struggle was largely occupied by them compel the chapter to allow to the 3 On one occasion, inquisitors cushioned chairs in the cathedral. in 1619, the chapter offended the tribunal by obeying a royal to cedula and disregarding a threat which enjoined disobedience. The canons were thereupon excommunicated and appealed to the king, who found 4 himself obliged to withdraw the ce*dula. The overbearing conduct of the tribunal ing of exasperation and the veriest an outbreak. 1 8 Ibidem, trifle One custom provocative Millares, II, 32-36. III, 25, 42-3. produced a chronic was of feel- sufficient to cause much bad 2 4 blood was Ibidem, II, 104. Ibidem, I, 125-6. THE CANARIES 184 that of selecting in Lent a fishing-boat and ordering its and it to bring catch to the Inquisition, when, after supplying the officials prisoners, if there was anything left it might be sold to the people. In 1629 the municipality fruitlessly complained of this Juan de Escobar, and in 1631 there was an explosion. to the visitor The Audiencia rudely intervened by throwing in prison Bartolome* Alonso, the luckless master of a boat selected, and threatening He managed to convey word to scourge him through the streets. to the tribunal, which at once sent its secretary Aguilera to the Audiencia, with a message asking the release of Alonso, but the Audiencia refused to receive anything but a written communication and Aguilera came back with a mandate requiring obedience under pain of two hundred ducats, but he was received with insults and Alonso was publicly sentenced to a hundred lashes. Then the tribunal declared the judges excommunicate, displayed their names as such in the churches and had the bells rung. The Audiencia disregarded the censures and arrested Aguilera, while who had accompanied him, hid himself, but the Audiencia ordered a female slave of his to be seized and the Alcaide Salazar, his house to be torn down, in response to which the tribunal pub- and demanding the release of the Then Bishop Murga intervened and asked the tribunal prisoners. to accept an honorable compromise, but it refused; he returned to the charge, urging the affliction of the people, who dreaded an interdict at a time when there was so much need of rain and when Holy Week was approaching; if reference were made to the lished heavier censures Suprema fines, there would be a delay of six months and meanwhile the prisoners under trial by the Audiencia would languish in gaol, for the judges would be incapacitated by the excommunication. The inquisitors, in their report to the Suprema, explained that, seeing that the people were ready for a disastrous outbreak, and as the bishop promised that the prisoners should be released at once (as they were, after a confinement of five hours) they ordered the excommunicates to be absolved and abstained from proceeding against the guilty. Then, when peace seemed restored, the quar- CONFLICTS OF JURISDICTION rel 185 broke out fiercely again, for the inquisitors demanded the sur- render of the warrant of arrest, which Bartolome Ponce, the official charged with it, refused to give up. He was arrested and as, two days, he appealed to the Audiencia, they manacled him and ordered the arrest of the advocate and procurator who had after drawn up the ment and the appeal. This secured the surrender of the docu- inquisitors felicitated themselves to the Suprema on the vigor with which they had impressed on every one the power Whether the innocent cause of the Inquisition. of the disturbance, the fisherman Bartolome* Alonso, received his lashes, seems to have been an incident too unimportant to be recorded. 1 Rodrigo Gutierrez de la Rosa, who was bishop from 1652 to 1658, was a man of violent temper, not as easily subdued as Bishop Vera, and his episcopate was a prolonged quarrel with his chapter and with the tribunal. In 1654, Doctor Guirola, the commissioner at Santa Cruz de Tenerife, was denounced, for his oppression, to the bishop, who ordered an investigation and his arrest if cause This proved to be the case and the arrest was made, against which the tribunal protested in terms so irritating that Gutierrez excommunicated all its officials, ringing the bells and were found. placing their names on the tablillas, ducats on each of the inquisitors. besides imposing a fine of 2000 They met the civil and military authorities for forcible all the bishop's dependents to assist them. the secretary, went by calling on aid and summoned this Miguel de Collado, to the cathedral to serve these notices, on hearing which Gutierrez hastened thither with his followers and, not finding Collado, proceeded to the house of Inquisitor Jose Badaran, which he searched from bottom to top for pledges to secure the when payment of the fine. Word was carried to the tribunal, the inquisitors, with a guard of soldiers, went to Badaran's house, which they found barred against them, broke open the door and a stormy interview ensued. dral, published Badaran and the inquisitors ordered the notices of 1 The bishop fiscal as in the cathe- excommunicates; the excommunication removed and Millares, III, 51-7. THE CANARIES 186 fined the bishop in 4000 ducats. his revenues in Tenerife and he To collect this, in turn they embargoed embargoed the fruits of their prebends. They obtained guards of soldiers posted in their houses and in that of the fiscal, fearing attack from the satellites of the bishop, such as he had made in 1552 in the cathedral and In reporting all this to the to send the fiscal with all the documents Suprema, they promise by the next vessel, for the authority and power of the Inquisition in 1554 at the house of the dean. 1 depend upon the result. While this was pending a quarrel arose between the tribunal and the chapter, because the latter refused to pay to the fiscal the fruits of his prebend. Inquisitor-general Arce y Reynoso ordered the chapter to make the payment, which led the canon Matheo de Cassares and the racionero Cristobal Vandama to commit To punish this the inquisitors, on certain acts of disrespect. November prescribed 16, 1655, arrested by them, in conformity with the rules the Suprema, in its letter of September 6, 1644, respecting the arrest of prebendaries, but, at the prayer of the chapter, they were released on the third day. They were friends of Bishop Gutierrez, who nursed his wrath until December 26th, there was a solemn celebration in the cathedral, at which when Frias celebrated mass. When Inquisitor Badaran entered and took his seat in the choir, Gutierrez in a loud voice Inquisitor commanded him to leave the church, as he was under excom- munication for arresting clerics without jurisdiction. To avoid creating a tumult he did so; Frias celebrated mass and then him in the tribunal, where they drew up the necessary The affair of course created an immense scandal and led papers. joined Suprema, which ordered it They were not much more successful to prolonged correspondence with the suspended April in the outcome 12, 1657. 2 of the previous quarrel, although they succeeded, at the end of 1656, in procuring a royal order summoning Gutierrez In communicating this to the bishop, December 13, 1656, the Licenciate Bias Canales advises him, if he has any money to the court. Millares, III, 58-68. 3 Birch, II, 597-601. CONFLICTS OF JURISDICTION 187 it in a jewel for presentation to the king, of the minister Louis de Haro. He probably hands the through followed the judicious counsel, for the matter ended with a decree to spare, to invest 1 imposed on him by the inquisitors. The next encounter was with the Audiencia, in 1661. For relieving him from the eight years there fine had been no physician in the island, when the tribunal, needing one for the torture-chamber, induced, in 1659, Domingo Rodriguez Ramos to come. He became a frequent visitor at the house of Dona Beatriz de Herrera, the amiga of the Dr. judge Alvaro Gil de la Sierpe, to whom she had borne several children. Sierpe became jealous and, on some pretext, Dr. Ramos was arrested, January 28, 1661, and imprisoned in chains. The tribunal asserted its jurisdiction from prosecuting the case and, on judges were excommunicated with by inhibiting the Audiencia this being disregarded, the all the solemnities. They impassively continued their functions; the tribunal then excom- municated the officials of who were more easily frightwas much popular excitement but, the court, ened for several months there ; was decided in favor of the Audiendoubtless because the physician was not an official of the in October, the competencia cia 2 and a royal letter sharply rebuked the inquisitors. The tribunal was evidently losing its prestige and matters did not improve with the advent of the Bourbon dynasty. The enmity between it and the chapter continued undiminished and tribunal when, on the death of the Marquis of Celada, in 1707, his son, the Inquisitor Bartolome Benitez de Lugo, asked that his exequies should be performed in the cathedral, the request was refused. This led to a violent rupture, in the course of which the tribunal The chapter the tribunal in a ce"dula of voted the arrest of the canons, with sequestration. appealed to Philip V, who condemned November 7, 1707. This did not arrive until the following year, when the chapter kept it secret until Easter; in the crowded solemnity of the feast-day, when Inquisitor Benitez was present, a secretary mounted the pulpit and read the royal decree, to his 1 Millares, III, 69-70. 2 Ibidem, 73-5. THE CANAEIES 188 great mortification. when 1 Even worse the tribunal in 1714, befell inexcusable violence, in another quarrel with the chapter, led Philip V to demand the recall of the inquisitors and to enforce its commands his Suprema. tergiversations of the in spite of the repeated 2 As the eighteenth century advanced, the hostility of ecclesiasand laymen towards the tribunal continued unabated, while respect for it rapidly decreased and its functions dwindled, except tics in the matter of censorship. feeling entertained for it is A curious manifestation of the to be found in the attitude of the parish priests with regard to the sanbenitos of the heretics hung in their churches. A report on the subject called statement that for 1788, elicited the by the Suprema, in many years there had been for In 1756, when the walls of the parish church of Los Remedies de La Laguna were whitened, the incumbents resisted the replacement of the sanben- no culprits of the class requiring sanbenitos. hang them where they should not be but the tribunal ordered them to be renovated and hung seen, In the Dominican church of Las Palmas, there conspicuously. itos, or at least wished to used to be sanbenitos, but they had disappeared and the inquisitors could not explain the cause of their removal. Eight years ago the parish church of Telde was whitened and the incumbents would not replace them; Inquisitor Padilla was informed but he took no action. The only ones then to be seen of this, in Las Palmas were in the cathedral; the building was undergoing alterations and the walls would be whitened, which the inquisitors 3 expected would be alleged as a reason for removing them. Equally suggestive of the feeling of the laity the position of alguazil mayor fell vacant, to representatives of the principal families, various pretexts. The sentiment 1 Millares, IV, the fact that, is it was who all when offered in vain declined under 4 of the population ~ was duly represented by the 18-19 1 For 1 Miliares, IV, 23-29. details see History of the Inquisition of Spain, I, 348. 4 Ibidem, p. 70. SUPPRESSION 189 eloquent priest Ruiz de Padron in the debates of the Cortes of Cadiz, in 1813, and the suppression of the Inquisition was greeted by the temper very different from The bishop, Manuel Verdugo, ecclesiastics of the Canaries in a that manifested in the Peninsula. a native of Las Palmas, was an enlightened man, who had had frequent differences with the tribunal. The decree of suppression was received by him March 31st; it was his duty to take charge of the archives and to close the building, and he lost no time in communicating it to the inquisitors, Jose Francisco Borbujo y Riba and Antonio Fernando de Echanove. The chapter was overjoyed and, at a session on April 3d, it addressed the Cortes, characterizing the decree as manifestly the work of God and as removing from the Church of Christ a blemish which rendered reli- The same afternoon the sanbenitos in the cathedral were solemnly burnt in the patio. The bishop also reported to the Cortes that their manifesto, which had excited the canons of gion odious. Cadiz to such extremity of opposition, had been duly read that morning, and that he had been greatly pleased to see that the acts of the Cortes had been received throughout his diocese with He lost no time in taking possession of the universal satisfaction. archives, but the inquisitors had already taken the precaution to remove, from the volume of their correspondence with the Suprema, two leaves in which they had spoken ill of him. The financial officials at and the same time assumed charge of the censos, or ground-rents, of the tribunal, were large and numerous. post, awaiting the reaction. landed property which we are told Inquisitor Borbujo remained at his The poets of the island were prompt which in expressing the exuberance of their joy in verses, for action was subsequently taken against the priest, Mariano Romero, Don Rafael Bento and Don Francisco Guerra y Bethencourt. 1 When the Restoration swiftly followed, Inquisitor Borbujo on received, August 17, 1814, the decree re-establishing the Inquisition and called on the bishop to surrender the building, but the latter declared that he must await orders from competent author1 Millares, IV, 87, 97-100. THE CANARIES 190 On September ity. 29th there came an order for the re-installa- and Borbujo made another effort to gain and property, but it was not until a tion of the tribunal possession of the building royal mandate in dping so. November 28th was of The tribunal was thus received that he succeeded fairly but such was the abhorrence in which were torn down, its its feet was held that it again, its edicts was everywhere contested, and and familiars could not be its offices of alguazil Thus jurisdiction put on filled. 1 pamphlets and periodicals and verses of the revolutionary period, and molested In fact, under the Restoration, their authors as far as it could. it resuscitated, diligently collected the except the occasional prosecution of a wise-woman, its functions, as in Spain, were mainly political, liberalism being equivalent to heresy and, except when it had some political end in view, its were ridiculed by both the civil and military authorities, which regarded it with no respect and encroached upon it from efforts all sides. When the Revolution of 1820 broke out, news of Fernando VIFs oath to the Constitution suppressing the Office reached Holy 29th and Las Palmas some days the Inquisition closed its and decree Amid popular later. doors, delivered inquisitors sailed for Spain. No of March 9th Santa Cruz de Tenerife April care its up was taken rejoicings, archives and the of the archives, which were pillaged by curiosity hunters and those whose interests led them to acquire documents concerning limpieza or old law-suits. What remained were when removed, they were keeping them in any order and, place; as forming a stored in a damp, unventilated carried off by cartloads, without in 1874, Millares describes and pile of chaotic, mutilated room of the City Hall. 2 The reader may reasonably ask what, illegible them papers in a in its labor of three centuries, the tribunal of the Canaries accomplished to justify its 1 existence. Millares, IV, 105-6. l Ibidem, pp. 106-9, 114-17. CHAPTER VI. MEXICO. THE ostensible object of the Spanish conquests in the New World was the propagation of the faith. This was the sole motive alleged by Alexander VI, in the celebrated bull of 1493, conferring on the Spanish sovereigns domination over the territories discovered Queen it by Columbus; it Isabella's will, urging her ever in view, and it was asserted in the codicil to husband and children was put forward instructions issued to the adventurers in all the to keep commissions and who converted the shores the Caribbean into scenes of oppression and carnage. 1 If Philip II was solicitous to preserve the purity of the faith in his of own dominions, he was no less anxious to spread it beyond the seas; he prescribed this as one of the chief duties of his officers, describing it as the principal object of Spanish rule, to which all questions of profit and advantage were to be regarded as subordinate. 2 must be admitted, however, that the effort to spread the those behind directed to the acquisition of the pregospel lagged It is true that, on the second voyage of Columbus, cious metals. in 1493, the sovereigns sent Fray Buil, with a dozen clerics and full It papal faculties, but he busied himself more in quarrelling with 3 the admiral than in converting the heathen. The first regular missionaries of whom we have knowledge were two Franciscans accompanied Bobadilla to the West Indies and, in a letter of October 12th of that year, reported to the Observantine Vicar-general, Olivier Maillard, that they found the natives who, in 1500, Alex. PP. VI Bull Inter ccetera, 4 Maii, 1493 (Bullar. Rom. I, 454). Mariana, Hist, de Espana, T. IX, Append., p. xxvi (Ed. 1796). Recopilacion de lasLeyes de las Indias, Lib. i, Tit. i, ley 2. 2 Recop., Lib. i, Tit. i, ley 5; Lib. n, Tit. ii, ley 8. 8 Torquemada, De la Monarqufa Indiana, Lib. xviu, cap. 8. 1 (191) MEXICO 192 eager for conversion and that they had baptized three thousand 1 in the first port which they reached in Hispanola. They were in a few under more Franciscans 1502, by followed, Fray Alonso del Espinal, a worthy man, according to Las Casas, but who could Summa Angelica think of nothing but the of his brother Francis- 2 da Chivasso. The first earnest effort to instruct the was made by Fray Pedro de C6rdova, who came in 1510 with two Dominicans and was soon followed by ten or twelve more during the succeeding years he and the Franciscans founded can, Angelo natives ; some missionary stations on the coast of Tierra Firme, but they were broken up by the Indians in 1523. 3 As, however, we are told that none of the missionaries took the trouble to learn the Indian languages, their evangelizing success may be doubted. 4 The efforts to organize a church establishment proceeded but slowly at first. Hispanola was divided into two bishoprics, For the former, at a date not defithe Franciscan, Garcia de Padilla, was appointed, San Domingo and nitely stated, la Vega. but he died before setting out to take possession. For the latter, Pero Suarez Deza, nephew of Inquisitor-general Deza, was chosen and we are told that he governed his see for some years 5 but, as he figures in the Lucero troubles of Cordova, in 1506, as the "archbishop-elect of the Indies" the period of his episcopate is not easily definable. However this may be, the first bishop who appears in the episcopal lists of Hispanola is Alessandro 6 Geraldino, with the date of 1520. Corte*s, who had asked to have bishoprics organized in his new conquests, speedily changed his mind and requested Charles V to send out only friars. The of the so held to he were said, Indians, priests rigidly modesty and chastity that, if the people were to witness the disorderly lives of the 1 2 tos, 1 4 Spanish clergy, pomp and they would regard Chris- Cron. Glassberger, ann. 1500 (Analecta Franciscana, Tom. II). las Indias, Lib. in, cap. 5, 14 (Coleccion de Las Casas, Historia de LXIV, Documen- 372, 422). Las Casas, op. tit., Lib. n, cap. 54 (Col. de Doc., Torquemada, ubi sup. Gams, Series Episcoporum, p. 148. LXV, 275; LXVI, B 165, 180). Ibidem. NEW tianity as a farce CHRISTIANS AS COLONISTS and their conversion 193 would be impracticable. Charles heeded the warning and, during the rest of his reign, he appointed as bishops only members of the religious Orders, while the secular clergy were but sparingly allowed to emigrate and those who succeeded in going earned as a body a most unenvi- 1 The Church thus started grew rapidly and, towards the close of the century, Padre Mendieta informs us that New Spain (comprising Mexico and Central America) had able reputation. ten bishoprics, besides the metropolitan see of the capital, four hundred convents and as many clerical districts, and that each of these eight It hundred had numerous churches in its 2 charge. seems strange that the Spanish monarchs, combining earnest desire for the propagation of the faith with intense zeal for its have so long postponed the extension of the Holy purity, should new dominions, while thus active in building up The Indian neophytes, it is true, were not in need Office over their the Church. of its ministrations, of concern. but the colonists might well be a subject Manasseh ben the expulsion in 1492, Israel (circa 1644) tells us that, after many Jews and Judaizing New Christians New World and that Antonio Montesinos, sought an asylum a Spanish Jew who had long lived there, reported that he found the Jewish rites carefully preserved, especially in certain valleys in the of South America. 3 to prohibit by New It is true that there Christians and those were repeated efforts who had been penanced the Inquisition, with their descendants, from emigrating to the Indies, but this was a provision difficult to enforce, and relief from was a tempting to the chronically In the empty great composition of Seville, in 1509, there was a provision that, for twenty thousand ducats, it financial expedient treasury of Spain. 1 Torquemada, op. cit., Lib. xv, cap. 1, 10. Col. de Doc., Tom. XXVI, p. 286. See also a letter of the Franciscan Custodian Fray Angel de Valencia, to Charles V, May 8, 1552. If the description of his brother frailes by Fray Pedro Duran, in a letter to Philip II, Feb. 2, 1583, be not exaggerated, there was not much gained in restricting episcopal appointments to the regular Orders. J. T. Medina, Historia de la Inquisicion en Mexico, pp. 11, 12 (Santiago de Chile, 1905). 3 Mendieta, Hist, eccles. Indiana, p. 549 (Mexico, 1870). * Amador de los Rios, Hist, de los Judlos, III, 378. 12 MEXICO 194 the disability should be in so far removed that such persons could go to the colonies and trade there for two years, on each voyage. After Ferdinand's death, this was confirmed by Charles V, but he soon afterwards, September 24, 1518, ordered the Casa de Contratacion of Seville not to permit them to embark. They complained loudly of this violation of faith and, on January 23, 1519, he ordered the Inquisition of Seville to examine the agree- ment and, if it was found should be withdrawn. to contain such a clause, the prohibition Six months later, on July 16th, it was renewed, exciting fresh remonstrances that they were compelled to pay the money while the privilege was denied. The matter was then referred to the Suprema, which decided that the complaints were justified, whereupon Charles, on December 13th, ordered the inquisitors of Seville to permit them to go, provided the whole amount of the composition, eighty thousand ducats, had been prising 1 fully paid. New Thus, in one tive exploitation of the colonies, ness of call in or another, the enter- way Christians sought successfully to share in the lucra- and it illustrates the ineffective- Spanish administration that, in 1537, it felt obliged to papal assistance to supplement its deficiencies. ingly Paul III, in his bull Altitudo divini apostates from going to the Indies and bishops to expel 2 any who might come. consilii, commanded Accord- forbade all the colonial Prince Philip followed this by a decree of August 14, 1543, ordering all viceroys, governors and courts to investigate what Moorish slaves or freemen, recently converted, or sons of Jews resided in the Indies and to banish whom sending them all to Spain in the first they might discover, no case were they to be allowed to remain. 3 ships, for in It is evident that the persevering New Christians evaded these 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 9, fol. 71. See also a letter from Alonzo de Zuazo to Chievres, written from Hispailola, January 29, 1519, urging that immigrants be invited from all nations, except Moors and Jews and the reconciled New Christians with their children and grandCol. de Documentos, children, who were prohibited by the royal ordinance. T. II, p. 371. 3 ' Lorenzana, Concilios Provinciates de Mejico, p. 32 (Mexico, 1769). Recop. de las Indias, Lib. vn, Tit. v, ley 29. EPISCOPAL INQUISITION 195 was a subject of soliciwas long delay in providing effectual means to preserve the faith from their contamination. It is true that, when regulations and that their success in this tude, yet there bishoprics were erected, the jurisdiction over heresy, inherent in the episcopal office, might have been exercised on them, had not the Inquisition arrogated to itself the exclusive cognizance over matters of faith and regarded with extreme jealousy all episcopal invasions of its province. This is illustrated by a case in all 1515 which shows how indisposed was even it to delegate its power. Pedro de Leon, with his wife and daughter, had sought refuge in Hispanola, where the episcopal provisor arrested them and obtained confessions inculpating them and others. In place of authorizing him to complete the trial and punish them, the him that the inquisitor-general was sending messenger to bring them back to Seville, together with Suprema a special any other notified fugitives commanded is whom to deliver under penalty of the provisor may have arrested, and he them without delay or prevarication, of temporalities and citizenship; forfeiture moreover, the Admiral Diego Colon is commanded to render aid and favor and the Contratacion of Seville is required to furnish the messenger with a good ship to take on him to the Indies and to he has a vessel with a captain beyond suspicion and a place where the prisoners can be confined and kept 1 secluded from all communication. see that his return This was evidently a very cumbrous and costly method of dealing with heretics, but it does not appear that the Holy Office powers until 1519, when Charles V, by the appointment by Cardinal confirmed May 20th, Alfonso Manso, Bishop of of the inquisitor-general, consented to delegate its a ce*dula of Adrian Puertorico and the Dominican Pedro de Cordova, as inquisitors and ordered all officials to render them obedience of the Indies, and 1 assistance. 2 On the death of Pedro, the appointing power Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 3, fol. 106, 107. Ibidem, Lib. 9, fol. 37. Llorente (Anales, II, 91) states that Ximenes, May 7, 1516, appointed Juan Quevedo, Bishop of Cuba, as delegate inquisitor-general of the Indies, with power to appoint judges and other officials, but I can find no trace of such action and, if the appointment was made, it was ineffective. The 2 MEXICO 196 said to is have vested in the Audiencia of San Domingo which, in 1524, appointed Martin de Valencia as commissioner. He was a Franciscan of high repute for holiness who in that year reached Mexico at the head of a dozen of his brethren and was received by the Conquistadores on their knees. We are told that he burnt a heretic and reconciled two others, which if true would show that he was clothed with the full powers of an inquisitor. He soon afterwards returned to Spain and we hear of Fray Tomds Ortiz, Fray Domingo de Betanzos and Fray Vicente de Santa Maria as succeeding him in 1526 and 1528, but the references to these shadowy personalities are conflicting and there 1 are no records of their activity. With the appointment of bishops in New Spain, in 1527, and the gradual systematic organization of the hierarchy, it would seem that special inquisitoral powers were delegated to them, of the results of which of those we have traces in the saribenitos or tdblillas burnt or reconciled which were hung in the cathedrals. Padre Jose Pichardo made a Early in the nineteenth century of those remaining in the cathedral of Mexico, list which has recently been printed and from this we learn that an auto de fe was celebrated in 1536, at which Andreas Morvan was reconciled Lutheranism, and another in 1539, when Francisco Millan was reconciled for Judaism and a. cacique of Tezcoco was burnt for for offering human sacrifices. 2 This latter stretch of authority by first see erected in Cuba was that of Santiago, in 1522 (Gams, p. 146), and there could have been none as early as 1516, as the first expedition to the island under Diego Velazquez did not occur until 1511. Hefele (Der Cardinal Ximenes, p. makes Ximenes appoint Alessandro Geraldino, Bishop of San Domingo and his colleague of la Vega inquisitors-general but, as we have seen, Geraldino was not appointed as bishop until 1522, four years after the death of Ximenes. 497) 1 Remesal, Historia de la Provincia de S. Vicente de Chyapa y Guatemala, Lib n, cap. iii. Obregon, Mexico viejo, 1* Serie, pp. 179-80; 2 a Serie, p. 390 (Mexico, 1891-5). 5 Obregon, Mexico viejo, 2* Serie, p. 333. would seem that the sanbenitos were not hung in the cathedral until 1667, after pressure from the Suprema to compel the inquisitors to perform the work, which must have been considerable if they had to be compiled from the records. The number then hung amounted to 404. Medina, Historia de la Inquisicion de Mexico, p. 317. It EPISCOPAL INQUISITION Zumtoaga was Archbishop ment and, 197 contrary to the policy of the govern- in 1543, Inquisitor-general Tavera superseded him by sending Francisco Tello de Sandoval, inquisitor of Toledo, to Mexico to perform the same office. His commission, dated July 18th of that year, empowers him to take up and prosecute to the end all cases commenced by previous inquisitors, of Prince Philip, July 24th, to the royal officials of and a New letter Spain, him all requisite assistance. 1 It does not appear, however, that he was furnished with officials to organize a tribunal and, as his principal charge was that of a visitador commands them to give or inspector of the ecclesiastical establishment, that he accomplished much shows no more autos de had fallen as inquisitor. fe until 1555, back into the hands The it is list not probable of sanbenitos by which time the work of Archbishop Montiifar, for the evidently unwilling to assume the heavy cost of a fully organized tribunal, and the bishops were ready to perform its duties. When, in 1545, Las Casas, as Bishop of home Government was Chiapa, asked the royal Audiencia of Gracia d Dios to sustain him in his episcopal jurisdiction against he makes special reference to cases of the in it and, soon after his recalcitrant flock, Inquisition as included Juan Matienzo says that the jurisdiction and that, when any this, in Peru, bishops exercised inquisitorial attempt was made to appeal from them, they would elude it by 2 That this was claiming that they were acting as inquisitors. recognized at home is manifested by Prince Philip, in 1553, extending to the Indies the Concordia of Castile regulating the fuero though there was a regularly organized Inqui3 sition throughout the colonies. In the auto of 1555, Geronimo Venzon, an Italian, was reconciled for Lutheranism and it was followed by one in 1558, when of familiars, as Maria de Ocampo was reconciled for pact with the demon. 4 1 Puja, Provisiones, C&lulas, Instrumentos de su Magestad 1563). 2 Coleccion de Documentos, LXX, 535. etc., fol. There 97 (Mexico, Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern. Lib. in, cap. xxiv, n. 9. 8 Recop. 4e las Indias, Lib. i, Tit. xix, ley 4. 4 Obregon, loc. cti. MEXICO 198 was also an Englishman named Robert Thompson, condemned for Lutheranism to wear the sanbenito for three years, and a Genoese, Agostino Boacio, for the same crime, to perpetual prison and These two latter were shipped to Seville to perform their penance, but Boacio managed to escape at the Azores. sanbenito. In 1560 there were seven Lutherans reconciled, concerning whom we have no details; in 1561 a French Calvinist and a Greek 1 schismatist and in 1562 two French Calvinists. This shows that the episcopal Inquisition was by no means inert, and a sentence rendered by the Ordinary of Mexico, in 1568, indicates that its severity might cause the installation of the regular Holy Office to be regarded rather as a relief. Simon Pereyns, who had brother artist, A Flemish painter, drifted to Mexico, in a talk with a common Francisco Morales, chanced to utter the remark that simple fornication was not a sin and persisted in it That the episcopal Inquisition was thorafter remonstrance. oughly established is indicated by his considering it prudent to denounce himself to the Officiality, which he did on September 10, 1568. In Spain this particular heresy, especially in esponta- was not severely neados, treated, but the provisor, Esteban de Portillo, took it seriously and threw him in prison. During the trial Morales testified that Pereyns had said that he preferred to paint portraits rather than images, which he explained was because they paid better. who proceeded to torture This did not satisfy the provisor him when he endured, without confession, three turns of the cor deles down on a linen and three further jars of water This ought to have earned his dismissal but, on December 4th, he was condemned to pay the costs of his trial and to give security that he would not leave the city until he should have painted a picture of Our trickled Lady and 1 of Merced, as it an altar-piece was duly hung Obregon, tantismus, 1 his throat II, loc. tit cit., for the church. in the cathedral. 2 A still He complied more forcible Schafer, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Spanischen Protes- 373. Obregon, op. cloth. 2* Serie, p. 61 EPISCOPAL INQUISITION example case of 199 abuse of episcopal inquisitorial authority was the Juarez de Toledo, alcalde mayor of Trinidad of the Don Pedro Guatemala, arrested with sequestration of property by his He bishop, Bernardino de Villalpando, on a charge of heresy. in died in September, 1569, with his trial unfinished; on was it trans- establishment and, in the auto de fe of February 28, 1574, a sentence was rendered clearing his ferred to the Inquisition memory for its which we are told gave much satisfaction much honored and the vindictiveness of the of all infamy, man he was a 1 prosecution was notorious. These inquisitorial powers, however, were only enjoyed temporarily by the bishops and when, in 1570, a tribunal was finally established in Mexico, a circular warning them against allowing cise jurisdiction in to the inquisitors was addressed to them formally their provisors or officials to exer- matters of faith and ordering them to transmit any evidence which they might have or might obtain in cases of heresy. The bishops apparently were unwilling to surrender the jurisdiction to which they had grown accustomed, for the command had to be repeated, May 26, 1585. 2 It is from worthy Rome of remark that there seems to have been no pressure the Inquisition over the New World. to extend Pius V, notwithstanding his fierce inquisitorial activity in Italy, could give Philip II the sanest and most temperate advice St. about the colonies. On learning that the king proposed to send thither officials selected with the utmost care, he wrote, 1568, to Inquisitor-general Espinosa to encourage August him 18, in the good work. The surest way, he says, to propagate the faith is to remove all unnecessary burdens and to so treat the people that they may rejoice more and more to throw off the bonds of idolatry and submit themselves who go to the sweet yoke of Christ; the Christians thither should be such as to edify the people and morals, so as 1 2 to confirm the converts Medina, op. cit., Solorzani op. and pp. 35-6. Lib. in, cap. xxiv, n. 38. tit., by their lives to allure the heathen MEXICO 200 To do Philip justice, he earnestly strove to follow thus wisely indicated, but Spanish maladministration path was too firmly rooted for him to succeed. If he could not thus to conversion. 1 in the render the faith attractive he could at least preserve its purity; the colonists were becoming too numerous for their aberrations to be left to episcopal provisors, overburdened with a multiplicity and the only safety lay in extending to the colonies the Inquisition whose tribunals would have no other function. The incentive to this, however, was not so much the danger of other duties, anticipated from Judaizing of the Reformers, sending to the New Christians as from the propaganda who were regarded New World as zealously engaged in their heretical books and versions of Scripture and even as venturing there personally in hopes of combining missionary work with the profits of trade. This is the motive alleged by Philip II, in his ce*dulas of January 25, 1569, of the action 16, 1570, confirming Inquisitor-general 2 Leonardo Donate, Espinosa in founding the Mexican tribunal. the Venetian envoy, in his report of 1573, assents to this as the and August cause, not only of the establishment of the Mexican Inquisition but also of the prohibition of intercourse with the colonies to Germans and Flemings, although the latter were Spanish subjects. 3 The Protestant missionary spirit in fact was, at this time, by no means as ardent as the Inquisition sought to make the faithful believe, yet it could reasonably point in justification to the number of Protestants who furnished the material for the earlier inquisitorial activity. Although the decision to establish colonial tribunals was reached and made known in the ce*dula of January, 1569, Philip proceeded with his usual dilatory caution. January 3, 1570, that Espinosa notified Doctor It was not Moya de until Contreras, then Inquisitor of Murcia, that he had been selected as senior 1 Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Lib. Ill, 1 Recop. de las Indias, Lib. tutionibue, Tit. 1 xxxvm, i, n. 12. Relazioni Venete, Serie I, fol. Tit. xix, ley 1. Tom. VI, p. 462. 79, 123. Cf. Simancae de Catholicis Insti- INQ VISITORS APPOINTED inquisitor of the projected tribunal; he was 201 to enjoy a salary of three thousand pesos and the fruits of a prebend in the cathedral he was to have a colleague, a fiscal and a notary or secretary, while such other officials as might be necessary would be appointed 1 on the spot, in accordance with instructions to be given to him. ; Contreras declined the appointment on the ground of his health, which would not endure the voyage, and his poverty, for he was endeavoring to place his sister in a convent. Espinosa insisted, pointing out that the position would be but temporary and would lead to promotion, which was verified for, in 1573, Contreras became Archbishop of Mexico, served for a time as viceroy, and, on his return to Spain, was 2 made president of the Council junior inquisitor was the Licenciado Pascual de Cervantes, canon of Canaries, who was instructed to learn the Their commisduties of his office from his experienced senior. sions bore date August 18, 1570, and empowered them to evoke of Indies. The This and the following details of the installation of the Mexican Inquisition to a series of documents, copies of which were kindly furnished to me by the late General Don Vicente Riva Palacio. Doctor Moya de Contreras was an old and experienced hand. In 1541 he was appointed inquisitor of Saragossa. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 40, 1 I owe Lib. 4, fol. 117. 2 Torquemada, Lib. xix, cap. 29. For almost all the early inquisitors of Mexico the tribunal was the stepping-stone to the episcopate. Bonilla, who went, in 1571, as fiscal, became inquisitor in 1573 and Archbishop of Mexico in 1592. Alonso Granero, who went as inquisitor in 1574, became Bishop of Charcas the same year. Santos Garcia was inquisitor in 1576 and Bishop of Jalisco in 1597. Alonso de Peralta, who was inquisitor in 1594, was made Archbishop of La Plata in 1609, and Lobo Guerrero, who was inquisitor in 1593, became Archbishop of Santafe in 1598. It illustrates the character of the men occupying these positions that when Granero left Mexico for his bishopric he went by land and in Nicaragua he assumed still to be inquisitor, condemning people and fining them to defray his travelling expenses. An unlucky notary named Rodrigo de Evora wrote some satiric couplets about him, whereupon he was thrown in prison with chains on hands and feet, tortured till he was crippled with dislocated joints and then exposed in a public auto and condemned to 300 lashes and six years of galleys. The scourging was administered with excessive severity and Evora had to beg his way to Mexico to appeal to the tribunal there. He evidently was stripped of his property and among other things of four cases of Chinese ware, which Granero appropriated to his own use. Medina, op. cit., 76-78. MEXICO 202 and continue or episcopal set sail all cases that might be in the hands of inquisitors officials. It from San Lucar was not until November 13th for the Canaries, that they where they hoped to take passage on the fleet. In this they were disappointed, as it did not call at the islands, and they were detained in Tenerife until June 2, 1571. Cervantes died on the voyage July 26th and Contreras was wrecked on the coast of Cuba, August llth, but he found refuge on another vessel and reached San Juan de Ulua August 12th, but the He entered the city of Mexico September ceremonies of reception and installation were 18th. 1 delayed until November 4th. most impresA proclamation, two days before, to sound of sive character. drum and trumpet, had summoned to be present in the cathedral, under pain of major excommunication, the whole population These were of the over twelve years of age. From the building assigned to the tribunal, the viceroy and senior judge of the royal court, followed by all the officials, conducted the inquisitor to the church, where, sermon and before the elevation of the host, the secretary the letters read addressed to the viceroy of the Inquisition royal and all other officials, reciting at great length the dangers of the heretic propaganda and commanding every one to render all after the aid and service to the inquisitors and their officials, arresting all whom ties they should designate and punishing with the legal penalthose whom they should relax as heretics or relapsed. More- over the king took under his protection all those connected with the Holy Office and warned his subjects that any injury inflicted on them would be visited with the punishment due to violation of the royal safeguard. Then an edict was read, embodying the oath of obedience and pledging every one, under fearful maledictions, spiritual way and dogs. and temporal, to aid the Inquisition in every denounce and persecute heretics as wolves and mad this the viceroy arose and, placing his hand on the to On gospels which lay on a table, took the oath and all the officials present advanced in procession and followed his example. 1 Medina, op. cit., p. 22. INQ UISITION ESTABLISHED The Inquisition thus was fairly established 203 in the city of Mexico ; Edict of Faith and, on November 10th, it published letters addressed to all the inhabitants of its enormous district, it issued its stretching from the Atlantic to the Pacific the unknown regions to the North, and from Darien commanding them and to their take the same portentous oath of obedience. In an it is easy to see how profound was the impression officials to age of faith, made when bled in its of Christ the population of every parish and mission was assemchurch and listened to such utterances in the name and the pope, with their reduplication of threats and promises, and each one was required to raise his right hand and solemnly swear on the cross and the gospels to accept it all and obey it to the letter. 1 As communication between the tribunal and the Supreme Council in Madrid was slow and irregular, there was necessity that it should have greater independent authority than that allowed to the provincial Inquisitions in Spain, which at this period were constantly becoming more and more subject to the central head. Accordingly it was furnished not only with the general Instructions current everywhere but with special elaborate ones, providing among other matters that in the consulta de fe, or meeting to decide upon a sentence, if there should be discordia or lack of unanimity among the inquisitors and the episcopal Ordinary (who always took part in such matters) the case was not referred to the Suprema, as in Spain, unless the question was as to relaxation to the secular arm; if this was involved, the accused was to be sent Suprema, which decided his fate. If the sentence was to torture or reconciliation, or a milder penance, then the opinion to the prevailed of the two inquisitors, or of the Ordinary and one of the inquisitors, while suitors decided as to adopted. three were discordant, then the con- if all which Appeals to the of opinions should be against sentences of torture, the three Suprema punishments, were similarly replaced by the another giving prisoner hearing, allowing the fiscal to argue or of extraordinary 1 See Appendix. MEXICO 204 him and reconsidering the sentence against in the consulta de fe. 1 These instructions also prescribed the enforcement of the Index of prohibited books, both as to the suppression of those existing in the colony and the watchful supervision of imports, all of which Doctor Contreras hastened to execute by requiring every owner books to present a sworn of list of those in his possession. It would not be easy, however, to define whence he derived his authority for his next step, which was to forbid the departure from the land any one without a special licence from the Inquia stretch of power which we are told met with the hearty sition of concurrence of the viceroy, Martin Enriquez, who had not otherwise manifested much prepossession in favor of the new juris2 diction thus established in his territories. The and the result was a tribunal of which inquisitor evidently magnified his office soon showed how much more efficient the energies were concentrated on a single object, than the desultory action of the episcopal provisors. He had, on his arrival, lost no time an alcaide in filling up his staff by appointing an of the secret prisons, a portero or apparitor mayor, and a mes- whom he assigned senger, as well as a receiver of confiscations, to alguazil handsome salary of six hundred ducats, not anticipating how slender, for some time, were to be the receipts from that source. the His efforts were seconded at home Suprema, January to give 5, for, by a 1573, the Spanish tribunals were instructed precedence over all other business to requests from colonial Inquisitions for evidence to be taken and furnished, experience having already shown the great 3 The publication their establishment there. had brought number in many of prisoners carta orden of the denunciations; arrests benefit arising from of the Edict of Faith were frequent and the soon exceeded the capacity of the improvised Mr. Elkan N. Adler has printed a translation of these special instructions Unquestionably the same provisions must have been estabPublications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12. lished in Mexico. The inquisitors were empowered to call in the judges of the Royal Audiencia 1 furnished to Peru. as consultors in the consuUa de 2 Medina, op, cit., p. 30. Ibidem. fe. 8 Llorente, Hist, crft., cap. xix, art. ii. n. 18. THE FIRST A UTO DE FE among them some prison 205 thirty-six Englishmen, the men who had the hundred of Sir John Hawkins's remnant of taken their * chances on shore after the disaster at San Juan de Ulua, in 1568. The fruits of this energy were seen when the first great auto de fe was celebrated February declared by with a solemnity everything, save the 1574, 28, eyewitnesses to be equal in presence of royalty, to that of Valladolid, the Spanish A Lutherans suffered. May 21, 1559, fortnight in when advance it drums and trumpets, and the city authorities did the like for themselves and their wives, and A week invited the judges and their wives to seats on it. was announced throughout the the Inquisition commenced to city with erect its staging on learning that prominent officials from all parts of the country were coming, the invitation was extended to them. The population poured in from all quarters, crowding the streets later, and occupying every spot from which the spectacle could be witThe night before was occupied in drilling, in the courtnessed. yard of the Inquisition, the unfortunates at daylight they were breakfasted fried in who were on wine and to appear slices of and bread honey. The accounts of the auto as given by Sefior Medina are somewhat confused, but from them we gather that there were seventyOf these, three were for asserting that simple fornication between the unmarried was no sin; twenty-seven were four sufferers in all. bigamy; two for blasphemy; one for wearing prohibited articles " although his grandfather had been burnt; two for propositions;" one because he had made his wife confess to him and thirty-six for whom two, George Ripley and Marin Cornu These Lutherans were all foreigners of various for Lutheranism, of were burnt. nationalities, One in of these, but mostly English, consisting of Hawkins's men. Miles Phillips has left an account of the affair, named which he says that his compatriots George Ripley, Peter Momand Cornelius the Irishman were burnt, sixty or sixty-one frie were scourged and sent to the galleys and seven, of 1 Medina, op. cit., p. 31. whom he was MEXICO 206 one, were condemned to serve in convents; the wholesale scourg- ing was performed the next day, through the accustomed streets, the culprits being preceded by a crier calling out "See these English Lutheran dogs, enemies of God!" while inquisitors and " familiars shouted to the executioners Harder, harder, on these English Paramo, who doubtless had access to us that there were about eighty penitents in Lutherans!" official records, tells whom an Englishman and a Frenchman were burnt, some Judaizers were reconciled, together with several bigamists and of all, practitioners of sorcery. One of these latter, he says, was a woman who had made her husband come in two days to Mexico from Guatemala, two hundred leagues away and, when asked by the inquisitor why she had done this, she replied that it was in order to enjoy the sight of his beauty, the fact being that he was the foulest of men. Bigamy, he adds, was a very frequent crime, for there was men thought little that, at so great a distance chance of detection. from Spain, 1 Miles Phillips says that at the conclusion of the auto the victims relaxed were burnt on the plaza, near the staging. that no proper preparation had been and in fact, it was not made This shows for these solemnities until 1596 that the municipality, at a cost hundred pesos, constructed a quemadero or burning place, where concremation could be performed decently and in order. It was a ghastly adjunct to a pleasure-ground, for it was situated of four at the east end of the Alameda. There it remained until the stake was growing obsolete and was removed in 1771 to enlarge 2 the promenade. This was the last inquisitorial act of Doctor Contreras, whose 1 a cit., pp. 36-43. Obregon, op. cit., 2 Serie, 84-90, 335-7. The "Cornelius the Irishman" of Orig. Officii S. Inquisit., p. 241. Miles Phillips's narrative was not burnt until the auto of March 6, 1575. He was Medina, op. Paramo de one of Hawkins's men, who had married in Guatemala. Medina, p. 51. 1 Obregon, p. 391. In the great auto of December 8, 1596, the sentence to relaxation of Manuel Dfaz states that he is to be taken on horseback to the market-place of San Ipolito where, in the place provided for it, he is to be garroted and burnt. Proceso contra Manuel Dfaz, fol. 154 (I owe to the kindness of General Riva Palacio several of the original trials connected with this auto). ACTIVITY 207 promotion to the archbishopric had already taken place. He had been provided with a colleague by the promotion of the fiscal Bonilla in 1572, and the vacancy caused by his retirement was by the appointment auto March 6, 1575, an held filled twenty-five of of Alonso Granero de Avalos. These which there were thirty-one culprits, them for bigamy and but one Protestant, the in Irishman William Cornelius, who was burnt. Less important was an auto celebrated February 19, 1576, with thirteen culprits, an Englishman named Thomas Farrar, a shoemaker long resident in Mexico, who was reconciled Another auto followed December 15, 1577, for Protestantism. all minor for offences, except customary minor offenders, three EnglishJohn Stone and Robert Cook, were reconPaul Hawkins, men, ciled for Protestantism and the first Judaizer, Alvarez Pliego, in which, besides the 1 The Judaism abjured de vehementi and was fined in 500 pesos. which thus commenced to show itself speedily furnished further for, in victims 1578, two Spaniards were burnt for it and, in 1579, another, Garcia Gonzalez Bermejero, while a Frenchman, Guil- laume After this, who escaped, was burnt in effigy for Calvinism. until 1590, the tribunal seems to have become indolent; Potier, but few autos were celebrated and the culprits consisted of the miscellaneous bigamists, blasphemers, sorcerers and soliciting no especial interest. With In that year nine Juda1590 the yearly autos were resumed. izers at least were reconciled, one was burnt in person and one confessors, whose cases present With the advent of Alonso de Peralta as inquisitor, in 1594, the tribunal seems to have been aroused to increased in effigy. activity and the auto of December 8, 1596, was a memorable one which there were sixty-six penitents, including twenty-two Judaizers reconciled, nine burnt in person and ten in effigy. in was exceeded by the great auto of March 26, 1601, also celebrated by Peralta, in which there were one hundred and twenty Even this four penitents, of in effigy. whom four were burnt in person and sixteen There would seem to have been a recrudescence 1 Medina, op. tit., pp. 49-55 of MEXICO 208 Protestantism, for Calvinists. The among these were twenty-three Lutherans and 1 Inquisition thus vindicated the necessity of its existthe land was to be purified of heresy and apostasy, for ence if some of the Judaizers had been practising their unhallowed rites an incredible length of time. Garcia Gonzalez Bermejero, who was burnt in 1579, had been thus outraging the faith in for twenty years; Juan Castellanos, who repented and was had done so for forty-eight years. Although their Judaism was almost public, for they ate the paschal lamb Mexico for reconciled in 1590, and smeared their houses with blood, they were only discovered through the confession of an accomplice tried in Spain, who denounced Gonzalez. Of a family of Portuguese Jews who suf- and the following years, we are told that the father, Francisco Rodriguez Mattos, was a rabbi and a dogmatizer, or teacher. Fortunately for him he was dead and was only burnt fered in 1592, who escaped by flight. His daughters repented and were reconciled. They were in in effigy, as four was likewise his son, high social position and a cultured race, for it is said that the youngest, a girl of seventeen, could recite all the psalms of David and could repeat the prayer of Esther and other Hebrew songs A brother of these girls, Luis de Carvajal, was backwards. governor of the province of New Leon and a man who had rend- ered essential service to the crown for the crime of not denouncing ; them, he was prosecuted, publicly penanced as a fautor of heresy and deprived of his office; he relapsed, was tried and tortured in 1595 and was burnt in the auto of December with his mother and three 1 Torquemada, Lib. xix, cap. sisters. 30. 2 8, 1596, together The men who founded the Obregon, pp. 338-52. Medina, op. cit., pp. 91-115, 123-36. 1 Paramo, pp. 241-2. Proceso contra Manuel Diaz, fol. 71 (MS. penes me). The fourth sister of Carvajal was burnt for relapse in the auto p. 344. 1601 and a fifth was reconciled (Medina, pp. 131-133). Obregon, of An incident of Carvajal's trial illustrates the dread excited by the pitiless who richly earned his archbishopric. After prolonged torture and con- Peralta, fession, Carvajal endeavored to commit suicide and then asked for Lobo Guerwhom he explained that he had begged that Peralta should rero to be sent for, to INDIANS EXEMPTED 209 Mexican Inquisition knew their duty and were resolute in its performance. They were kept busy for, between 1574 and 1600, they despatched no less than 879 cases, or an average of about annum. 1 Considering the complex character of inquisitorial procedure, with its inevitable delays and consumpthirty-four per tion of time, this represents a creditable degree of industry, equal to that of the great tribunal of Toledo which, at the was averaging It will be thirty-five cases per same period, annum. observed that no Indians figure among the victims on these occasions, since the zeal of Bishop Zumdrraga, in 1536, burned the cacique of Tezcoco. In fact, the native population was exempt from the jurisdiction of the Inquisition. This exemption was originally attributable to the theory held by the Conquistadores that the Indians were too low in the scale of humanity to be capable of the faith a theory largely relied upon In 1517, when Las to excuse the cruelties inflicted upon them. Casas was laboring in their behalf at the Spanish court, this propowas advanced by a member of the royal council to Fray sition who was Reginaldo Montesino, assisting Las Casas and who promptly declared it to be heretical. To settle the question, he asked one of the foremost theologians of the time, Fray Juan Hurtado, to assemble the doctors of the University of Salamanca to decide the matter; thirteen of them debated it and drew up a series of conclusions which they all signed, the final one being that whoever defended with pertinacity such a proposition be put to death by fire as a heretic. 2 Notwithstanding decision, the theory was so generally asserted in the must this New World not be present "because the mere sight of him made his flesh creep, such was the terror with which his rigor inspired him." Adler, Trial of Jorje de Almeida (Publications of Am. Jewish Hist. Soc., IV, 42). The complaints against Peralta accumulated until the Suprema was compelled to formulate a process against him in which the sumaria contained thirty-two charges, not only of arbitrary cruelty but of prostitution of his office for illicit gain (Medina, p. 216); but this, as we have seen, did not prevent his promotion to the archiepiscopate of La Plata. 1 2 Obregon, p. 391. Las Casas, Hist, de 365). 14 las Indias, Lib. in, cap. 99 (Col. de uocum., T. LXV, p. MEXICO 210 that Fray Julian Garce*s, the Paul III on the subject and demning those who, first Bishop of Tlaxcala, wrote to a brief of June 2, 1537, con- elicited to gratify their greed, asserted that the Indians were like brutes to be reduced to servitude, and declaring them competent to receive the faith and enjoy the sacraments. 1 Bishop Zumdrraga had already acted on this presumption when he burnt the cacique and this suggested an obstacle, almost as damaging as the popular theory, to the conversion ostensible object of the conquest, for it which was the was evident that the doctrineros, or missionaries, would find their labors nugatory if the Indians realized that, in embracing the new faith, they liable to death by fire for aberrations from it. To re- would be move this impediment, Charles V, by a decree of October 15, 1538, ordered that they should not be subject to the inquisitorial process but that, in all matters of faith, they should be relegated to the ordinary jurisdiction of their bishops. As the papal delegation of power to the inquisitors gave them exclusive faculties in all cases of faith, this imperial rescript would have been had already been procured in the brief Altitudo divini consilii of Paul III, June 1, invalid without papal sanction, but this 1537. 2 was probably through an oversight that the commissions issued to Francisco Tello de Sandoval in 1543 and to Dr. Contreras It 1570 granted them jurisdiction without exception over every one, of whatever condition, quality or state; possibly the latter in may have commenced was rectified by to exercise it on the Indians, but the error Philip II, in a decree of December 30, 1571, to their the observe instructions and the inquisitors ordering the had to be and in 1575. injunction repeated previous law, Moreover, to silence any objections as to the episcopal power, he procured from Gregory XIII a brief granting full faculties to the bishops to absolve the Indians for heresy and all other reserved 1 Lorenzana, Concilios provin. de Mexico, pp. 18, 33. Ibidem, p. 82. INDIANS EXEMPTED cases. 1 211 The Indians thus remained exempt from prosecution by the Inquisition an exemption popularly attributed to their not being gente de razon, or not rational enough to be responsible which Las Casas considers as perhaps the 2 the many offences committed upon them. They could, libel worst of on their intellect however, endure this philosophically so long as from the Holy Office zeal of the bishops. and confided them it to the exempted them more temperate 3 1 Recop. de las Indias, Lib. i, Tit. xix, ley 17; Lib. vi, Tit. i, ley 3'5. Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. in, cap. xxiv, n. 27, 30. This fresh papal grant was evidently called for by the action of the Council of Trent, in 1563 (Sess. xxiv, De Reform., cap. 6) which admitted that bishops had only power to absolve for secret heresy, while even this was denied them by the bulls In Ccena Domini of Pius V and his successors. 2 Bancroft, History of Mexico, III, 747, 750. Las Casas, Hist, de las Indias, Tom. LXIV, 7, 386). The Dominican Thomas Gage when, about the year 1630, he was serving Lib. n, cap. 1; Lib. in, cap. 8 (Col. de Doc., 3 as a missionary priest at Mixco in Guatemala, discovered, after considerable trouble, an idol in a cave, secretly worshipped by the leading Indians of the After relating his adventures in the search, he proceeds "I writ to the President of Guatemala informing him of what I had don and to the Bishop (as an Inquisitor to whom such cases of Idolatry did belong) to be informed of vicinage. him what course discovered unto I should take with the Indians, who were but in part as yet those only by the relation of one Indian. From both I me and received great thanks for my pains in searching the mountains and rinding the Idol and for my zeal in burning of it. And as touching the Indian Idolators their me was that I should further enquire after the rest and discover as and endeavor to convert them to the knowledge of the true God by fair and sweet means, showing pity unto them for their great blindness and promising them upon their repentance pardon from the Inquisition, which considering them to be but new plants useth not such rigor with them, which it counsel unto many as I could useth with Spaniards if they fall into such horrible sins." of the West Indies, pp. 397-8 (London, 1677). Gage's New Survey For a considerable time the Indians seem to have escaped persecution, but at length the bishops or at least some of them formed Inquisitions for them and conducted these in inquisitorial fashion. In 1690 the Bishop of Oaxaca, having discovered organized idolatry in eleven pueblos of the Sierra de Xuquil, held an auto in which the culprits were reconciled and penanced, twenty-six of the principal ones being condemned to perpetual prison, for which he constructed an appropriate building. Possibly the fact that persecution was unprofitable may explain the infrequency of these proceedings. The first Indian auto in the city of Mexico seems to have been held December 23, 1731, which was followed occa- by others bigamy, superstitions and idolatry being the common offences. In 1769 the Archbishop of Mexico published an Edict of Faith requiring denun- sionally MEXICO 212 While the Inquisition, as we have dignity before the people, and by seen, maintained its awful the solemnity of severity towards the evil-minded, its serene within its walls. In so vividly some that worth recounting it is pesos and a prebend a decree of January benefices enjoyed 1 validity. some We detail. by was Inquisition, as have seen that was promised a salary of three thousand he was confronted with 25, 1569, prescribing that the inquisitors salaries, and fiscals in and the retention shows that it was not likewise another income of all the Indies was to of was doubtless however waived It entirely history illustrates in the cathedral, but be deducted from their in the Recopilacion was not Spanish colonial administration of the aspects of Inquisitor Contreras all fact, its financial in public functions its of this provision mere temporary in favor of the question which speedily arose. was expected to become self-supporting, from confiscations, fines and pecuniary penances, but this required time and meanwhile Philip granted it a subvention from the royal The tribunal treasury, to continue during his pleasure, of 10,000 pesos per annum, being 3000 each for two inquisitors and a fiscal and 1000 Although the tribunal started with but one inquisi- for a notary. salaries of tor, the thrifty receiver, or treasurer, collected the and, when called to account, claimed that he spent the on the maintenance of poor prisoners. The treasury two money officials had no authority to allow this and refused further disbursements till the amount was made good but, when Philip was appealed to, he ordered, by a cSdula of December 23, 1574, the receiver's 2 Thus early began the long-continued bickclaim to be allowed. ering between the Holy Office and the treasury, which Philip had already, in 1572, endeavored to quiet inquisitors to obtain their salaries direct by instructing the from the viceroy and This excited the indignation suppression and then appealed to ciations of Indian practices to his Tribunal de Fe. of the Inquisitors who vainly demanded its Medina, pp. 371-8 Recop. de las Indias, Lib. I, Tit. xix, ley 26. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 24; Libro 926, fol. 169. the Supreraa, probably with no better success. 1 1 POVERTY OF THE TRIBUNAL not from subordinates, 213 whom he forbade them to prosecute or excommunicate for the purpose of enforcing their demands. 1 While Philip had provided liberally for the superior officials, he had taken no thought of the minor positions and, in spite of the solemnity of the autos de fe and the successful persecution of heresy, the internal working of the tribunal difficulties, in the absence of resources curious insight into these troubles is was pursued under from afforded confiscations. by some A corre- 1583 with Inquisitor-general Quiroga by the two spondence It seems that their inquisitors, Santos Garcia and Bonilla. or had exhibited to them a Pedro de Fonseca, apparitor, portero of commission, which he had secretly obtained from Quiroga, pro- moting him to the post this of notary of sequestrations. They met piece of jobbery with the favorite inquisitorial formula obedecer y no cumplir, obeying without executing for they say they obeyed it without admitting him to the office until they This notariate, they say, is the could consult the cardinal. least necessary of offices, as there are no sequestrations or confiscations, and they have no other portero and no money wherewith to pay a substitute: besides, Pedro is destitute of all a good salary could be assured, proper persons would apply for the position but, in the absence of salaries, the offices have not a good reputation and people say qualifications for the position. If they are bestowed on any one who of the will accept them. In view poverty of the tribunal and small prospect of improvement they repeat what they had previously said that, if the king will not provide for it, it had better be abolished rather than maintained precariously, with the officers relying on the hope of confiscations that never come, so that one resigns today and another tomorrow, leaving only the alcaide and portero, who are so poor that they would also have gone if they saw other means of escaping their creditors. It is therefore suggested that, in addition to the two inquisitors, the fiscal and the notary, salaries be furnished of 600 ducats for an alguazil, 500 for an alcaide or 1 Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. in, cap. xxiv, n. 13. MEXICO 214 gaoler and 400 for a messenger or otherwise that, as in Spain, a canonry be suppressed for the benefit of the Inquisition, in each of the eleven bishoprics of the district, though this would disadvantages in view of the poverty of the churches and paucity of ministers. Then, in another letter the inquisitors announce that they have filled the vacant post of alguazil by have its appointing Don Pedro de Villegas, for whom they ask Quiroga to send a commission; it is true, they say, that he is too young, but then both he and his wife are limpio free from any taint of and he has the indispensable qualification of poson without a salary and that, in the present heretic blood sessing means to live condition of the Inquisition, is the main thing to be considered. 1 an emphatic testimony to the exhaustion of the royal treasury that so pious a monarch as Philip II should have shown It is indifference to this deplorable condition of a tribunal which had already given evidence so conspicious of its services to the faith, but he remained deaf to all appeals and it was left to struggle on as best creased it As the number of its reconciled penitents inthe need of a carcel perpetua or penitential prison, could. it felt for their confinement and, having no funds wherewith to purchase besieged the Marquis of Monterey, the viceroy, for an In 1596 he yielded in so far as to authorize the appropriation. a building, it treasurer to lend the tribunal 2000 pesos, to return the money had within two III, on its giving security in case the royal approbation should not be years. The term elapsed without it, but Philip September 13, 1599, graciously approved the expenditure, same time warning the viceroy not to repeat such liber- at the 2 Even though the monarchs without previous permission. were thus niggardly, there were advantages in serving the Inquiality sition which in many cases answered in lieu of salary, for official position conferred the fuero or right to the jurisdiction of the As early as 1572, Inquisition as well as substantial exemptions. Philip II decreed that, during the royal pleasure, the inquisitors, 1 ' Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Leg. 1157, Ibidem, Libra 40, fol. 31. fol. 66. INDIAN EEPARTIMIENTOS 215 the fiscal, the judge of confiscations, one secretary, one receiver, one messenger and the alcaide of the secret prison should be exempt from taxation and the royal officials were ordered, under penalty of a thousand ducats and punishment at the king's pleasure, to observe this and protect them in all the honors and 1 enjoyed in Spain. A further, although illegal, relief was found by sharing in the repartimientos under which the Indians were allotted to Span- exemptions which such iards who lived upon officials their enforced labor. It is to this cruel system that Las Casas, Mendieta and Torquemada attribute the rapid wasting away of the natives and the hatred which they bore to the Spaniards. Among other attempts to diminish the evils arising from the system, repeated laws of 1530, 1532, 1542, 1551 and 1563 prohibited the allotment of Indians to any officials or to prelates, clerics, religious houses, hospitals, fraternities, In spite of this, as soon as the Inquisition was established, claimed and was allowed its quota in the allotments. It etc. it watched vigilantly, moreover, to see that it was not defrauded recorded acts, in 1572, was in any way, the prosecution of Diego de Molina, the repartidor de los Indios of San Juan, because, in allotting the Indians of that place, the for one of its earliest twelve assigned to the Inquisition proved to be boys and incapables, while the useful ones, who could be hired out advantageously, such as carpenters and masons, he gave for bribes to others. He was mercifully let off with five days' imprisonment and a forcible warning and doubtless served as a wholesome example to other 2 Like most of ^the salutary legislation of Spain, it parti tioners. seems to have been impossible to enforce the prohibition, and that the Inquisition continued to enjoy the unpaid service of Indian 1 Recop., Lib. i, Tit. xix, ley 14. In 1626, however, Philip IV ordered them to be compelled to pay the alcavala or commutation of the tax of ten per cent, on all transactions like other subjects and, in the Concordia of 1633, the exemption from royal taxes and imposts was wholly withdrawn. Ibidem, Lib. i, Tit. xir, Ieyesl5;30, 2 MSS. of 5. Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan 79, Leg. 1, fol. 1. MEXICO 216 serfs is manifested by among the penitents in the autos de being specifically included in subsequent 1 repetitions of the law in 1609, 1627 and 1635. When, as we have seen, the Judaizers commenced to appear its fe, the longed-for relief deri- vable from confiscations, fines and penances was at hand. Spanish finance was already suffering the distress which was to become so acute and the treasury naturally looked to find lightened by the income from these sources. its burden It looked in vain, whatever the tribunal acquired from its victims it retained and it persisted, with incredible audacity, in refusing even to for render an account, although the confiscations belonged to the crown which never renounced its claim to them. In 1618 a royal ce*dula required the receiver to render itemized statements and expenditures; of all receipts enforce this by in 1621 Philip IV sought ordering his viceroys in the Indies not to salaries until proof should to pay be furnished that the confiscations meet them whole or in part, and this was to be observed inviolably, no matter what urgency there might be, but repetitions of the decree, in 1624 and 1629, show how were insufficient to completely it was ignored. 2 paid to these repeated royal in Not the slightest commands attention was and, to the last, the Inquisition never permitted either the king or the Council of Indies to know what it acquired in this manner, although the sums were large and the tribunal became wealthy through investments of the surplus, besides making, with more or less regularity, very considerable remittances to the Suprema. Finding himself thus baffled by the immovable resistance of the Holy Office, Philip, in 1627, despoiling the Church. He sought to relieve his treasury by reported to Urban VIII that he expended 32,000 ducats a year on the tribunals of Mexico, Lima and Cartagena, wherefore he prayed that the bull of Paul IV, January 7, 1559, suppressing a prebend in every cathedral and 1 Recop., Lib. in, Tit. xii, ley 42. * Recop., Lib. cap. xxiv, n. 11 i, Tit. xix, leyes 10, 11, 12. Solorzani de Ind. Gubern., Lib. in, SUPPRESSED PREBENDS collegial 217 church in Spain, for the benefit of the Inquisition, might Urban complied in a brief of March be extended to the Indies. whereupon Philip ordered the archbishop and bishops 10, 1627, to remit to the senior inquisitors of their respective tribunals the fruits of the prebends as they should the same time, to the royal officials fall in, furnishing, at a statement of the sums thus paid, so that the amount should be deducted from the 1 Receipts from this source commenced at once and salaries. went on increasing as vacancies occurred, amounting, according to the estimate of the Council of Indies, to 30,000 pesos per annum Suprema admitted that Lima produced about 11,000 pesos each, but for the three tribunals, while the those of Mexico and those of Cartagena, During this it said, yielded only about 5000. 2 time there had been frequent collisions between the inquisitors and the treasury officials, arising from the refusal amount of the confiscations and penances and the obedience, more or less persistent, of the latter to the royal commands to require such statements as a condition of the former to reveal the precedent to paying the royal subvention. In these collisions the inquisitors enforced their demands as usual by prosecution and excommunication, giving rise to unseemly controversies 1 Recop., Lib. I, Tit. xix, leyes 24, 25. In the earlier period of the colonial Inquisition, the inquisitors sometimes, as we have seen, held prebends in addition to their salaries, but this privilege was subsequently withdrawn, at the instance of the Council of Indies, op. cit., on account of the poverty of the churches. Solorzani, Lib. in, cap. xxiv, n. 78. 2 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 54, 128, 139. fell in gradually. October 24, 1636, the Suprema reports that up to that time, only those of Mexico, Puebla, Oaxaca and Guatemala, had become available, the aggregate revenues of which did not amount to the royal subvention. The tribunal had reported, January 23d, that a vacancy had occurred in the cathedral of Guadalajara and the king is urged to lose no time in ordering its The canonries suppression. Ibidem, Lib. 21, fol. 67. About the middle of the century the tribunal enjoyed canonries in Mexico, Puebla, Oaxaca, Chiapa, Yucatan, Guatemala, Mechoacan, Guadalajara and In Mexico the sees of Guadiana, Honduras and Nicaragua, and in the Manila. Nueva Segovia were too poor, some of and the bishops were supported by the Philippines those of Cebu, Cagayan and them not even having treasury. prebendaries, Medina, p. 209, MEXICO 218 and, when the Suprema forbade In a letter of February were reduced to impotence. they complained their use of such measures, they no money of all their efforts, they received all 13, 1634, bitterly of this; during 1633, they said, in spite until October, after the royal officials had been paid and, as they had no other means of support, they were exposed to the deepest humiliations. 1 The suppressed canonries, however, introduced an element of pacification and, in the Concordia of 1633, and the Council of Indies, between the Suprema a plan to harmonize differences was agreed upon which was a practical surrender to the Inquisition. every year, before the first tercios (four months' It provided that instalments in advance) were paid, the receivers should render a sworn itemized statement of all receipts and expenditures, including confiscations, fines and penances, in accordance with the royal ce*dulas and, when this was delivered to the viceroy, the advance without delay. If the treasury should take exception to any portion of the statement, they were to forward it with their comments to the Council of Indies, but this was not to interfere with the prompt payment tercios should be paid in officials of the salaries and the inquisitors were to furnish the with their explanations. If Suprema show a surplus by both parties, the statement should applicable to the salaries, this was, if agreed to to be deducted from the second tercio; but if the inquisitors presented any reasons why this tercio should be paid in full, the treasury should pay it and the question be referred for settlement to the two Councils. The inquisitors were not to proceed against the treasury officials with censures or fines or other penalties, but were to apply to the viceroy, to whom positive instructions were sent to pay them punctually, both the arrearages then unpaid and the current salaries, while any fines or penalties that had been imposed were to be withdrawn This elaborate arrangement 1 2 or, is if collected, to only of importance as showing MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, ley 30, 1. be refunded. 2 fol. 44. Recop., Lib. i, Tit. xix, THE ROYAL SUB VENTION 219 that, in spite of the suppressed canonries, the treasury was still required to support the tribunal and that the latter could be bound by no agreements however solemnly entered into. Except No statement of at Cartagena it was never carried into effect. In 1651, Count Alva de Aliste, the receipts was ever rendered. that he had no means of learning to IV Philip viceroy, reported amounted to but, on cautiously sounding him that they reported them to the Suprema and would obey its instructions. They might well what the confiscations the inquisitors, they told In the exterminating persecution of the wealthy New Christians, during the decade 1640-50, of which more hereafter, the confiscations were very large, placing the keep the facts secret. tribunal at its ease for all future time, besides what was embezzled The auto of 1646 yielded 38,732 pesos; that by What was gathered in two autos held in 1648 of 1647, 148,562. does not appear, but between November 20, 1646, and April 24, the inquisitors. 1648, the inquisitors remitted 234,000 pesos in bills of exchange 1 while the crowning auto of 1649 furnished three millions more. In spite of this maintained its enormous influx of wealth, the Inquisition grip on the royal subvention still of 10,000 pesos per for how long it is impossible to determine with In the prolonged controversy which raged between positiveness. the Suprema and the Council of Indies over the relations of the annum, though colonial tribunals, the former, in 1667, positively declared that, had been no subvention paid in Mexico or Lima was repeated in 1676, but the statements of the Suprema are so full of duplicity that no reliance can be reposed after 1633, there and this assertion in them. 2 On the other hand, in 1668, we find the Council of Indies earnestly advising the king to withdraw the subvention on the ground that the tribunals were rich and could support 1 Medina, p. 209. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 85, 139. In these papers the Suprema had the hardihood to assert that the prebends were suppressed in order to enable the tribunals to meet expenses over and above the royal subvention for 2 salaries, treasury. although all the documents show that the object was to relieve the MEXICO 220 themselves, as they do in Castile; in 1675 speaks of the payments as still continuing and urges their discontinuance without consulting the Suprema, as it is a matter wholly within the control of the treasury and, in 1676, Carlos II it answered the Suprema by demanding a prompt decision as to a proposition made by the Council of Indies to discontinue the subventions enjoyed by the three tribunals for the salaries of their were definitely discontinued officials. 1 When they would be impossible to assert, but Mexico and Lima were stopped in it probable that those of 1677, while that of Cartagena was prolonged even later. In 1683 Inquisitor Valera of that tribunal complained that, owing to the exhaustion of the public treasury through wars and piratical it is attacks, an arrearage had accumulated of thirty-three tercios. He claimed that the king was indebted to the tribunal in the sum of 58,000 pesos and he urged its transfer to Santa Fe, where the was in better condition to meet the obligation. The transfer was not made, payments of the subvention became more and more irregular and we shall see that in 1706 the 2 tribunal was still unavailingly endeavoring to enforce them. In a letter to the king, July 31, 1651, the viceroy, Alva de Aliste, took the ground that the subvention had been merely a loan, to be repaid when confiscations should come in, and as, within the last few years, these had been large enough to settle the debt, he had had the accounts examined and had found that, royal treasury had been advanced for salaries 559,189 and 5 granos and, for other purposes, 6837 since the beginning, there pesos, 6 tomiries pesos, 5 granos, wherefore he suggested that the king should 3 To a treasury so desperately compel restitution of this amount. embarrassed as that of Spain the prospect of such relief was most welcome. Philip referred the viceroy's letter to the Council of which delayed its reply till December 12, 1652, when it advised the king that examination showed that the salaries were Indies, 1 a Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 91, 103. J. T. Medina, La Inquisicion en Cartagena de Indias, Chile, 1899). ' Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 78. p. 310 (Santiago de THE ROYAL SUB VENTION to be defrayed the treasury. 221 by the confiscations, which were to be reported to The only light that could be thrown upon the subject was to be sought in the registration, of Seville, of the amounts of silver passing and Peru and from these by the Contratacion through it from Mexico registers appeared that the colonial tribunals had remitted to the Suprema the aggregate of 76,965 it and 85,454 pesos de a ocho, thus showing that those tribunals had revenues largely in advance of their needs. In view of the magnitude of the sums furnished by the treasury, pesos de ensayados the extensive confiscations, the income of the suppressed canonries and the dire necessities of the royal finances, it therefore advised the king to call upon the Suprema for restitution and to furnish statements of the amount of the confiscations from the beginning. To king replied, in the ordinary formula of approval 1 When the Suprema was well and so have I ordered/' this the "It is concerned, however, obedience and so by no means followed royal orders proved in this case. Philip's weakness was shown in his next despatch to the viceroy, February 1, 1653, in which he said that he had determined that it Suprema should arrange the to make restitution and that, to a proper adjustment of the matter, it should furnish a statement of all confiscations from the beginning, "for neither facilitate Council of Indies nor my my viceroys have been able to obtain this, but only the records of the shipments of silver from the 2 There is no evidence that the Suprema made any Indies/' attempt to obey the royal commands or that it paid any attention Then the to a reiterated demand made on August 12, 1655. effort seems to have been abandoned and the matter was allowed to slumber until attention had written, August 1 was 12, 1665, to the Archive de Simancas, Libro 40, 2 called to fol. it again in 1666. Marquis of Philip Mansera, then 57. Ibidem, fol. 74. The Contratacion could furnish only the records of silver passing through it, which were always liable to seizure by the king. The great remittances of 1646 and 1648 were cautiously made in bills of exchange, and this was probably the rule. MEXICO 222 Mexican viceroy, urging him to extinguish the debt of 1,333,264 pesos, by which amount the Mexican treasury was in arrears payments. The viceroy replied, September 5, 1666, out the difficulty of accomplishing this and, at the same pointing time, keeping up the remittances by the fleet, which were imperawith its monarchy. He the indebtedness was the tively required by the absolute needs added that one of the chief causes of of the and expenses of the Inquisition since its foundation in 1570; this had been intended as a loan, until it could be repaid from the confiscations, fines large sums withdrawn from it by the salaries and penances but, although these had been large, restitution had never been made. The cedula of 1653 had inferred that the matter would be settled between the two councils and therefore the viceroys were powerless, but he suggested that the tribunal was rich and held large amounts of property it had the disposition, ; might not have in future, to commence making this This despatch the Council of just and long overdue payment. Indies reported to the queen-regent, together with copies of the which it royal cedulas of 1653 and 1655, in order that she might compel the Suprema to make restitution, not only of the sums reported by Count Alva de nal, seeing that it large It but of what had since been paid to the tribuhad the means to do so and was remitting such Aliste, amounts to the Suprema. 1 is scarce worth while to follow in detail the discussion which ensued, lasting, with true Spanish procrastination, until 1677, when the effort to make the Inquisition refund seems to have Of course the feeble been abandoned out of sheer weariness. queen-regent and the feebler boy-king, Carlos II, failed in the attempt and the only importance to us of the debate lies in the falsehoods and prevarications of the Suprema's defence. It was notorious that there had been heavy confiscations, for persecution, as we have seen, had become active and exceedingly The tribuprofitable as the half-century had drawn to a close. nal had grown 1 rich and had made large investments, besides the Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 77. MISREPRESENTATIONS 223 Suprema, and these had been derived almost exclusively from the confiscations and penances. Yet the Suprema endeavored to make it appear that financially enormous remittances to the had been a confiscation There had been some confisca- failure. Mexico and Lima; there was the one of tions, de Diego Lopez Fonseca, amounting to 79,965 pesos, but Jorje de Paz of Madrid and Simon Rodriguez Bueno of Seville had it admitted, in come forward with claims amounting to more. They had asked to have the money sent to the receiver of Seville for adjudication and, on its arrival, the king had seized it and, by a cedula of July 14, 1652, had bound himself to satisfy the claimants, which he did by assigning to them certain matters. It was true that, in 1642, a number of Judaizing Portuguese had been discovered in Mexico, of whom some had moderate fortunes and one was reputed to be rich, but on the outbreak fear that the viceroy of the would embargo Portuguese rebellion, for their property, they had it, and although the Inquisition had published censures, a little had been discovered, while there came forward credonly itors with evidences of claims amounting to 400,000 pesos, so that concealed it was difficult to make the confiscations meet them, to say noth- ing of the heavy expenses of feeding the prisoners, hiring houses to serve as prisons and the increased number Besides was protracted and this, there of officials required. costly litigation in investi- gating the claims and detecting suspected frauds. For this, Archbishop Maiiozca was appointed visitador; on his death Medina Rico was sent out for the same purpose and, when he died, the matter had not been settled, nor has it 1 yet. If the 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 85, 139. letter-book of the tribunal from 1642 to 1649 is largely filled with minute instructions as to the sequestrations which accompanied arrests and the manage- The ment of the property seized. fiscation for, converted into was sacrificed. called sequestration this was really con- money as rapidly as possible, by auctions in which of course much The proceedings were most arbitrary. In a letter of October 21, Vera Cruz is instructed as to some cocoa belonging to on hand or expected to arrive. Trains of pack-mules were to no matter under what engagements they might be, to hurry the goods 1645, the commissioner at prisoners, either be seized, Though without awaiting the conviction of the accused, the assets were MEXICO 224 Suprema was to be believed, confiscation cost more than it came to. In the same way it sought by garbled statements to conceal the fact that it was secretly deriving a considerable revenue from the colonial tribunals, thus proving that they were possessed of superabundant means. In its private accounts for the year 1657, there is an item of 10,000 ducats from those of Mexico and Lima, with the remark that this is always in arrears and is now two years overdue 1 for the tribunals were as anxious as Suprema to conceal their gains. Yet it could not hide the fact that it was in receipt of large remittances through the Contratacion of Seville and the Government, in its extremity, had an the awkward habit of seizing what took ing for silver in vellon, for we its fancy and possibly pay- chance to hear of such an occur- 2 The Council of Indies, as rence in 1639 and again in 1644. we have seen, did not fail to call attention to the large amounts which it was thus receiving, but it airily replied, in its consulta of November 16, 1667, that the three tribunals had, at various times, remitted the aggregate of 130,803 pesos, 3 reales, as the proceeds of sales of varas or offices of alguazil, and that this and much more, from the home tribunals, amounting in all to over 700,000 pesos, had been contributed to the necessities of the It repeated this, May 11, 1676, with the addition that State. the colonial tribunals had sent about 8000 pesos to the fund for and no other cocoa was to be allowed to come, so that this might bring A few weeks earlier, on September 25th, orders were sent for the arrest of Captain Fernando Moreno of Miaguatlan (Oaxaca), who was claimed to be a debtor to the fisc. He was to be seized suddenly and hurried off, heavily He was engaged in ironed, to Mexico, while his property was taken possession of. and cochineal large transactions of making advances to Indians for cotton yarn and minute instructions were given as to gathering in the product of these advanWhen All this work had to be gratuitous. ces, which would be an affair of time. on one occasion a familiar and a notary charged for their labor, they were comof serving the Inquisition was pelled to refund and were told that the honor to Mexico a better price. sufficient payment. 1 2 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. Bibl. nacional, MSS., D, 150, p. 224. Archive de Simancas, Lib. 40, fol. 218, 328. WEALTH OF TRIBUNAL 225 the attempted canonization of Pedro Arbues and that there were also remittances for the media anata of the officials and for the deposits of aspirants to office to defray the expenses of the investi- gations into limpieza the whole manifesting extreme desire to divert attention from the confiscations. 1 In spite of these subterfuges there can be no question that the tribunals and Lima accumulated vast amounts of property. of Mexico The magnifi- cence of the palace of the Mexican tribunal, rebuilt from 1732 to 1736, shows that it could gratify its vanity with the most 2 profuse expenditure. That it was fully able to do this without impairing may be assumed from the assertion, in 1767, of the royal fiscal, when arguing a case of competencia before the Audiencia, that if its accumulations were not checked, its revenues the king would have but a small portion of territory in which 8 to exercise his jurisdiction. Certain it is that the tribunal continued to be able to render large pecuniary support to the In 1693 we hear of a remittance of 93,705 institution. pesos and in 1702 of 19,898 in spite of heavy defalcations by the home This was followed by remittances of 40,000 pesos in In 1771 the tri1706, of 16,500 in 1720, and of 31,500 in 1727. bunal lent to the viceroy, for the emergencies of the war with receivers. England, 60,000 pesos, which were repaid, and, in 1795, a further made of 40,000 to aid in the war then raging. 4 As loan was In 1631 the vara, or wand of office of fol. 85, 139. sold in Castile and, in 1634, the Suprema sought to extend this to the Colonies, under pretext of applying it to the repairs of the Castle of Triana, the home of the tribunal of Seville. The Council of Indies stoutly resisted it and 1 Archive de Simancas, alguazil, was a consulta of November 16, 1638, shows that the struggle was still going on (Ibidem, Libro 21, fol. 162). The Suprema finally won, but of course it absorbed the proceeds and the castle was repaired by means of the levy known as the Fabrica de Sevilla, which continued to be collected in the nineteenth century. probable that the amount attributed to the sale of varas is largely exagIn 1652 there came a remittance from Mexico of 2298 pesos, of which 1711 were the proceeds of sales and 587 for the media anata a tax of half of the first year's salary of those appointed to office (Ibidem, Lib. 40, fol. 295). It is gerated. 2 8 * a Obregon, op. cit., l Serie, p. 188. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, Medina, pp. 213, 348, 379, 405. 15 fol. 276. MEXICO 226 late as 1809 the Government seized a remittance from Suprema of 60, 131 1 pesos and gave a Suprema claiming restitution. In we shall see hereafter what wealth the when suppressed. the we are to trust the list we find spite of these reiterated drains If to the receipt for the proceeds, being 915,886 reales, for which, after the Restoration, 1 it of sanbenitos tribunal possessed hung in the cathedral of Mexico, after the great auto of 1601, there ensued a period of comparative inaction for nearly half a century, in which Protand were replaced by comparatively estants almost disappeared few Judaizers. 2 serious cases The sanbenitos however represent only the and the tribunal continued to gather its customary harvest of bigamists, blasphemers, sorcerers, solicitors and other minor offenders, some of whom yielded a liberal amount of fines. 8 In fact, a report of the cases pending in 1625 amounts to the very considerable number of sixty-three, showing that there was ample business on hand, receiving attention with more or 1 Archive de Simancas, Libro, 435, 2. Obregon, op. cit., 2 Serie, pp. 352-55. were 2 From 1601 to 1646 the only sanbenitos A Fleming relaxed for Calvinism, one Judaizer reconciled and one re1603. laxed in effigy and two mulattos reconciled for heresy. An Irishman reconciled for Lutheranism and a Portuguese for Judaism. 1605. There were however 36 penitents in this auto of whom 21 were negroes and mulattos for blasphemy. When in 1605 the general pardon for Judaizers descended from Portuguese reached Mexico, there was only one to be liberated. Medina, pp. 143, 146. A mulatto relaxed for administering sacraments without ordination. 1606. There was however another person guilty of the same offence, a married priest and a blasphemer. Medina, p. 145. 1621. 1625. A German reconciled for Lutheranism Three Judaizers reconciled. 1626 One Judaizer 1630. Three Judaizers reconciled. relaxed in effigy. Four Judaizers reconciled, one relaxed in person and four in effigy. evidently incomplete. Medina, p. 165, reports that in this auto there were twelve Judaizers reconciled and five effigies of the dead relaxed. 1635. This is 1636. ' One Judaizer Medina, pp. 146-50. relaxed in effigy. THE EDICT OF FAITH 227 however the activity of the tribunal diminished so greatly that, on July 12, 1638, it reported that it had not a single case pending, and a year later that it had but one, 1 After diligence. this which was against a priest charged with solicitation in the con2 This is a singular tribute to the efficacy of the Edict of Faith a proclamation requiring, under pain of excommuni- fessional. cation, the denunciation of all offences enumerated under which any one might be cognizant or have heard of in it, of any way. According to rule, this should be solemnly published every year in all parish watch and conventual churches; it kept the faithful on the and rendered every one a spy and an for all aberrations It had, however, at this time, fallen into desuetude. In a letter of February 13, 1634, the inquisitors say that for ten years the publications had been suspended in consequence of the indecency which attended it after the viceroys refused to be informer. owing to quarrels as to ceremonial, and they ask that a order should be issued through the Council of Indies requirroyal ing the attendance of the civil magistracy in the procession and present, 3 publication. Nearly ten years more, however, were to elapse, before the questions of etiquette and precedence were settled, and at last, 1, 1643, the Edict was read with all solemnity in the cathedral of Mexico and was followed by an abundant harvest of on March denunciations. gathered from 4 How numerous these habitually were partial statistics of those received after may be a publica- These were recorded in eight books, four, representing presumably one-half, have been preserved, containing altogether two hundred and fifty-four cases of tion of the Edict in 1650. of which 1 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. The cases reported consisted of 22 Judaism Personating priesthood 12 Solicitation Uluminism 8 Sorcery Miscellaneous 4 Bigamy 3 4 Medina, p. 168. MSS. David Fergusson Esqr. of Medina, p. 169. ... 4 2 11 MEXICO 228 the most varied character, as classification below. is may be seen by the summarized 1 The most significant feature in this mass of so-called testimony the manner in which the most trivial acts inferring suspicion were watched and denounced, so that every versal spy-system stimulated listen to to and make record mouth. man lived under a uni- by the readiness of the Inquisition to of the veriest gossip passing Thus one informer relates how from mouth in 1642, eight years before, he saw Simon de Paredes quietly put to one side on his plate a piece of pork that came to him from among the miscel- Another gravely deposes how a man had casually told him that he had heard how a miner named Bias Carets, of the mines of Los Papagayos, now dead, had once laneous contents of the olla. taken some of the herb Peyote to find some mines of which he had chanced to see specimens, and the marvels which thence ensued. 2 1 From the book of Membretes kept by the tribunal Solicitation in the confessional Sorcery and divination Consulting diviners Judaism (besides 11 . . 14 Priest saying mass without confess- .112 ".'I ing Personating official of Inquisition Celebrating mass without ordina- . .... in 13 Pernam41 buco) Disregard of disabilities of descendants 8 4 Bigamy Abuse of Inquisition by culprits Remaining under excommunica- 2 tion for a year Revealing confessions 4 . .... .... 1 ........ Neglect of observances Mental Prayer better than Oral A little girl for breaking an arm of an image of Christ A boy of 6, for making crosses on the ground, stamping on them and saying that he was a heretic 5 ... . .... 1 1 1 1 2 7 6 3 1 Irregular fasting ... 12 Various suspicious acts Marriage better than Religious Life Criticizing the Inquisition Denying a debt due to the connscated estate of a culprit 1 Marriage in Orders Priest saying 4 masses in one day For being the grandson of a man 1 . . . . .... relaxed in Portugal 1 ... Insults to images Concubinage better than marriage Propositions 6 Heretical blasphemy Incest tion Impeding the Inquisition :'!! .... 1 1 1 1 1 (MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.). Nearly all the accusations of sorcery are of Indians, negroes or mulattos. A note states that the testifications against Indians are not indexed because the Inquisition has not jurisdiction over them. The plant named Peyote had intoxicating and narcotic properties causing pipe-dreams and visions. It was largely used by diviners and was strictly prohibited by the Inquisition. 2 PR OSEC VTWN OF J UDA IZERS 229 would appear that when this kind of evidence did not lead to a prosecution it was carefully preserved and indexed for reference it in case of subsequent testimony against an individual. the training of the population and such was the under which every man Such was shadow of terror lived. Meanwhile, during the quiescent period of the tribunal, the class of New Christians, who secretly adhered to the ancient faith, and accumulating wealth through the opportunities of the colonial trade which they virtually monopoTheir fancied security, however, was approaching its lized. increased end. prospered, The vigorous measures taken in Spain, between 1625 and 1640, to exterminate the Portuguese Judaizers, revealed the of many accomplices who had found refuge in the New names World; these were carefully noted and sent to the colonial tribunals. 1 Moreover, from 1634 to 1639, the Lima Inquisition was busy in detecting and punishing a large number of its most prominent merchants guilty of the same apostasy, who had relations with The tribunal their Mexican brethren, revealed during the trials. seems to have been somewhat slow in realizing the opportunities thus afforded, but in 1642 there opened an era of active and relentpersecution which was equally effective in enriching its treasury and in purifying the faith. To prevent the escape of its less on July 9th it sent orders to Vera Cruz prohibiting the embarkation of any Portuguese who could not show a special A wealthy merchant named Manuel Alvarez de licence from it. victims, Arrellano had already sailed for Spain, but his ship was wrecked on Santo Domingo and he was compelled to return to Havana. The tribunal was on his track and, on December 1st, it sent orders to its commissioner at sell it at auction Vera Cruz. Havana to arrest him, seize all his property, and send him in chains with the proceeds to This was successfully accomplished and, in acknowl- gave further instructions as to some understood to have been saved from edging his arrival, the tribunal cases of cochineal, the wreck. 1 2 which it 2 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 812; Cuenca, MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. fol. 2. MEXICO 230 There was small chance of escape for any culprit. The New Christians were closely connected by family, religious and business ties, and each new prisoner was forced and kindred. to implicate his friends Gabriel de Granada, a child of 13, arrested in July, 1642, was made to give evidence against 108 persons, includ- 1 There were then three inquisitors, Francisco de Estrada y Escobedo, Bernabe de la Higuera y Amarilla and Juan Saenz de Manozca, whose names became a terror to the ing his entire family. innocent as well as to the guilty. Their cruel zeal is manifested in a letter to the Suprema virtually asking authority to relax ten had confessed and professed repentance to time entitle in them, by the rules of the Inquisition, to recon2 It was a wild revel of prosecutions and condemnations. ciliation. persons, although they Medina Rico, the visitador or inspector that, in reviewing the proceedings, had been paid in many who came in to the defences presented cases they were just. heartlessness of the tribunal. A 1654, reported he found that no attention by the accused, although single case will indicate the September 24, 1646, Dona Catalina de Campos sought an audience to say that she was very sick and near unto death and that she would die in the Catholic faith in which she had was paid lived. to her She was sent back to her and some days later she cell, no attention was found dead and 3 gnawed by rats. The result of this method of administering justice sion of autos particular es, in 1646, 1647 was a succes- and 1648, followed by an auto general in 1649. In 1646 there were thirty-eight Judaizers reconciled and, as reconciliation, in addition to prison and sanbenito, inferred confiscation, the 1 s all harvest as we have seen was large. In 1647 the MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. Carta de 27 Nov. 1643 (MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.). These prisoners were reconciled in the subsequent autos except three who died in prison and were relaxed in effigy. For the individual offences of these inquisitors and their subordinates in cruelty, rapacity, embezzlement and licentiousness, as reported by the visitador Medina Rico, see Medina, pp. 261-2. Medina, pp. 239. AUTOS DE FE 231 1 In 1648 there were two autos a pubnumber was twenty-one. lic one on March 29th and an auto particular in the Jesuit church on March 30th. In the former there were eleven penitents for various offences, eight Judaizers penanced and eight reconciled, two reconciliations for Mahometanism, twenty-one effigies of Judaizers burnt and one burning in person. In the latter there was one penitent brought from the Philippines for suspicion of Mahometanism, who escaped with abjuration de tude for life levi in a convent for instruction; there and servi- were two for personating priesthood and administering sacraments without orders, who received 300 and 200 lashes respectively and were sent to the galleys; one for marrying in orders, who abjured de vehementi and was sent to serve in a hospital for five years; a bigamist who had 200 lashes and the galleys; a curandera, who employed charms to cure disease and was visited with 200 lashes from Puebla, and finally there were twentyOf these, two escaped with fines of 2000 and 3000 ducats respectively and perpetual exile from Mexico, one was only and perpetual exile one Judaizers. and eighteen were reconciled with confiscation and various terms of imprisonment, in addition to which five of them were exiled 2 scourged and, of these latter, two were also sent to the galleys. The great auto general of April 11, 1649, marks the apogee of the Mexican Inquisition and of this we have a very florid account, 3 A month in advance the solemn proclawritten by an official. was made March llth, with a gorgeous procession, to the sound of trumpet and drum, and this had previously been sent to every town in New Spain, so that mation announcing it in Mexico, was published everywhere at the same hour. Consequently, advance of the appointed day, crowds began to pour in, some of them from a distance of a hundred or two hun- it for a fortnight in 1 Medina, pp. 181, 182. Medina, p. 183. El Museo Mexicano, Mexico, 1843, pp. 537 sqq. Reprinted also, with some abbreviation as an appendix to a translation of Fe"re"aPs Mysteres 2 de la Inquisition, Mexico, 1850. 3 My copy of this scarce tract unfortunately lacks the thus unable to give. It was printed in Mexico in 1649, title page, which I am MEXICO 232 dred leagues, till, as we are told, it looked as though the country had been depopulated. The reporter exhausts his eloquence in describing the magnificence of the procession of the Green Cross, on the afternoon preceding the auto, when all the nobles and gentlemen of the city, in splendid holiday attire, took part, and the standard of the Inquisition was borne by the Count of San- whose grandfather had done the same in the great auto of 1574 and his father in that of 1601. A double line of coaches tiago, extended through the streets, from the Inquisition to the plazuela del Volador, where the ceremonies were to be performed, and so anxious were their occupants not to lose their positions that they remained in them might seem that all night and until the show was over. It Mexico, from the highest to the lowest, was all assembled to demonstrate the ardor of its faith and to gain the indulgence which the Vicar of Christ bestowed on those who were present at these crowning exhibitions of the triumph of the Church Militant. Inside of the Inquisition the night was spent in notifying of their approaching fate those and in preparing them who were about to die for death. Of the one hundred and nine convicts there was but one Frenchman named Francois Razin, condemned to vehement suspicion of heresy and to two years' service in a convent for instructions; as he was penniless, we are told that he was not fined. There were nine Judaizers who abjured for vehement suspicion and were banished to Spain; three of them, Protestant, a abjure for being impoverished, were not fined but on the other six were im- posed mulcts, ranging from 1000 to 6000 ducats, amounting in all to 15,000 ducats and one in addition had 200 lashes. There were nineteen reconciled, whose estates of course were confiscated, as also were those of the relaxed, seventy-eight in number. Of these, fifty-seven in prison, two were effigies of the dead, of whom ten had died of the latter being suicides, in addition to which were eight effigies of fugitives. Thirteen were relaxed in person, but of these twelve were garroted before burning, having professed repentance and conversion in time. Only one was burnt alive. AUTO DE FE OF Tomas the hero of the occasion, 1649 233 Trevifio of Sobremonte. His mother had been burnt at Valladolid, and nearly all of his kindred, as well as those of his wife, had been inmates of the Inquisition. He had been reconciled in the auto of 1625 and there could be no mercy the fiery though he could have escaped death by professing conversion again. He had lain in for a relapsed apostate, prison for five years during his trial, always denying his guilt, but when notified of his conviction, the night before the auto, he proclaimed himself a Jew, declaring that he would die as such, nor could the combined efforts of shake his resolution. all the assembled confessors To silence what were styled his blasphemies, he was taken to the auto gagged, in spite of which he made audible assertion of his faith and of his contempt for Christianity. It is related that, after his sentence, when he was mounted to be taken to the quemadero, the patient mule assigned to him refused to carry so great a sinner; six others were tried with the same and he was obliged to walk until a broken-down horse was brought, which had not spirit enough to dislodge its unholy burden. An Indian was mounted behind him, who sought to result convert him and, enraged at his failure, beat him about the mouth Undaunted to the last, he drew the to check his blasphemies. blazing brands towards him with his feet and his last audible " 1 Pile on the wood; how much my money costs me!" words were The inquisitor-general, Arce congratulated Philip IV on y Reynoso, on October 15, 1649, triumph of the faith, which had this been the source of joy and consolation and universal applause, whereat the pious monarch expressed his gratification and desired In addition to those who appeared in the auto there were two women conto relaxation, Isabel Nunez and Leonor Vaz who, the night before in the prison, sought audience with the inquisitors, professed conve^ion, and were withdrawn. They were reconciled in church, April 21, with irremissible perpet1 demned ual prison and sanbenito. Besides the summary in the text, the list of sanbenitos for this year includes the names of Francisco Lopez de Aponte, relaxed in person for atheism and Sebastian Alvares for obstinacy in various errors (Obregon, p. 372), but they are not in the official relation and, as they occur again in 1659 (p. 381), there is pbviously an erroneous duplication. MEXICO 234 *. % As summarized by Arce y Reynoso the results of the four autos were two hundred and seven penitents of whom a hundred and ninety were Jews, nearly all Portuguese. There was one drawback to his satisfacthe inquisitors to be thanked in his name. The penitents sentenced tion. banishment were directed to to be sent to Spain, and repeated royal orders required that they should be transported free of charge, but the captains of all vessels, both naval and commercial, refused to carry them without pay and, as they had been stripped of all their possessions, they could not defray the passage-money themselves, while the Inquisition made no offer to supply the funds. Consequently they remained in Vera Cruz or wandered through the land, throwing sanbenitos and infecting the population with their errors. off their Arce y Reynoso suggested to the king that he should give them rations while on board ship so as to help to bring them over. It never seemed to occur to him that the Inquisition, which was enriching itself with their confiscations, could spare the trifle requisite for the execution of its sentences on these homeless and penniless wretches. 1 After this supreme manifestation of tion became again somewhat its authority, the Inquisi- inert, for its attention was largely absorbed in settling the details of the confiscations which involved 2 The tribunal had the greater portion of Mexican commerce. its routine business of bigamists, soliciting confessors and guilty of so-called audience-chamber sorcery cases though there usually women despatched in the was an auto particular cele- brated October 29, 1656. In 1659, however, there was a public auto on November 19th which, though not large, merits attention by its severity and the peculiarity of some of the delinquents. Of these there were thirty-two in all twelve blasphemers, two bigamists, one forger, one false witness, one for violating the secrecy of the prison, one who had been reconciled for Judaism 1 * in Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Libro 38, fol. 96, 101. When, in 1664, Medina Rico came as visitador, he found 1200 cases pending suits against the fisc of the tribunal. Medina, p. 212, A UTO DE FE OF and had thrown in 1649 of Judaism, Then off 1 659 the sanbenito, a 235 woman for suspicion an alumbrado, or mystic, with visions and revelations. there were two sisters visions and revelations, of had 200 lashes and ten Romero, prosecuted for fraudulent whom one was acquitted and the other a third years' service in a hospital sister having been penanced in the auto particular of 1656. There was Manuel Mendez, a Portuguese, suspected of Judaism, who had died in prison and was now acquitted. Another Portuguese, also Diego Diaz, was not so fortunate he had been condemned in 1649 to abjuration de vehementi and perpetual banishment, but he did ; not leave Mexico arrested February 26, 1652, he had lain in prison awaiting an auto and was now sentenced to be burnt alive as ; by mistake the executioner commenced to garrote him, but was stopped by the alguazil mayor, who ordered the fire lighted, so that he had both punishments. Similar was the case of Francisco Botello, arrested in 1642, sentenced in 1649 to 200 lashes and banishment, remaining in Mexico, pertinaciously impenitent ; arrested again in 1650 and now garroted and burnt. These two cases indicate the treatment accorded to those alluded to above, who, after being stripped of their property, were ordered to leave the country, but were not furnished with means to do so. Another convict, Francisco Lopez de Aponte, was accused of pact with the demon and of heresies. He gave signs of insanity, but on examination by physicians was pronounced sane. Under severe torture he remained perfectly quiescent and insensible to pain, which could only be explained by diabolical aid, so he was shaved all over and inspected carefully for charms or for the devil's mark, but in vain. A second torture was endured with the same indifference and he was condemned to relaxation as an apostate heretic. On the night before the auto he said to the confessor who endeavored glory; it is all a to convert lie; there him " There is birth is no God, nor hell, and death and that is nor all." During the auto he manifested no emotion and was burnt alive as an impenitent. Juan Gomez had been arrested, May 28, 1658, as an Illuminist MEXICO 236 and herfye sacramentario, for teaching to the Catholic faith. Condemned many opinions contrary to relaxation, he maintained his heresies until, during the auto, he weakened and professed repentance, notwithstanding which he was burnt alive. Pedro Garcia de Arias was a wandering hermit who, although uneducated, had written three mystic books containing erroneous doctrine. When on trial he claimed that he had never committed sin, and he abused the Inquisition, through the streets with 200 lashes. for which he was scourged When notified of his con- demnation to relaxation he protested that he would not beg for mercy, but on the staging he asked for an audience, in which he insisted that there theless were no errors in what he had written. Never- he was garroted before burning, when his books, hung around his neck, were consumed with him. Sebastian Alvarez was an old man who claimed to be Jesus but was pronounced to be sane by the experts who examined him. He persisted in his delusion and was sentenced Christ, On to relaxation. remanded the staging he asked for an audience and was to the Inquisition, where two days later he had an audience and, as he still asserted himself to be Christ, he was sentenced to burning alive if he did not retract. On the way to the quemadero he retracted and was garroted before burning. In this curious assemblage of eccentric humanity, the most was an Irishman named variously William Lamport or Guillen Lombardo de Guzman. He had lain in prison since his arrest as far back as October 25, 1642, on a denunremarkable of all Mexico from Spain and make himself an independent sovereign, for he claimed to be the son of Philip III by an Irish woman, and thus half-brother to ciation that he was plotting to sever This was his real offence, but the Inquisition claimed jurisdiction because he had consulted an Indian sorcerer and Philip IV. certain astrologers to assure the success of his enterprise. details of his scheme show that it The was suggested by the success with which, in June, 1642, Bishop Palafox, acting under secret orders from Philip, had ousted from the viceroyalty the Marquis AUTO DE FE OF of Escalona, who was 1659 237 suspected of treasonable leanings towards Joao of Braganza and the revolted Portuguese. With the aid of an Indian singularly skilled in forgery, Lamport had drawn up all the necessary royal decrees which would enable trol, on the arrival Salvatierra. of the him to seize con- expected new viceroy, the Count of Yet he was no common adventurer, but a man of wide and various learning, thoroughly familiar with English, French, Spanish, Italian, Latin and Greek, with the classical poets and philosophers, with the Scriptures and the fathers and with theology and mathematics. This was proved by the memorials which he drew up in prison, without the aid of books, yet full of citations and extracts in all languages and of scripture texts. These were scrutinized by the calificador who verified the citations and found them all correct and who moreover certified that there were no errors of faith. In the account of his life, which all prisoners of the Inquisition were required to give, he stated that he had been born in England, fled in his twelfth year because of a pamphlet Fidei which he had written against the king. entitled Defensio from which he had many regions, in which he had IV had summoned him to patronized him. He was then sent to After marvellous adventures in rendered services to Spain, Philip Madrid, where Olivares Flanders to aid the Cardinal Infante, to whose success he largely After contributed, especially at the battle of Nordlingen (1634). much other service, Philip gave him the title of Marquis of Cropani and the viceroy alty of Mexico, from which he was to eject the occupant and for this he held forged royal cedulas. That there was some residuum of truth at the bottom of his story would appear from his familiarity with details of persons and events, and there is no doubt that he was an object of interest in Madrid, for a royal cedula of and that after his the judge, Andre's May 13, 1643, ordered the case to be expedited punishment all his papers should be given to Gomez de Mora. Why the case should then have been protracted for seventeen years it was designed to keep him imprisoned is for inexplicable, unless life, but, however MEXICO 238 that may be, he continued to be a source of solicitude, not unkindly, Suprema, under royal orders, wrote June 21, 1550, that he should be given a cell-companion to alleviate his confinement for the he so desired and that every care should be taken of his life. Again, on July 7, 1660, when the Suprema received the account if of his relaxation, its it express orders. the clue had been done against Altogether the case is a mystery to which wrote to ask why this is lost. Diego Pinto, the companion given to share his confinement, to join him in a plan of escape, which was was soon won over executed December 26, 1650, with remarkable skill and perseIn place of flying to some safe retreat Lamport spent the night in affixing in various prominent places certain writings verance. which he had prepared, and in persuading a sentinel at the palace to convey one to the viceroy urging him to arrest the inquisitors Towards dawn he induced a householder as traitors. him in and awaited the result of his papers, to take besides writing became apprehensive and made him others, remove to another house. No time was lost by the tribunal in issuing a proclamation, describing his person and ordering his when the host capture under severe penalties; his host promptly reported him to the Inquisition, when he was lodged and he was carried back an exceptionally strong cell, his feet in stocks and his hands In January, 1654, he asked for writing materials, with which he composed a tremendous attack on the Inquisition, in in fetters. and during the winter he utilized the sheets of a book, which when transcribed proved to be a verse which At bed to write treatise in Latin 270 closely written pages. He had now lain prison without trial; his overwrought brain was filled twelve years in giving his way and his insanity became more and more manifest. time for the auto approached and, on October 8, 1659, without further audience, the accusation was presented; the last the trial proceeded swiftly and on November 6th sentence was pronounced, condemning him to relaxation for divination and superstitious cures showing express or implicit pact with the A UTO DE FE OF 1 659 239 demon, besides which he had plotted rebellion and was a heretic sectary of Calvin, Pelagius, Huss, Luther and other heresiarchs and an inventor and dogmatizer of new heresies. As a special punishment for his defamatory libels and forgery of royal decrees, he was to listen to his sentence on the scaffold with a gag and hanging by his right arm fastened to an iron ring. During the night before the auto he assailed with opprobrious epithets the holy men who sought to save his soul; he exclaimed that a hundred them and finally he covered his head with the bed-clothes and refused to speak. At the auto on the staging he was like a statue and at the stake legions of devils had entered his cell with he escaped burning alive by throwing himself against the iron 1 ring encircling his throat with such force that it killed him. tragedy was the burning of the effigy of de Vertiz, a priest whose offence was that he had Joseph Brufion been the dupe of the imposture of the Romero sisters and The last act of the had reduced to writing their visions and revelations. Arrested September 9, 1649, he speedily admitted that he had been deceived and cast himself on the mercy of the inquisitors, vainly endeavoring to ascertain what was the nature of the charge against him so that he could confess and retract whatever errors were imputed to him. to do more than It was not, however, the estilo of the Inquisition to tell the accused to search his clear his conscience and after eighteen months memory and of this suspense Brunon's mind commenced to give way. He was left in his cell apparently forgotten, except when he would seek an audience to ask for writing materials with which, in 1652 and 1654, he drew up and presented attacks upon the tribunal of a character No to show that he was becoming insane through despair. notice was taken of these ebullitions and on April 30, 1656, he died without the sacraments, after six years and a half of incarceration, during which he had never been informed of the charges against him. and the trial His body was thrust into unconsecrated ground was continued against his fame and memory as an 1 Medina, pp. 271-311. MEXICO 240 / an accusation presented May 11, 1657. There was no defence possible by his kindred; he was duly condemned and in this auto of November 19, 1659, his effigy was alumbrado in heretic, brought forward, clad in priestly garments, the impressive cere- mony was performed and of degradation flames with his bones Cruel as all this exhumed it was for the purpose. performance may seem cast into the 1 to us, it was in strict conformity with the convictions of the age and, when Philip IV received the report of the auto, he inquisitor-general of the faith With by warmly congratulated the on the vigilance which preserved the purity inflicting merited chastisement. 2 auto the murderous activity of the tribunal may be Until the end of the century its business consisted almost exclusively in the commonplace routine of bigathis said virtually to end. mists, blasphemers, petty sorcerers, soliciting confessors, clerics administering the sacraments without priest's orders and the Thus in an auto celebrated January 15, 1696, out of twenty- like. six penitents, there was but one heretic with a sanbenito; there was a Greek schismatic reconciled and the rest were sixteen bigamists, one Franciscan tertiary for Illuminism, a imposture and four men and two women woman for for the superstitious practices conveniently classed as sorcery with explicit or implicit 3 pact with the demon. Yet during this half-century there were a couple of cases showing that a nearly bloodless career was not due to any surcease of fanatic zeal. In November, 1673, was named Juan Bautista de Cardenas, with Huso charged being y alumbrado, with grave suspicion of sacramentarian heresy. After giving the customary account of his life he took refuge in absolute silence, which suggested arrested a wandering hermit that he was possessed by a demon, but exorcism proved unavailing. Sharp torture was then tried, 1 but it elicited only the usual Proceso contra Joseph Brufion de Vertiz (MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.). have considered this curious case at greater length in "Chapters from the Religious History of Spain," pp. 362-73. 1 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 189. I 1 Obregon, op. cit., 2 Serie, pp, 380-4. SOLICITATION shrieks of pain. 241 The conclusion drawn from this was that he was a contumacious heretic and in July, 1675, he was condemned to relaxation, when, on being notified of it, he only said that if he was carried to the quemadero he would die for God. The tribunal however did not dare to execute its own sentence and sent the papers to the Suprema which, June 22, 1676, altered it to abjuration de levi, deprivation of the habit he wore and exile from the cities of Mexico and Puebla, adding that the torture had been abusive seeing that he had not been formally testified The other against for heresy. Manuel de Cuadros, who had case left his curandero, or curer of disease prison, November was that Fray Francisco Order and practised as a He was thrown by charms. and during 14, 1663, of his trial, in which was pro- he confessed to being an agnostic, except as to the existence of God, but he admitted that he was ignorant and half-crazy. At the auto of March 20, 1679, he was tracted for nearly fifteen years, condemned to relaxation after degradation, but at the quemadero he showed signs of repentance, in virtue of which he was admitted 1 to the sacraments and was strangled before burning. In the public autos there is no trace of one of the principal duties of the Inquisition in the repression of the prevalent crime of the seduction of known as women by in solicitation the their confessors, euphemistically confessional. Even as bigamy had been brought under inquisitorial jurisdiction by the somewhat forced assumption that it implied erroneous belief in the sacrament of matrimony, so solicitation was held to infer in the confessor error as to the sacrament of penitence. At least this was the reason alleged when, recognizing that the spiritual courts were useless to check the practice, Paul IV, in 1561 entrusted its suppression in the Spanish dominions to the Inquisition, and Gregory XV, in 1622, extended this to other lands in which the existed. Priests, however, for the avoidance of were never scandal, paraded in public autos, unless they were Holy Office 1 16 Medina, pp. 328, 330. MEXICO 242 to be deprived of their orders; their sentences were read in the audience-chamber with closed doors and in the presence only of a selected number of their brethren, to whom the fate of the culprit 1 should serve as a wholesome warning. While, therefore, the knowledge of this offence was sedulously kept from the public, gave the tribunal considerable occupation. The morals of the Colonial clergy, for the most part, were notoriously loose it and, in the solitary missions and parishes among the natives, 2 This was enhanced by the almost evil passions had free rein. assured prospect of immunity, for the women seduced were the only possible accusers and it has always proved exceedingly difficult to therefore called had the Inquisition, on upon five induce them to denounce their seducers. to prosecute such culprits and, cases. 3 It Naturally establishment, was its up to 1577, speedily it already seems however not to have enforced its we may judge from the exclusive jurisdiction over the offence if proceedings in the case of Fray Juan de when it assumed the prosecution he was undergoing six months' Saldana, in 1583, for imprisonment by his superiors because at Tequitatlan he had violated an Indian girl and, when she refused to continue the connection, he had her arrested and flogged, after which she submitted. Though only 34 years of age he was a person of consideration in his Franciscan Order, he had occupied various positions of importance and at this time was guardian of the con- vent of Suchipila, where he seduced three sisters, his penitents, the daughters of Diego Flores, the encomendero of Suchipila and a person of distinction. There seems to have been little or no concealment about it; he boasted openly of the women he had seduced, Spanish as well as Indian, not only in Suchipila In the auto of 1601 the priest Juan Plata appeared as a penitent and was suspended from orders for connivance in pretended revelations of a nun of the Puebla convent of St. Catherine of Siena. He was also a solicitante, having seduced her in the confessional, but this was studiously omitted from the sentence 1 Medina, op. cit., p. 125. Oviedo y Vald&j, Las Quinquagenas de read. * 1880). Concil. Mexican. Lib. iv, cap. xlv. ' Medina, p. 54. I, ann. 1555, cap. la I, 383 (Madrid, Mendieta, Hist, eccles. Indiana, Nobleza de Espafia, Ivii. SOLICITATION 243 but in his visitations, and he evidently had no idea that he was incurring risk of the Inquisition, for when remonstrated with he asked what his prelates could do to him it was only a dozen strokes of the discipline and a year's suspension from his guard- When ianship. brought to trial he was frank in his admissions; two years before he had been deprived of confessing Spanish women, but as guardian he had licence to do so; he mentioned seven Indian women whom he had seduced in confession besides a mestizo and several Spaniards. In these cases, the accusation and the exordium of the sentence are eloquently rhetorical as to the heinous guilt in one, clothed with the awful of the fiscal power of the priesthood, using that power to lead astray the souls seeking salvation through him, but when it came to defining the penalty there is a tenderness which suggests that in reality the offence was regarded as much on some minute point of faith. May 5, 1584, he was subjected less important than aberration When his sentence was read, to the discipline for the space he was deprived of the faculty of confessing, was suspended from orders for six years, was recluded for two years in a convent with the customary disabilities and was banished of a miserere; for six years from the see of Guadalajara. 1 Such treatment was not adapted to strengthen the carnalminded against temptation so severe and the vice flourished As the inquisitors stated in a letter to the Suprema was a very frequent offence in those parts of May 22, 1619, and many confessors regarded it as trivial, 2 and the list of cases accordingly. it of solicitation for the years 1622-4 contains fifty-six names, of which seven were from Manila, for the Philippines were a dependency of the Mexican tribunal. That leniency increased with time may be assumed from the case, in 1721, of Fray Francisco Diego de Zarate, President of the Mission of Santa Maria de los Angeles of Rio Blanca, a Franciscan entrusted with many important positions. 1 2 MSS. "Que of The summary in his trial states that the evidence David Fergusson Esqr. es delito muy poquisimo caso d61." reiterado en estas partes p. 162. Medina, y muchoa confesQrQs ha/Jen MEXICO 244 hundred and twenty-six acts of solicitation women and that it was his habit to solicit every collected proved a with fifty-six one who came to him to confess. impossible to conceive of the details of the evidence; It is anything more brutal than some the offence in many cases was almost public and might have continued indefinitely had he not banished from Rio Blanco a woman and her family because she resisted him, whereupon she talked and created a scandal that rendered action necessary. Of the women, twenty-one were Indians, eight were Spaniards (one of them his near relative), eight Mulattos, four Mestizos and not specified. When the accusation, detailing all the cases, was read to him, he admitted its correctness and indeed he had previously made a written confession which fifteen whose race is contained a large number that had escaped the investigations of the prosecution. Aggravated as was this case Fray Francisco escaped with a second reading of his sentence in the Franciscan convent, where a circular discipline was administered, perpetual deprivation of confessing and of active and passive voice in his Order, six months' suspension from celebrating mass and two years' reclusion in a convent, of which the first was to be passed on bread and water on Fridays and Satur1 Yet inadequate place in choir and refectory. in a cell with fasting days, and the last as was the habitual treatment of the offence by the Inquisition, it was regarded as unduly harsh by the clerical authorities. inquisitors, in a letter of 1666 to the Suprema, by way of trating the prevalent laxity of the Religious Orders, The illus- mention that after they had penanced four frailes for solicitation, they were applied to to remove the restrictions which prevented the 2 Self-denunciation, culprits from being promoted to prelacies. MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. Medina, p. 320. In 1664 the tribunal asked to have its jurisdiction extended over unnatural crime and bestiality, which it described as exceedingly prevalent, especially in the Religious Orders, but the Suprema refused. Ibidem, p. 321. It was beyond the power of the Suprema to accede to this without a special papal delegation. In Spain this had been granted to the tribunals of the Kingdoms of Aragon, but not to those of Castile. 1 JURISDICTIONAL PRIVILEGE was tolerably certain as in Spain, to 245 win virtual immunity. 1712, Luis Marin, vicar of Nativitas, accused himself by In letter, which the tribunal promptly responded by summoning him to appear within thirty days, but that only a reprimand was to summons being accompanied with a faculty to absolve him from the excommunication incurred, sent to Padre Fernandez de Cordova, S. J., who was instructed intended is evident from the him from confessing women. 1 The very miscellaneous functions assumed by the Inquisition to counsel to abstain for the present in extending its jurisdiction over a variety of matters foreign by a fortuitous collection of commencement in 1572 and the year 1800. to its original purpose 397 cases between its illustrated is In these the offences alleged are 2 ........ Bigamy 76 Heresy Judaism 71 Propositions 13 49 Uluminism 12 Solicitation 44 False witness Blasphemy Sorcery and 39 29 Personating priesthood Miscellaneous 20 ' Offences against the Inquisition superstitions . ... The considerable proportion ... 10 7 .27 of offences against the Inquisition arose from the perpetual troubles caused by what was known as temporal jurisdiction, apart from its spiritual sphere of action. Every one connected with it in an official capacity, however its insignificant, with his family, servants and slaves, was entitled, in a greater or less degree, to the fuero, or jurisdiction of the Holy Office, and to exemption from pleading or prosecution in the if a layman, or the episcopal court if an ecclesiastic. secular court As favoritism rendered this privilege virtually an immunity for crime it was eagerly sought and, as it was the source of influence and of profitable business, the tribunal endeavored to extend its way, with little regard to the limits imposed This led to constant conflicts between the rival juris- jurisdiction in every by law. dictions, in of which the tribunal used without scruple excommunication and MSS. of of treating David Fergusson Esqr. any opposition as its faculties an attempt 2 Ibidem. MEXICO 246 to impede its freedom of action, a crime to be prosecuted and In Spain these irreconcilable pretensions were the cause of constant troubles, the settlement of which was severely punished. through the process known as competencia, carrying them up Supreme Council of the Inquisition on the one hand and to the to the Council of Castile or of monarch as the final arbiter. shall see, this Aragon on the other, with the In the Colonies, however, as we system was practically eluded, and the tribunals arbitrarily lawless than those of the home became even more country, sometimes abusing their power after a fashion that involved the whole land in confusion, for in matters of faith they had no superior, short of the inquisitor-general, and it rested with themselves to define what was, directly or indirectly, a matter of faith. There were two classes of were different. directly officials Those known as employed whose claims to the fuero y asalariados were commissions from the titulados in the tribunal, holding inquisitor-general, enjoying salaries and understood to devote themselves exclusively to its service. For them and their families and dependants the fuero was complete, in both civil and criminal matters, and both active and passive whether as plaintiff or defendant. They were comparatively few in number, their position was unchallenged and, whatever may have been the injustice and oppression thence arising, there was little occasion for dispute. Beyond that is, these were the unsalaried officials commissioners and their notaries and alguazils, stationed at all important centres, consultors, calificadores or censors and, above all, familiars numerously scattered throughout the land. these pursued their regular avocations and only acted on All when they received no salary, but the positions were eagerly sought, chiefly on account of the priviOf these the familleges and immunities which they conferred. called iars for special service; were by far the most numerous and troublesome. In Spain the definition of their privileges had been the subject of numerous settlements known as Concordias and, when Philip II established FAMILIARS tribunals, he the colonial 247 endeavored to trouble forestall by extending to them the Castilian Concordia of 1553, which was much less favorable to the familiars than those of the kingdoms of at the Aragon and, same time, he sought to limit the number of appointees. Among the documents issued in 1570 is a cedula addressed to the colonial authorities, in which Philip conveys to them the In the city of regulations adopted by the inquisitor-general. Mexico there are allowed twelve familiars, in the cathedral towns four, in other towns one. Lists of these and of all changes are to be furnished to the local magistracy, so that they that the number is not exceeded and, in case of ments, they are to report to the tribunal or, In inquisitor-general. civil suits may see improper appoint- if necessary, to the the familiars are not entitled to the fuero, whether as plaintiffs or defendants. In criminal matters not as plaintiffs while, as defendants, they are to enjoy except in cases of treason, unnatural crime, raising popular motions, forging letters of safe-conduct, commands, abduction or violation to resistance it comroyal of women, highway robbery, " houses or harvests and other house or church breaking, arson of crimes greater than these" and also in resistance or disrespect to the royal judges. Excepted also is official malfeasance in those holding public office. Arrest by secular judges in cases entitled to the fuero, provided the culprit to the Inquisition, together with the evidence, his expense. If the offence is is is which committed outside permitted, handed over is to be at of the city of Mexico, the offender cannot return to his place of residence without exhibiting a copy of the inquisitorial sentence, with evidence of over, its fulfilment. By a cedula of May 13, 1572, more- committed against Indians were added to the offences 1 excepted cases. This all appears definite enough, but it was easily evaded. At first there seems to have been a disposition to conform to its 1 Biblioteca national de Appendix). Royal Library Madrid, Section de MSS., X, 157, of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79. fol. 240 (see MEXICO 248 intent. In 1575 a familiar named Rodrigo de Yepes, who had and repeatedly struck in the face, the alcalde of arrested was by the civil magistrate and claimed by Valladola, given the lie to, the tribunal but, after a competencia, or discussion of the case by the civil and inquisitorial authorities, the latter admitted was excepted and surrendered him. On the other hand, Diego de Carmona Jamariz, a familiar of Puebla, was arrested for the murder of his enemy, Joan de Olivarez, and was that it in 1615, surrendered to the Inquisition without a competencia, although murder would seem to be a greater crime than highway robbery The widow prosecuted him before the tribunal, but it was useless and the case was dropped. In Spain, the Inquisition had devised the ingenious argument that, until a crime was proved, it could not be classed as excepted and therefore the affair was under its jurisdiction until conviction, which enabled it to protect its familiars, and this plea was used, in 1616, or burglary. in the case of Gonzalo Antunez Ydnez, a familiar, prosecuted by 1 order of the viceroy. It was not only the familiars ous other unsalaried who gave officials. trouble, but the numer- The commissioners with their formed little groups in the provincial the members supported each other and set the towns, of which magistrates and courts at defiance. In the original instructions notaries and alguazils issued to the inquisitors they were admonished to be careful in the selection of commissioners, who were not to interfere with the constituted authorities or to provoke quarrels, but were merely to execute the mandates of the tribunal and to report 2 Distance and on such matters as should present themselves. them prone were emboldened by the difficulty of communication, however, rendered to abuse their position, and in this they the unwavering support of the tribunal. Throughout all the 1 These cases are derived from the Munich MS., last cited, entitled "Extractos de Causas [de] Familiares y Ministros que no son Oficiales que ay en la Camara del Secreto de la Inquisicion de Mexico en este presente afio de 1716." 8 E. N. Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (Publications of the Historical Society, No. 12), American Jewish COMMISSIONERS 249 Spanish Colonies the commissioner was an object of dread and the subject of perpetual complaint on the part of the secular and as late as 1777, to The general sentiment ecclesiastical powers. by Santiago Joseph, Bishop Bertran. Inquisitor-general All the is expressed, of Cuba, in a letter commissioners whom he had known, he said, had been ignorant persons, with the exception of one whose term of service was brief. There was no salary to attract competent men and serve as an excuse for neglecting The commerce of the place was taken only to functions and duties. all clerical Havana brought numerous heretics who scat- tered their poison and he dared not interpose for fear of the consequences of invading inquisitorial jurisdiction. The exist- ing incumbent paid no attention to this and, when not absent, was wholly occupied in stirring up quarrels with the civil authorities. 1 The commissioners of Mexico by the good bishop. zation fully justified this characteri- In the great majority of cases the their arbitrary acts caused sub- hopelessness of resistance to mission, but occasionally one emerges to light which illustrates the spirit animating the Inquisition and its officials. In 1699, Father Pistoya, S. J., the ecclesiastical judge of Sinaloa, prosecuted Martin de Verastegui for incestuous adultery with Maria Garcia. Thereupon his intimate friend, commissioner, to protect him, an act for Perez de Ribera, the promptly appointed him notary, which he had no authority. Pistoya sent the evidence in the case to the royal court of Guadalajara (Jalisco), which ordered the Governor of Sinaloa, Don Jacinto de Fuensaldana, to arrest the guilty pair, embargo their property and send them Ribera claimed him as an to the royal prison of Guadalajara. the Inquisition and, on refusal, excommunicated the governor and the military officers who had executed his orders and posted them as such on the tablillas of the church. The official of 1 Cf. T. Medina, Hist, de la Inquisition de Cartagena p 437. See, also, p. 278. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisition, Libro 61, fol. 251. MSS. of Library of J. University of Halle, Yc 17. MEXICO 250 tribunal sustained to appear before its it the governor was obliged commissioner; and beg for absolution; the commissioner and report it to was empowered the tribunal, which naturally found the parties innocent and Verastegui was rewarded with a genuine notary's commission to take testimony in the case in lieu of the fictitious It is no wonder one which had protected him from justice. that, in replying to their report of another out- rageous case in 1695, the Suprema had sharply rebuked the inquisitors, ordering them to act with justice and moderation and prevent the complaints of their proceedings, which came daily to the king from the Council of Indies, but the case of 1 Verastegui shows how little respect they paid to the admonition. Yet, with all this, there were comparatively few of the bitter struggles, so frequent in royal and tors were this period, Spain during inquisitorial jurisdictions. It between the was not that the inquisi- and audacious than at home, for their distance from the court rendered them even more independent, less arbitrary but that the secular magistracy felt its weakness and offered Spain was far off and the viceroy, though representing the royal autocracy, was under strict orders to show every favor to the Inquisition. There was kept in the royal less resolute resistance. chancellery the formula of a letter to all viceroys, emphasizing the great services of the Inquisition to religion and to the king and ordering it to be favored and guarded exemptions and liberties, including those Adherence to familiars. this in all its privileges, of its officials and would be regarded as most accept- able service and the contrary would not be permitted. 2 This portentous document was sent to the Viceroys of Mexico and in 1603 and was doubtless repeated to them whenever necessary, as it was to other royal representatives at subsequent Peru As a rule however the viceroys and the tribunal were at odds and their quarrels were not conducive to popular tranMore than once we find viceroys like quillity or edification. periods. 1 MSS. 1 Solorzani de Indiar. Gubern., Lib. HI, cap. xxiv, n. 16. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. 79. CONCORDIA OF 1610 251 Mancera, Cerralbo and Gelvez threatening the inquisitors with banishment. 1 As a matter of course, under such auspices, colonial inquisitors could never be restrained within the limit of their rightful preA royal cedula of January 20, rogatives, great as these were. 1587, scolds those of and for Lima for illegal protection of their familiars vexing the local magistrates by summoning them from Another long distances before the tribunal. rebukes them for creating too Another of August 23, familiars many March and other of 8, 1589, officials. 1595, reprimands those of Mexico for supporting a familiar in refusing to render an account to the royal chancery of his functions as custom-house officer at Vera Cruz. 2 These complaints were of almost daily occurrence until a junta of two members tion and The is what prohibitions embodied off at After mature deliberation of Indies to advise him. they did so and the result 1610. them the root by forming from each of the Councils of the Inquisi- at length Philip III sought to cut is known as the Concordia of in this are eloquent of the audacity of the inquisitors in exceeding their functions, abusing their authority in matters wholly outside of their jurisdiction and exercising an insufferably vexatious petty tyranny, the exasperating effect of which was intensified by the immunity enjoyed by the servants and slaves of the officials. These were justiciable only so that the by the tribunal, which invariably protected them, community was exposed without redress to the inso- lence of a class peculiarly apt to abuse its privileges. Under pain were forbidden, directly or indirectly, by themselves or their kindred, to farm the public revenues or to prevent their being farmed to the highest of forfeiture of office the inquisitors Neither they nor the salaried officials were to engage kind of trade, under the same penalty. any They were not to claim the right of seizing articles at an appraised price, except bidder. in under urgent necessity for the support Medina, p. 315. of the prisoners or buildings 2 Solorzano, loc. cit., n. 61. MEXICO 252 Their negroes were not to carry arms except their masters. They were not to defend of the Inquisition. when accompanying commissioners or familiars in frauds on the revenue nor in refusing to render an account of deposits made with them by order of They were not to detain the couriers and messengers served as a rudimentary post-office and were to remove court. who the prohibition against vessels leaving port or passengers departThey were not to arrest the royal ing without their licence. except for grave and notorious excess against the They were to be allowed one alguazil in Vera Cruz Inquisition. alguazils 1 those appointed elsewhere. They were not to protect familiars, who held public office, when prosecuted for official malfeasance, nor commissioners who held benefices and were to dismiss for offences all committed in their character of incumbents. They were not to order universities to grant degrees in contravention of their statutes, nor were they to interfere in matters of govern- ment apart from They were not to excommunicompetencia, nor was the viceroy to their functions. cate a viceroy in cases of evoke to himself a case that might lead to a competencia. A provision was also made for the settlement of competencias without the tedious resort to the councils in Spain. If the senior judge and senior inquisitor could not agree in their conference, the inquisitors were to the viceroy, who was name three ecclesiastical dignitaries to to select one; he was to be adjoined to the inquisitor and the majority was to decide or, if there were three discordant opinions, the viceroy was to choose between judge and them. 2 This project for the settlement of competencias was ineffective. ce*dula of February 7, 1569, had extended to the colonies the A system in force at home, and under it there had been in Mexico, 1 This prohibition was removed in the Concordia of 1633. Recop. de las Indias, Lib. i, Tit. xix, ley 29. The vexatious petty tyranny in which the tribunal indulged is illustrated by the case of a law-student, Diego de Porras Villerias, about 1600, who was fined in 100 pesos and banished for a year because he refused to honor a requisition * for two cartloads of lime for the prison which it was constructing. Medina, p. 137. COMPETENCES DISUSED 253 during the remainder of the century, seven cases; there was one 1 Solorzano in 1601 and another in 1602, after which they ceased. the new tells us that they were not revived by regulations, which omitted to specify the place where the conferences were to be held, and the judges and inquisitors each summoned the others come to The judges had to them. old custom and royal cedulas on their side, but the inquisitors refused compliance because the orders had not been transmitted to them through the Suprema which they claimed was requisite to their validity, and thus important cases, both civil and criminal, remained undecided, to the great injury of individuals and the Moved by the a cedula of November public. complaints thus occasioned, Philip III, in 19, 1618, ordered that the conferences be held in the vice-regal palace, where the senior judge was to have precedence over the inquisitor, and this was repeated in a ce*dula to the court of Lima, 1621, but again the inquisitors of both Mexico and Peru refused obedience on the same pretext as before. Thus May 28, cases continued undecided until the urgency of the Council of Indies led Philip IV to consult both councils and, in 1636, he ordered that the judge and inquisitor should meet before the 2 viceroy, the one who was senior in office taking the right hand. This compromise did not suit the pretensions of the Holy Office for precedence and it gained the victory in a ce*dula of 1640, which recites that, after mined that the senior judge the senior inquisitor was to tencia was to be settled 3 many conferences, it May 30, was deter- must go to the Inquisition, where have precedence, when the compe- under the provisions of the Concordia of assumption of their inferiority was no formal competencia occurred between 1602 and 1711. Matters in dispute were occasionally 1610. Apparently this insufferable to the judges, for referred to the councils in Spain, but this 1 Solorzani op. tit., Lib. in, cap. xxiv, n. 60. MSS. of was of little benefit Royal Library Cod. Hispan. 79. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, * Solorzano, loc. cit., n. 63-73. 3 Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 17, fol. 1. of fol. 1, 60, Munich, 66 sqq. MEXICO 254 for it was usually the last heard of the case. 1 To appreciate that of all we must reflect the cruelty this, perhaps some fully for or arrested accused person unlucky alguazil, executing the orders of his superiors, might be languishing in gaol for a life-time, awaiting the settlement of a conflict of jurisdiction which could never be settled. Whether or not the other prescriptions of the Concordia of 1610 were better observed than those concerning competencias would be difficult to determine, but the presumption is adverse. it At all events, inquisitorial ingenuity was constantly devising new methods of aggression and further complaints led Philip IV to assemble a junta of two members of each council, whose conferences resulted in the enactment of another Concordia, published Many April 11, 1633. question of precedence, of its clauses relate to the ever-present which need not detain us here, except the suggestive one that, at bull-fights in the plaza, the first courses are to be performed before the secular authorities, unless the latter, of their own accord, desire that honor to be paid to the Equally suggestive in another way are the prescriptions that commissioners shall treat the public courteously and inquisitors. that inquisitors shall treat the judges with respect and shall cease molesting the officers of the royal courts with censures and summoning and detaining them. They are again forbidden to engage in trade and are told not to interfere with the elections of secular officials nor, in times of scarcity, are they to persecute with excommunications the guards in charge of boats bringing grain, but are to apply to the viceroy, who will promptly supply The prohibition of detaining ships is repeated, but to grant licences for sailing and for individuals are allowed they their wants. which practically amounted to the same thing. The inquisitors seem to have gained their point as to the right of seizing goods and materials at a "just price," for this is allowed, to depart, subject to some of inquisitors is limitations. The inviolability of the domicile admitted in the provision that 1 it is Munich, MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79. not to be abused CONCOEDIA OF 1633 by 255 secreting goods to the prejudice of third parties; and, in the case of salaried officials, it is limited by a clause that when it is necessary for officers of justice to enter the house of such official, widow of one during her widowhood, notice shall first or of the be given to the tribunal, which shall appoint one of to be present, with an appointee its ministers of the viceroy or court and, if such an appointment is not made within two or three hours, the entry can be made without longer waiting. One of the petty privileges which gave rise to constant exacerbation is indicated in the provision that, of the cattle slaughtered in the public shambles, there shall be given weekly the chine and chitterlings of ten oxen two to each of the inquisitors, one to the alguazil and secretaries, and the tribunal one to the receiver and notary of sequestrations, poor prisoners; this is said to be all that the rest to the is entitled to and anything more must be paid and sell them. 1 for, nor shall its servants take the chitterlings Concordias were only attempts to restrain existing abuses for the perpetual new aggressions and they could not provide suggested by the facile weapon of excommunication through which the Inquisition could overcome the resistance of the secular The distribution of quicksilver, for instance, to was a matter jealously reserved to the viceroy and the junta of the treasury but, when the Inquisition wanted it for some mines belonging to it in Zacatecas, it forced, by threats authorities. the miners excommunication, the royal officials to supply its demands. Viceroy Mancera, in a letter of December 8, 1666, complains of this and of a case in which the royal treasurer of Guadalajara of owed a personal debt to the tribunal of 980 pesos and the com- missioner there, by order of the acting inquisitor and visitador, Medina Rico, forced the auditor of the treasury to pay it out of the royal funds, by threats of excommunication and of a fine of 500 pesos. Mancera endeavored by courteous remonstrance to obtain restitution but, after the inquisitors had insulted him, he only succeeded in getting 600 pesos returned. In reporting 1 Recop., Lib. i, Tit. xix, ley 30. MEXICO 256 these matters to the king, the Council of Indies pointed out how incompatible with subordination and good government were these arbitrary extensions of inquisitorial jurisdiction 1 over matters wholly foreign to the objects of its institution. forcibly Indeed, the existence of so uncontrollable and disturbing an element goes far to explain the ill-success of Spanish colonial In 1615, Fray Isidro Ordonez, commissioner in San Francisco del Nuevo Mexico, under pretext of a fictitious administration. order from the tribunal, gathered a band of soldiers and citizens, to whom inquisitorial orders were supreme, and seized Don Pedro de Peralta, Governor of New Mexico, and held him in irons for nine months. Peralta managed to complain to the tribunal, which summoned Ordonez to the capital and assigned to him his convent for a prison, but Peralta obtained no satisfaction beyond a declaration that there had been no cause for his arrest, while Ordonez, in place of the severe punishment which he merited, was permitted to attend the general chapter of his Order in as procurator of the province of Mexico. of New 2 Rome, Another Governor Mexico, Diego de Pefialosa, fared even worse when, for indiscreet words about priests and inquisitors verging on blasphemy, he was exposed and expressions to the humiliation of appearing as a penitent in the auto de fe of February 3, 1668 3 It was thus virtually incapacitating him for further service. not without grounds that the Council of Indies, in 1696, addressed a formal remonstrance to Carlos II, recapitulating a long array and violences, showing the impossibility of enforcing observance of the Concordias or obedience to the royal commands. of abuses Prelates and governors were alike sufferers from the irrepressible audacity which admitted no responsibility to any one, so long as was upheld and it justified by the Suprema council supplicated the king, 1 if at home, and the not for the total extinction of Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 60, fol. 199. Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79. 3 Medina, p. 323. Possibly this may explain his treasonable project of transf erring the northern provinces of Mexico to France. 8 QUARRELS WITH BISHOPS the tribunal, at least for the dismissal of the some officials. Without thorough change the retention of the colonies could scarce be hoped for, as all the population was inspired with a 1 hatred arising from its violence. As the to be 257 common council says, prelates were as liable as royal officials subjected to the lawless action of the tribunal. There In 1617 Archbishop never were lacking pretexts for quarrel. Pedro de Villareal fared badly in a rupture caused by his inserting in an edict some matters which the tribunal claimed to belong to In 1623 Bishop Bohorques of Oaxaca had the its jurisdiction. same experience because he styled himself Inquisidor Ordinario. The episcopate of Archbishop Matheo Sagade Bugueiro, from 1655 to 1662, was a succession of bitter dissensions, during which Bernardino de Amezaga, chief notary of the court of testaments, tribunal, deprived of his office and banished, while Francisco de Bermeo, contador of the Santa Cruzada, was was arrested by the kept long in prison, fined 200 pesos and a negro slave of his was In 1658 the archbishop made a demand that sold to defray it. must first be shown to him in order him that they contained nothing that invaded his edicts read in his cathedral all to satisfy jurisdiction, and his action in enforcing this claim led the tribunal to publish a manifesto declaring that, under the bull Si de protegendis, he had incurred degradation and relaxation to the secular arm. 2 case, however, in which the tribunal and the Mexico combined for the persecution of a bishop, There was one of Archbishop for Juan de Manozca, the archbishop from 1643 to 1653, was cousin The saintly Bishop Juan de of the inquisitor of the same name. Palafox of Puebla, in his capacity of visitador and protector of the Indians, incurred the enmity of the archbishop and of the Viceroy Salvatierra, and an occasion of gratifying it occurred 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 60, fol. 362. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 946, fol. 282, 360, 400. For el Tribunal del S. Officio de Mexico sobre el Impedimiento que a puesto D. D. Matheo Sagade Bugueiro, Arzobispo de la dicha Ciudad (communicated by D. Fergusson Esqr.). 2 17 MEXICO 268 when he undertook to guard his episcopal jurisdiction against the encroachments the Jesuits. of They appointed jueces conser- and the tribunal rushed eagerly had absolutely no right to intervene. 1 vadores to protect their interests into the fray, with which it It ordered the suppression of the writings and edicts of Palafox and forbade any interference with those of the conservators; it sent a commissioner to Puebla by arresting prominent priests who and terrorized the community citizens of the bishop's party, parading them through the streets in chains and sending them to Mexico, where they were thrown into the secret prison, thus inflicting indelible disgrace on them and their posterity. In exemption of Indians from inquisitorial jurisdiction, he flogged nearly to death, with four hundred lashes, an unfortunate Indian who, at the command of a citizen, had taken down spite of the one of the conservators' edicts. Palafox was advised that he too would be arrested and fled to the mountains, where he lay concealed for several months. 2 When, in 1647, he appealed to the Suprema, powers were sent to the Bishop of investigate and impediment Oaxaca to report, but Archbishop Manozca threw every in his way and, in his capacity of visitador of the The visitador Medina Rico characterizes without reserve this unjustifiable action of the tribunal "sin causa, motivo, ni razon alguna, se introdujeron a inmensos procedimientos en la materia, y esto no con igualdad y justicia, sino 1 con manifiesta pasion contra el dicho sefior Obispo, su provisor, criados, allegados y afectos." They represented to Viceroy Salvatierra "que era sospechoso en la fe y tizon ardiente del innerno y otras cosas gravisimas semejantes a las referidas." Medina, pp. 241, 242. 3 Obras de Juan de Palafox y Mendoza, Tom. I, Prolegom.; T. XI, pp. 241, 289, The fullest account, however, of the arbitrary pro328, 466-7 (Madrid, 1762). ceedings of the Inquisition is contained in a letter, omitted for cause from his collected works, written from Chiapa, August 10, 1647, to the Inquisitor-general Arce y Reynoeo. It was printed by Puigblanch, Cadiz, 1813, and by Medina, pp. 242-60. It is worthy of note that at this time the Jesuits were laying the foundation empire of Paraguay, by a quarrel with Bernardino de of their curious, autocratic known CvS el Padre de los Indios. To prevent his they drove him by force of arms from his episcopal sec. The struggle lasted from 1644 to 1660, when the Holy See decided in favor of the bishop. Coleccion de Documentos tocantes d la Persecucion contra D. Fr Bernardino de Cardenas, Madrid, 1768. Cardenas, Bishop of Asuncion, visiting their missions CASE OF JUAN DE LA CAMAEA Inquisition, assumed 259 He appealed New Spain, and to annul his commission. the Bishop of Yucatan, then Governor of the Audiencia for support, but the archbishop excommunicate them to to threatened to and they prudently declined the conflict. Palafox represents to the Suprema that his life was in 1 The comdanger and he begs to be allowed to return to Spain. bination of the archbishopric and Inquisition, under the two all Manozcas, evidently held the whole land in its grasp, and no one was hardy enough to oppose it. Palafox was obliged to abandon Mexico, but he eventually secured a decision in his favor on an appeal to Rome. An worth recounting in some detail, not inquisitorial methods but as a rare instance episode of this case only as illustrating of a victim obtaining a is measure of satisfaction. Doctor Juan de Camara, a canon of the cathedral, was a man of noble birth, proud of his unblemished limpieza, and his appointment as visi- la tador of the see of Guadalajara indicates the estimation in which he was held by his superiors. Unfortunately he was a friend and correspondent of Palafox. When, in 1646, a bitter libel was circulated against the latter, one of the judges of the Audien- cia, Alonso Gonzalez de Villalba, was included in it. Palafox endured the attack in silence and endeavored to make Villalba follow his example, but the latter was so incensed that he wrote a reply in which he handled roughly the inquisitor Manozca. He showed it to his neighbor Camara, who returned it without comment and except to Don Antonio Urrutia he mentioned it in order that he might tell said nothing about de Vergara, to whom the archbishop, and to a Dona it Catalina de Diosdado, to whom he merely said that he had seen two scandalous papers and that, if the author confessed to him, he would not absolve him. There was a chance that among his papers something might be 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 38, fol. 64. shall meet Archbishop Juan de Manozca hereafter in his earlier capacity of Inquisitor of Cartagena, where he earned an infamous notoriety. We MEXICO 260 found to compromise Palafox, so an order tration of property was made out, of arrest February 7, with seques- 1647. At eight morning Camara was roused from his bed and taken own carriage to the secret prison, where he was confined o'clock in the in his which the window had been blocked up, so that the candle to which he was restricted was his only light by in a cell of single Here he was kept incomunicado for twenty days. After the tenth day, however, on which he was examined, the day and night. window and, after the Fray Diego, and some other friends were obstructions were removed from the twentieth, his brother, permitted to see him on obtaining a special licence for each visit. Meanwhile his papers had been carried off to the tribunal, without being inventoried as required by the Instructions; on the day after his arrest his household effects were inventoried and placed Juan Gonzalez de Castro, as deposibut they were not removed from the house and no care was in the tory, hands of the receiver, taken to ensure their safety. At nightfall of March 15th he was taken back to his house and told that it was henceforth to be his prison, under pain of excommunication and a thousand ducats. On April 1st his prison was enlarged to the city, under the same penalties, and he was enabled to resume his duties at the cathedral. Of course the immurement in the secret prison, with sequestration of caused a general sen- property, of so prominent an ecclesiastic, sation; it was at the height of the prosecution of the Judaizers and the inevitable conclusion was that they had implicated him, was cast upon his honor which no subsequent so that a stain His papers were withheld from house had been him; richly furnished, with abundance of silver plate and linen, much of which had disappeared, and he exculpation could wholly efface. his seems to have deplored especially the loss of eighteen ounces of amber. His trial remained unconcluded and his repeated applications for a decision were filed and away without prolonged and for the restoration of missing property action. intolerable His only hope of escape from suspense lay in appealing to the CASE OF JUAN DE LA CAMARA Suprema. The inquisitors against him for, in a letter of efforts and diabolical the performance was an accomplice had already sought to prejudice May 20th, they spoke of the incredible duty it them from Camara publishing the libel; he had and might be assumed to be means employed of their 261 to intimidate in the matter of Palafox; of Villalba in perjured himself in his confessions the author of the worst passages in In spite of it. this the Suprema, by a decree of September 28, 1647, ordered his release, on the security of his oath, and the sequestration of his property to be removed. Camara succeeded in secretly obtaining from the king an order, November 16, 1647, permitting him to go to Spain, but he was impoverished and sent his brother, Fray Diego, to act for him. The mission occupied Diego for several years, but he finally procured from the Suprema a commission to the Inquisitor Higuera to try the case promptly for, during all this time, it had been held This was presented, February 15, on the 1650, and, following July 12th, Higuera, who was at odds with Manozca, rendered a sentence acquitting him and restoring suspended over Camara's head. him to his previous no prejudice to him good fame, so that or to his kindred also that the chapter should pay him his arrest should and all work their descendants; the accrued fruits of prebend and that his papers and property should be returned From this Camara appealed to the Suprema, which him. to confirmed it, July 7, 1651 then the fiscal of the Suprema appealed his ; and it was again confirmed, July 31st. The whole prosecution was thus stamped as being malicious and groundless, but nevertheless Camara in vain endeavored to regain possession of his papers and of his missing effects. Archbishop Manozca died in 1653; the affair of Palafox had created no little scandal in Spain and, in 1654, a new visitador, Pedro de Medina Rico, was sent out with instructions especially to investigate it. Camara promptly set forth his grievances, in September, in a complaint against Estrada and Higuera for apparently Manozca, as the subject of the libel, had not sat in MEXICO 262 the trial. On December 1st he made his formal charges in a criminal action against them, laying his which he claimed to him damages be the amount which the at 12,000 pesos, affair had cost and expenses. It was a bold undertaking and probably unexampled, and he found it impossible to secure the necessary legal assistance for, on January 20, 1655, he represented in losses that none of the procurators of the Audiencia would serve him, wherefore he prayed for an order on Juan de Escobar to appear It was granted and enforced with a penalty of fifty for him. under pressure of which Escobar took charge of the case. In the same way his witnesses refused to appear until he procured The action orders on them, with censures for disobedience. pesos, went slowly on through its various stages; the inquisitors made no effort to justify what they had done and confined their defence to alleging that the affair reopened, and was a cosa juzgada, which could not be to interjecting appeals to the adverse interlocutory decree. It was not Suprema until May at every 31, 1656, that Medina Rico pronounced sentence to the effect that Camara had proved his case completely and that Estrada and Higuera had alleged nothing to palliate their grave offence, the punishment As to what affected the condemned them jointly and severally The receiver, or depository, to pay him two thousand pesos. was ordered to restore to him everything shown in the inventory of which he reserved for future decision. interest of the plaintiff, he if it appeared that, articles were not deposited with him, the inquisitors must make them good under penalty of a thousand From this the inquisitors appealed and, after protracted pesos. argument, Rico suspended the order to pay the two thousand and, pesos until the Suprema should decide the appeal, but that the rest of the sentence should be executed without awaiting its action. Then followed a long and confused litigation with the who had been dead for many The documents preserved end with November 14, 1657, at which time they were made up for transmission to the Suprema and what was its final decision executor of the receiver de Castro, years and his estate distributed. MILITA R Y SEE VICE cannot be told. 1 263 Camara obtained little comhe had the satisfaction It is evident that pensation for his sufferings, but at least of seeing his persecutors punished, official although inadequately, for offenders were always treated tenderly Medina Rico, as the by the Inquisition. result of his visitation, formulated hundreds and individually, and renthe audience-chamber, where all of charges against them, collectively dered sentence, May 17, 1662, in Estrada was condemned to severe the officials were assembled. reprimand, to a fine of 1500 pesos and to four years' suspension, though, as he had died October 26, 1661, the penalty fell only on his heirs. Higuera was sentenced to a fine of a hundred pesos and two years' suspension, which he endured more heavily with a until May 16, 1664. 1300 pesos and This he could afford to disregard for, in the autumn of 1661, he had been provided with the bishopric of Santiago de Cuba whence, in 1666, he was transferred to that of Guatemala and finally, in 1675, he obtained the wealthy see Manozca was visited nine years of suspension. fine of 2 from which he had driven Palafox. of Puebla, Retributive jus- tice, however, at last overtook him, for he died before he could take 3 possession. Such were the men who largely and episcopates filled the tribunals of the Colonies. by the Inquisition was exempwas strictly limited by the Concordia of 1633. Officials holding commissions from the inquisitorwere general exempted from appearing in the general musters, but familiars were not, unless actually on duty for the tribunal Among tion and, the privileges claimed This service. from military if the enemy was in sight, all were liable to service, save those necessary to guard the papers and records of the tribunal, whom to certificates were to be given. As might be expected, little respect was paid to these provisions. In 1685, the alcalde of Puebla called a muster of the citizens to march however, 1 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. The sentence I give the essential portion of it in the 1 Medina, p. 266. in this case is so unusual that Appendix. 3 Gams, Series Episcoporum, a. vv. MEXICO 264 to the succor of Campeachy. familiar, claimed exemption, to The Hipolito del Castillo, alguazil and which he was clearly not entitled. him on a mule to Campeachy alcalde threatened to send threw him into prison, placed his head in the pillory and made him pay a fine of 120 pesos. The commissioner at and in effect Puebla defended ordered the Castillo and, money on appeal to be returned. to the Inquisition, Again, in 1718, when it eight companies of merchants were formed in Puebla, by order of the viceroy, to make the rounds of the city and drive out malefactors, Martinez de Castro, a familiar and trader, was enrolled; he pro- and appealed to the Inquisition, which ordered his 1 charge, in which the authorities immediately acquiesced. tested The function of censorship was by no means before the establishment of the tribunal, it inquisitorial Even neglected. was dis- felt necessary to guard the faithful from the infection of heretical books and, in 1561, Inquisitor-general Valdes sent to Archbishop Montufar a commission empowering him to examine 2 This conveyed no censorial the book-shops for that purpose. power, but Paramo proudly asserts that, almost at the inception of the Holy Office, calificadores were appointed who exercised a most vigilant supervision over all books introduced into the colony, even over those which had passed the examination of the Suprema itself, and who occasionally had the satisfaction showing that books widely circulated in Spain required expurIn fact, a letter of the Suprema respecting the Index gation. of then in preparation shows that, as early as 1573, censures of books were received from Mexico. The position of calificador, seems to have been a stepping-stone to for the first one was Domingo de Salazar, like that of inquisitor, the bishop's chair, promoted, in 1581, to the archiepiscopate of the Philippines; the second was Bartolome* de Ledesma, who in 1581 became Bishop of Oaxaca, and the third was Pedro de Ribera, who in 1 Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan, a Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 940, 79. fol. 2. CENSORSHIP 265 Panama, but died on the road to take possession. Apparently the office was one not always easy to fill. In a letter of September 1, 1655, the tribunal informed the Suprema that it was in need of correctors of books and calificadores and it sent the genealogy of Padre Juan Hortiz, Rector of the Jesuit College, as a fit person, though he had not studied 1594 was elected Bishop of 1 theology; the tribunal of Logrono thereupon reported favorably November 11, 1659, after four years as to his limpieza and, on of delay, the commission for him was sent. 2 It will be seen from that the Mexican Inquisition exercised an independent function of censorship; the earliest printing-press in the New all this World was established in the city of Mexico and its products were supervised by the tribunal, which condemned them, when Pronecessary, without awaiting a reference to distant Spain. hibitory edicts, moreover, emanating from the home censorship, were duly published from every parish pulpit between the Caribbean and the Pacific. 3 As was the case in Spain, censorship was not confined to litera- ture but extended to works of art which might offend sensitive- ness either of modesty or of veneration. this might interfere with and the to which depended upon the was instanced by an edict of March affairs of daily life discretion of the tribunal, as 2, 1600. The degree This prohibited all crosses, heads of Christ, the Virgin and scenes from sacred history carved or engraved saints or painted or embroidered on furniture, bed-clothing, napery, where these sacred symbols might be exposed to disrespect, and everything of the kind was utensils of all kinds, or other places to be surrendered for the erasure of the images. 1 As Spanish Paramo, p. 243. Archive de Simancas, Lib. 940, fol. 6. MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. 3 See the Author's "Chapters from the Religious History of Spain," p. 73. There was no little scandal, in 1768, when it was discovered that the receiver of the tribunal, Vicente de las Heras Serrano, had sold for 850 pesos to the Licentiate Juan Jose Azpeitia a number of the prohibited books which had been seized. No great damage to the faith could have ensued if they were all like Milton's Paradise Lost, for the possession of which a French surgeon, Carlos Loret, was forced to abjure and was banished to Spain. Medina, p. 434, 2 1 MEXICO 266 emblems wherever possible, questions, which Fray Diego Mufioz, com- piety had luxuriated in the use of such a cloud of this raised missioner at Mechoacan, endeavored to settle in instructions Thus branding-irons issued to his delegate at Quere*taro. cattle and as for beasts already so branded, the where possible. Men of gold or silver, Moulds marks were tattooed with crosses or the were to efface them within if for horses, that had a cross on them, were to be surrendered; of Jesus Thimbles so adorned, fifteen days. were to be returned after for pastry with sacred to be erased name filing off the symbols. heads were allowable, because the pastry was eaten and not treated with indecency, and it was the same with tapestries and wall-hangings. That the opportunities were not neglected is indicated in a complaint to the tribunal from Juan Rodriguez of Queretaro, who relates that Fray Francisco de Parra, Guardian of the Franciscan afforded by this decree convent, under orders from Munoz, had seized and carried off to the convent a bedstead of gilt wood, costing 500 pesos, because it had some carved heads, which were not of Christ or angels; also counterpanes, pillows, curtains, towels, etc., because they had crosses or the word Jesus embroidered on them, and finger-rings with five stones set as a cross. Others had suffered in the same way, and Rodriguez prayed for the restoration of the articles. 1 Incident to the censorship was the visita de navios, or search of all vessels on their arrival, regarded as an indispensable duty and the immi- to prevent the importation of forbidden books gration of suspected heretics and Judaizers, as well as to ascertain whether, during the voyage, any one on board had committed acts subjecting this him to inquisitorial jurisdiction. performance inevitably led As to friction As in Spain, with the secular a prosecution of Hernando de Moxica, alcalde mayor, and of Diego de Yepes, regidor of Vera Cruz, for impeding the commissioner in authorities of the sea-ports. MSS. of early as 1584 there is David Fergusson Esqr. A similar prohibition of the irreverent use of crosses and images is embodied in the Peruvian Edict of Faith of 1641. Adler, The Inquisition in Peru (American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12) VISITAS DE NA VI08 267 work and speaking disrespectfully of it, resulting in a fine five hundred pieces each, with excommunication until they this of should withdraw their opposition. 1 Of course it was difficult to control the officials of the tribunal in the matter of fees and to keep the peace between them and the royal representatives as to questions of precedence, points which the Concordia of 1633 endeavored to regulate by fixing the fee at four pesos, of which two accrued to the commissioner and one each to the alguazil and no matter how many assistants might be employed, while existing orders were to be notary, an amount never to be exceeded, observed as to their concurrence with the royal officials. 2 Of course it was not easy for the Inquisition to maintain superstrictly vision over so extended a coast. In a consulta of February 15, 1620, the Suprema informed Philip III that there had recently been printed in Holland large numbers of Spanish Bibles to be sent to the colonies and, as the Inquisition was unable to prevent their introduction unaided, the king royal officials to exercise was asked To greater vigilance. to instruct the this he assented and the request was renewed, June 28, 1629. It was probably to meet this that, in 1633, an agreement between the Suprema and the Council of Indies permitted the appointment of an alguazil in Yucatan to aid in searching the ships arriving at the 3 ports. With the advent Bourbon dynasty, there occurs, in Mexico as in Spain, a disposition on the part of the secular authorities to restrain the overbearing petulance and audacity of the Holy Office. It is true that the tribunal 1712, in a quarrel its of the notary, and it cate the fact to the tribunal of precedent. 1 obtained a victory in with the Royal Audiencia which had prosecuted was so overjoyed that it hastened to communi- It related how Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. 79. Lima so that it might serve as a the royal cedula of 1640, repeated in See "Chapters from Spain," p. 86, for instruc- tions to the commissioners in the performance of this duty. 2 Recop., Lib. i, Tit. xix, ley 30. 8 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 10; Lib. 40, fol. 44. MEXICO 268 1667 and 1701, had been strictly observed, when the senior judge came to the competencia and occupied the lowest seat and the decision was that the notary was entitled to the fuero of 1 Though competencias thus commenced to not did always end so satisfactorily. In 1722, reappear they the Holy Office. Joseph Freire de Somorostro, commissioner in Zacatapan, was fined 500 pesos and suspended for six years from his functions as an advocate by the royal court, for an offence against its author- He ity. appealed to the tribunal which, in ening methods, demanded that the papers to its customary threat- in the case be delivered within fifteen days, but they were withheld. it It succeeded better in the case of Alonso Diaz de la Vega, alguazil of Goamantla who, in 1723, was concerned with his son in a quarrel, in which a man was killed. They were arrested and prosecuted, but the tribunal interfered vigorously, obtained possession of both father gave notice that prosecutors must present themselves within eight days and, as none appeared, discharged the accused and son, thus affording convincing proof of the advantage of the fuero It showed, however, a juster sense of the limitato criminals. tions of its jurisdiction in another case of the illustrates the authorities. tendency of The its officials same year which to obstruct the secular Castellan of Vera Cruz complained to the viceroy de Salinas, who had assisted the demanding their pay and had defended of the commissioner, Gregorio mutineers of the fleet in the asylum of the convent of San Francisco, in which they had taken refuge. The viceroy forwarded the statement to the tribunal, which forthwith ordered the commissioner to desist; the Inquisition the officials of them do with the matter; if he had assembled the Inquisition with their badges and had taken had nothing to to the convent to defend its right of asylum, he had done very wrong and must instruct each of them, before a notary, to keep aloof and he must, in the same way, withdraw the delegated power given to the superior of the convent. It does not appear however that the peccant commissioner was punished 1 MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. in any way DECADENCE 269 for this inexcusable prostitution of the authority of the Another Office. case, in the same Holy year, illustrates the multi- which these petty local officials abused the mysValdes la terious attributes with which they were invested. farious ways in Vandera, commissioner of Valle de Santa Barbara, claimed fees for all interments to which he was invited, even when he did not wear surplice and cap as ordered by the Constitucion Sinodal and, not content with this, charged double fees he also demanded that, ; in the assemblies of Corpus, gation, he should have the highest The commissioner. San Pedro and other place, feasts of obli- in virtue of being clergy complained to the tribunal, which 1 condemned his pretensions and ordered him to desist. The enlightened despotism of Carlos III brought increased tendency to curtail the privileges of the Inquisition and to curb its A audacity. titular and ce*dula of February 29, 1760, declares that the salaried officials shall enjoy the fuero only as defend- and criminal matters, and wholly withdraws that of the familiars. Also that in clear and notorious cases there shall be no competencia, but that the viceroy, as the per- ants, in both civil sonal representative of the sovereign, shall decide to prevent invasion of the royal jurisdiction. 2 what is fitting The transitory awe had a liberalism of the period greatly diminished the traditional About the year 1767, it Inquisition. with the serious conflict Audiencia, over the case of a Doctor Bechi, in which the royal fiscal, during his argument, treated it inspired by the how Charles Sicily, how the with scant respect, reciting limit its jurisdiction in V had been obliged to reigning monarch had from court the Inquisitor-general Quint ano Bonifaz, and hinting not obscurely that, if it was abolished, substitutes for it exiled could be found apparently fruitless, in a consulta of 1 2 which was made the subject of bitter, and remonstrance to the king by the Suprema, all of February Munich MSS., Cod. Hispan. Note to Recop., Lib. i, Tit. below, under Peru. 29, 1768. This unprecedented freedom 79. xix, ley 29. For further details as to this see MEXICO 270 of speech reveals the existence of a belief in change, and this was stimulated by the some impending startling expulsion of the Jesuits, skilfully Croix, June 25, managed by the viceroy, the Marquis de The foundations of the ecclesiastical 1767. structure seemed to be crumbling and there arose a universally accredited rumor that the Inquisition would be the next to suffer. definite did this become that the day was fixed for September 3d and the precaution taken by the viceroy, in anticipation of disturbance, by keeping troops under arms all that night, espe- So where the Inquisition was situated, only strengthened the delusion. So firmly rooted was this that, when cially in the quarter the night passed away without the expected event, the archbishop called upon the viceroy to learn for himself the truth of the belief that the suppression had only been postponed until certain pend- ing trials shoud be completed. During this period of 1 decadence the functions of the tribunal, amounted to little more than in its proper sphere of action, punishing a few bigamists, so-called sorcerers and soliciting conIn 1702 it reported only four cases pending three for fessors. 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 28, fol. 272, 276. (op. cit., p. 227) relates an anecdote of this period which would seem incompatible with the existing discredited position of the Inquisition. One Ash Wednesday, when the canons of the cathedral called upon the Marquis de Croix, as customary, to present him with ashes, he kept them waiting in his Obregon antechamber, to the intense indignation of those dignified personages. They complained to the inquisitors, who summoned the viceroy to appear before them. He obeyed, but he went attended by a guard and some pieces of artillery. He was haughtily received until he took out his watch and casually remarked that he hoped the audience would be brief for, if he was not back in the street in ten minutes, the cannon would open on the building and reduce it to ruins. The dignity of the inquisitors disappeared; they promptly dismissed in agony as he leisurely sauntered forth. him and were such an occurrence took place it is attributable with more verisimilitude to period of the Marquis de Croix in Mexico than to the earlier time of the Marr.uis de Castelfuerte in Peru, of whom a precisely similar story is told, except that he gave the tribunal an hour for consideration. In his case the summons to appear is ascribed to his rough treatment of the Franciscans, July 5, 1731, If t.':e when two of Antequera. them were killed in Palma, Afiales de a disturbance at the execution of Dr. Joseph de de Lima, p. 184 (Madrid, 1898). la Inquisicion DECADENCE bigamy and a known Jesuit, 271 Padre Francisco de Figueroa, for what was and using the as flagellation, or stripping female penitents on them, an offence akin to discipline auto of 1704 it solicitation. 1 Yet in an exhibited eight bigamists and two sorcerers and, one of 1708, it had thirteen penitents of whom five were bigaThere was an exception in 1712 when it had the fortune in mists. in who had denounced himself and begged condemned was to appear which he mercy, notwithstanding an auto with a gag and to irremissible prison and sanbenito to present a Judaizer for for In 1712-13 there were eleven convictions for solicitation life. 1722 an auto with twelve penitents, of whom nine were bigamists, followed soon afterwards with five cases of solicitation. and So in it went on, gradually diminishing and affording justification for the existence of the less tribunal with and its less large revenues, though when it had an opportunity it demonstrated that it retained its capacity for evil, as in the case of a naval lieutenant, Manuel Germa de Bahamonde, arrested February 24, 1735, for heretical propositions and, after nine years of incarceration, pronounced insane in 1744, when he was sent to the San Juan de Ulua pending transmission to Spain. 2 After 1750 there was some increase in business, arising from castle of the prevalence of blasphemy and irreligion in the army, especially in the regiments of foreigners, among was and cases became more numerous and free-thinking. It owing to this that Fernando VI, in a decree of 1756, imposed the death penalty on recruits who foreign residents accused of heresy .doubtless December 31, pretended Catholicism in order to enlistment a severity modified 3 In spite in 1765 by Carlos III to expulsion from the kingdom. these the in a letter of of tribunal, measures, April 28, 1766, complained of the number of foreigners sent to Mexico among the troops their disseminating the heresies of Luther and Calvin and of total irreligion, and their justification of diminishing the horror and detestation 1 8 Medina, p. 338. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Legajo 1465, felt by 2 fol. England, thus the natives for Ibidem, pp. 339-45. 81. MEXICO 272 the English, which it was so desirable The Suprema to maintain. who thereupon ordered that no soldiers Indies who were not assuredly Catholics. represented this to Carlos, should be sent to the The 1 had increasing discredit into which the tribunal the widely spread rumors, as we have fallen and seen, of its approaching suppression, seem to have stimulated it to a recrudescence of It celeactivity in an effort to assert its continued existence. brated an auto, September 6, 1767, with four culprits one of them, Maria Josefa Pineda Morales, for bigamy, who had been arrested as long before as in 1760. Then on March 13, 1768, it held another with seventeen penitents. Cases of solicitation became more frequent as the century drew to its close. 2 new field of activity, moreover, was opened to it by the out- also A break of the French Revolution, when the propaganda of the rights of man increased the importance of the Inquisition as an agency of repression. Already, in 1770, an edict ordered the denunciation within six days of confessors who should use the confessional to encourage ideas contrary to the submission due to the sovereign. and the dread of cases in The accession of the reactionary Carlos of revolutionary principles which politics had more to IV began to afford a harvest do than religion. There many Frenchmen in Mexico following their trades; they were naturally partizans of the new order of things their influence was dreaded for they spread their opinions among the people were ; and the organization and methods of the Inquisition rendered it the most efficient instrument for the detection and punishment of liberalism. 3 A typical example was that of two Frenchmen, the Capitan Jean Marie Murgier and Doctor Joseph Fra^ois Morel, accused of a conspiracy to cause a revolution and arrested in 1794. Murgier feigned sickness and, when visited Rada, he asked the gaoler for a glass of absence blocked the door with his trunk. 1 1 by Dr. Jose* Francisco water and during his seized Rada's Then he Medina, pp. 358-63. Archive de Simancae, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 81. s Medina, pp. 365, 388. Ibidem, pp. 396, 432. POLITICAL FUNCTIONS sword and declared that he would kill 273 both him and himself him with a full acquittal and him with a pair of loaded pistols. The confusion of the tribunal was great; parleying went on from 10.15 A.M. to 4.30 Guards with P.M., when it was decided to break down the door. unless the tribunal would liberate furnish it and Murgier ran himself through with the His comrade Morel cut his throat with a pair of snuffers hatchets attacked sword. They were prosecuted after death and fur11, 1795. nished occasion for the last public auto, August 9th of that year, where their effigies and bones were burnt as those of heretics, February deists and materialists. At the same auto there Judaizer for many lower orders, who had been years figured the first Rafael Gil Rodriguez, a arrested October 9, 1788. cleric in He the proved exceedingly obstinate and was sentenced to relaxation on February 9, 1792, after which he was held awaiting an auto. His on the morning of the fatal day, he professed was reconciled, and thus saved the Inquisition the repentance, shame of burning a fellow-creature alive at the close of the eighteenth century. The other penitents were Jean Langouran of Bordeaux, who was reconciled for Lutheranism and atheism, resolution failed and Jean Lausel of Free-Masonry. of Montpellier who abjured de levi for suspicion 1 was not however Frenchmen alone who suffered for their Jose Antonio Rojas was denounced by two political opinions. It ladies, in ism too correspondence with whom he had expressed his liberalIn September, 1804, he was condemned, as a freely. formal heretic and materialist, to reclusion in the College of the Propaganda Fide at Pachuca, but he escaped to the United States where he relieved his feelings in a tremendous pamphlet against the Holy March 1807. of 6, which was duly prohibited in an edict The distinguished publicists, Juan Wenceslao Office, Bosquera and Jose Joaquin Fernandez de Lizardi, known as El Pensador Mexicano, were also prosecuted for writings that evinced too ardent a spirit of patriotism. 1 18 Medina, pp. 387, 397-405. It was also doubtless MEXICO 274 for offences of the same nature that Fray Juan Antonio de Olabarrieta was reconciled for atheism in 1803, and his sanbenito was suspended in the cathedral, for the charge of atheism any kindred form of speculation was, as we have seen, a convenient one to bring political liberalism under inquisitorial or 1 jurisdiction. Under the pressure with special rigor and of the time the censorship severity. A was sharpened curious instance of the strict- ness with which the laws against prohibited books were enforced afforded is As by an episode, in 1806, of the Louisiana Purchase. rendered necessary a delimitation of the boundary between Mexico and the United States, Carlos IV ordered an investigation this and report from the viceroy, who employed Fray Melchor de Talamantes to make it. He found it necessary to consult the works of Robertson and Raynal, but these were in the Index and he applied to the Inquisition, through the viceroy, for the requisite licence, saying that, although the books were detestable, the information they contained, and especially their maps, were important for the public service. The request was refused and, as a compromise, a formal commission was given to two califi- Paredo and Fray Jose Pichardo, to examine the dangerous books and report to Talamantes such information on the subject as they might find. 2 When Spanish diplomacy cadores, Fray Jose* it is no cause of surprise that the eminent historian of Mexico, Lucas Alaman, was prosecuted for reading prohibited books and even the episcopal dignity was thus hampered by such scruples 1 Obregon, op. tit., 2ft- Serie, pp. 389, 392-3. Lizardi's troubles did not end with the extinction of the Inquisition. In 1822 he issued a defence of Free-Masonry which excited clerical wrath. In Puebla, a priest, after arousing the people with his sermons, headed a mob which broke into a printer's shop, carried off the obnoxious books and made an auto de fe of them, leading to a tumult in which three men were killed and a number were About the same time Lizardi was obliged to appeal to the C6rtes for protection against his public excommunication by the archiepiscopal provisor. wounded. El. Sol, pp. 122, 146, 152 (Mexico, 1822). 1 I owe to the late General Don Vicente matter. Riva Palacio the documents in this POLITICAL FUNCTIONS 275 of Manuel Abad y Queipo, Bishop-elect of Valladolid (Mechoacan) 1 did not save him from trouble for the same offence. Yet tendency was accompanied with an this reactionary in- creasing disposition to enforce the subordination of the Inquisition and to render it an instrument of the A Government. royal cedula of December 12, 1807, takes additional precautions to prevent illegal increase in the number of familiars and officials and to give the secular authority a closer supervision over them. When secular assistance, moreover, longer be commanded was called for, it could no as a right, except in matters of faith; if the temporal jurisdiction was concerned, the Inquisition was put level with other ecclesiastical courts, and the magistrate on a was instructed to examine the merits of the case and to give or 2 withhold his aid accordingly. As agitation in Mexico increased with the news of the abdication of Carlos IV and the Napoleonic usurpation, foreshadowing the Revolution, the political impor- tance of the Inquisition, as an agency of repression, became greater and its so-called sacred functions were more and more subordiSuccessive edicts of August 27, 1808, and April 28, June 16 and September 28, 1809, were directed against all proclama- nated. and emissaries seeking to pervert the loyalty of the colonists favor of the ambitious schemes of the French, and the doctrine tions in of popular sovereignty was denounced doctrinal definition which was as manifest heresy 3 a effectively used during the debate on the suppression of the Holy Office, in the Cortes of C&diz, which had affirmed that sovereignty. Even in a matter so foreign to politics as solicitation in the confessional, it is suggestive to observe that, in the trial for that offence of Dr. Pedro Mendizabal, cura of the parish of Santa Ana (1809-1819) his correct political conduct is urged upon the inquisitors as a matter for their favorwhich may possibly have conduced to his able consideration 4 escape in the face of convincing evidence. 1 Obregon, op. cit., 2 Serie, p. 393. 2 Note to Recop., Lib. i, Tit. xix, ley 1. Cf. Lib. m, Tit. i, ley 2. 8 See in Appendix the Edict of January 26, 1811. Also Obregon, 2* Serie, * Proceso contra Dr. Pedro Mendizabal, fol. 13 (MS. penes me). p. 393. MEXICO 276 The functions assumed by the Inquisition become especially manifest in its trials of the two chief martyrs of the war of independence Hidalgo and Mbrelos. The former of political these, Miguel Hidalgo y Castilla, the parish priest of los Dolores, who first raised the standard of revolt, in conjunction with Allende, Aldama and Abasolo, and who was elected generalissimo of the 1 Born insurgent army, was a singularly interesting character. in 1753, he received his education at the royal university of San Mechoacan, where he became rector and theological In the formal accusation during his trial it is asserted Nicola's at professor. that he of his was known while there as el zorro, or the fox, on account cunning, and that he was finally expelled because of a scandalous adventure, in the course of which he was obliged to escape at night through a window of the chapel. Taking orders, finally settled as cura at los Dolores where, in spite of a large revenue, he encumbered himself with debts. He loved music and dancing and gaming and his relations with women were of a he character abounding common enough energy led silk-culture, He was which him may with the clergy of the period. to establish potteries and His to introduce doubtless account for his indebtedness. and kept up his intelRacine and comedies of regarded as a prodigy of learning lectual pursuits, translating tragedies of Moliere, the latter of which he caused to be acted his favorite being Tartufe. who enjoyed his intimacy The priest, in his house, Garcia de Carrasqueda, for twelve or thirteen years, when on Inquisition, deposed that they used to read together Cicero, Serri, Fleury's Ecclesiastical History, Rollin's Ancient trial by the History and an Italian work on commerce by Genovesi and that he praised highly the orations of ^Eschines and Demosthenes, Bossuet, Buffon's Natural History, Pitaval's Causes Celebres and He was fond of debating questionable points in theology, emitting opinions not wholly orthodox on various historical works. 1 in I details to a transcript of his trial, made from the original Marfa Lafragua and kindly communicated to me by David owe the following 1865 by Don Fergusson Esqr. Jose" HIDALGO 277 such subjects as the stigmata of St. Francis, the House of Loreto, the Veronica, whether St. Didymas or Gestas was the penitent the inheritance of original sin, the identity of the three thief, kings and the like, while his high reputation for learning caused him to be regarded as an authority. Altogether he presents himself to us as a man of unusual physical and intellectual energy, not over nice as to the employment of those energies, of wide culture, of vigorous and enquiring mind and of small reverence for formulas or for authority. Such a character was not likely to escape the attention of the On July 16, 1800, Fray Joaquin Huesca, a teacher of philosophy in the Order of Merced, denounced him to the commissioner of Mechoacan for various unorthodox utterances, Holy Office. Fray Manuel Estrada, of the same Order, had been and Estrada, on being summoned, confirmed and amplified present, the accusation. In transmitting these depositions to the tri- at which bunal, July 19th, the commissioner reported that Hidalgo was a most learned man, who had ruined himself with gambling and women, that he read prohibited books and, while professor of theology, had from Jansenist taught works. The tribunal an investigation, which lasted for more than a year and included the testimony of some thirteen witnesses, resulting in proof of a wide variety of most heretical utterances, necessarily started any one of which, if sufficed to consign him as revolutionary in maintained, would have Moreover, he was described pertinaciously to the stake. his tendencies, speaking of monarchs as tyrants and cherishing aspirations for liberty; he was well-read in current French literature and had little respect for the censorship cesado. March he was what was subsequently termed an afranThe commissioner of San Miguel el Grande reported, in short 11, 1801, much about Hidalgo's disorderly life and that he carried about with him an Alcoran but, in a second report of April 13th, he stated that in the recent Easter, Hidalgo had reformed, a matter which was widely discussed and seems to In due time, on October 2, have aroused general attention. MEXICO 278 1801, the fiscal reported on this accumulated testimony that, if Hidalgo had uttered the propositions ascribed to him, he should be arrested with sequestration of property, but the witnesses were contradictory and Estrada had the reputation of an habitual He therefore recommended that the case be suspended and liar. the papers be filed for future reference, to which the tribunal assented. The case rested until July 22, 1807, when a priest named Jos6 Maria Castilblane came forward to say that, in 1801, Estrada had More told him scandalous and heretical things about Hidalgo. was a denunciation made, May 4, 1808, by Maria serious Manuela Herrera, described as a woman of good character who frequented the sacraments. By command of her confessor she deposed that she had once lived with Hidalgo as his concubine, when he told her that Christ was another man; it had not died on the also that there was no hell cross, but that this latter she had an agreement that she was to provide him with women and he was to provide her with men. This was again laid before the fiscal who reported, supposed being to quiet her conscience, as they June 8th, in favor of awaiting further proof. Then, on March 15, 1809, Fray Diego Manuel Bringas deposed that he had found Hidalgo in possession of prohibited books, such as Serry's History of the Congregations De Auxiliis, under his own name and that Augustin Leblanc, also his Dissertations on Christ and the Virgin, in which he speaks without measure of Maria de Agreda; that Hidalgo praised this work and called Maria a deluded old of woman. 1 Still, with singular moderation, no action was taken had he been content to let to restrain Hidalgo's audacity and, politics alone, it is safe to say that the Inquisition would not The learned Dominican Jacques Augustin Berry's Historia Congregationum pseudonym of Augustin Leblanc, appeared in 1700 and was promptly condemned in Spain in 1701 (Index of 1707, I, 776), but is not on the Roman Index. His Exercitationes de Christo ejusque V. Matre are For a Jesuit opinion of the former work see Father Colonia's in both Indexes. 1 de Auxiliis, issued also under the Bibliotheque Janseniste, p. 186 (Ed. 1735). Maria de Agreda was a Spanish mystic of the seventeenth century whom Spain has repeatedly, up to modern times, endeavored to get canonized. HIDALGO have troubled him, so inert had it 279 become in the exercise of its ostensible functions. When, however, he started the revolution, September 16, 1810, gave place to the utmost activity. The official September 28th asserted that he was disseminating this lethargy Gazette of the people the doctrine that there among is neither hell, purgatory nor glory; an extract from this was sent to the commissioner at Queretaro, with instructions to obtain its verification, which he had no trouble in doing, although the evidence was hearsay. Without awaiting this, however, the testimony which had been so long slumbering in the secreto was laid before calificadores, October 9th, with orders to report at once. This they did the next day, to the effect that, as he was a sectary of French liberty, they pronounced him a libertine, seditious, schismatic, a formal heretic, a Judaizer, a Lutheran, a Calvinist, and strongly suspect The same day the tribunal resolved that, as he was surrounded by his army of insurgents and could not be arrested, he should be summoned by edict to appear within On the 13th the edict was printed, on the 14th it thirty days. was posted in the churches and was circulated as rapidly as of atheism and materialism. possible throughout the land. The a singular medley of politics and religion, illustrating the dual character of the Inquisition of the period and the enormous advantage to the Government of possessing control edict is over the ecclesiastical establishment, whereby an attack on the civil power could be made to assume the appearance of an assault on the before All the heretical utterances, discredited nine years the of the tribunal, are put forward as absolute action by faith. facts. It revolt and is impiety that has led him to raise the standard of numbers of unhappy dupes to follow him. to seduce In the inability to reach him personally, he pain of is summoned, under to appear for trial within thirty days, excommunication, which he will be prosecuted in rebeldia to definitive sentence and burning in effigy if necessary. All who support him or have converse with him and all those who do not denounce in default of MEXICO 280 who favor his revolutionary projects are declared guilty of the crime of fautorship of heresy and subject to the penalties those by the canons. When to this are added the proclamations of excommunication issued against the insurgents by the Archbishop of Mexico and the bishops of the disturbed dis- decreed for it tricts, it will exercised and how In be seen how powerful was the restraining influence by the Church over a population trained to submission, intense were the passions that braved its anathema. 1 fact, the hatred of the Creoles and the Indians for the Gachu- pines, or Spaniards, was so bitter that four-fifths of the native clergy espoused the cause of the insurgents, in spite of the censures of the Church, and questions of faith became inextricably involved in the contest between the factions. became To the loyalists, Hidalgo a heretic or indeed a heresiarch, and the confessional was so largely used new heresy, was invalid. by them that the insurgents became guilty of a by asserting that confession to a Gachupin priest They found great comfort, moreover, through their belief in the protection of Our Lady of Guadalupe, who was universally revered, and especially by the Indians, as the sovereign patroness of Mexico. On the fateful 16th of September, when Hidalgo was marching on San Miguel el Grande at the of his little band of insurgents, in passing through Atolonila, he chanced to take an image on linen of the Guadalupe Virgin and give it to one of his men to carry as a banner. It was adopted head became the standard of the insurrection, usually accompanied with an image of Fernando VII and of the eagle of Mexico, and the inscription "Viva nuestra Senora de Guadalupe ! Viva Fernando VII ! Viva la America y " muere el mal gobierno! Second in rank as a tutelary power of by the other bands as they rose the insurrection was Our Lady 1 and of it Puebla and against these the These comprehensive excommunications led to a result not particularly creditA writer in 1822 calls attention to the fact that, while the leading insurgents who were captured were formally reconciled before they were shot, the mass of the people, who had never paid any attention to the censures, were freely received to the sacraments without having been absolved. El Sol, able to the Church. M6xico, Feb. 27, 1822, p. 107. HIDALGO 281 new-comer, Our Lady of los Remedios, who was denounced as a Gachupina by the natives. There is a subject loyalists pitted a of study for the student of mythology in this modernization of the triform Hecate and in the revival of Homeric divinities presiding over the The two sides of the battlefield. Inquisition labored earnestly to get evidence of sacrilegious on the part of the insurgents and, as they were beaten back, had its emissaries in the territory from which they had been acts it who had sympaThe thized with them or had opposed the posting of its edict. most active of these was Fray Simon de la Mora, who accomdriven, collecting testimony as to individuals panied the royal army in useless to attempt to the names its He reported common people, advance. enumerate the of fifty-nine persons of standing, many of that it was but he sent them eccle- siastics, with the evidence against them, and the notes on the margin of the MS. show that they were forthwith entered for prosecution. The edict was duly posted in the towns occupied by the army it was generally torn down or defaced with paint, in spite of the heavy penalties incurred but, in the course of a night or two, for thus impeding the Inquisition. Hidalgo felt it necessary to he had never departed issue a manifesto in defence, protesting that from the heresies faith and pointing out the contradictory character imputed to him. To this the Inquisition replied of the with another edict, January 26, 1811, reiterating its charges, stigmatizing him as a cruel atheist and prohibiting certain proclamations issued 1 by the 1 insurgents. See Appendix. One acter of the warfare. shows the savage charterms and conditions of the struggle of of the insurgent proclamations It sets forth the which the following may serve as a specimen 4. The European who resists with arms will be put to the sword. 5. When threatened with siege or battle, before commencing we will put to the sword the numerous Europeans in our hands and will then abide the fortunes of war. 6. The American who defends a European with arms will be put to the sword. Thus was justified the execution of Hidalgo and his chiefs. Whatever sympathy we may feel for the cause, we must admit that the cruelty marking the strife was equally shared and that the fate of Maximilian was foreshadowed. MEXICO 282 Meanwhile his trial, in absentia, was proceeding through its an ordinary several stages as deliberately as though he were heretic in time of peace. On November 24, 1810, the tribunal declared that, having evidence that, on October 27th, he had knowledge of the edict, the thirty days' term should run from October 28th. On November 28th, therefore, the fiscal demanded that he should be treated as rebelde, or contumacious, and that ten days, as usual, should be allowed him to appear in person. The prescribed three terms of ten days each, with two days addi- were scrupulously observed. tional, and it was not until February 7, began with the presentation by the was Then further delay followed 1811, that the formal trial fiscal of in the ordinary form, reciting that the accusation. This Hidalgo was a Christian, baptized and confirmed, and as such enjoying the privileges and " exemptions accorded to good Catholics, yet had he left the bosom of holy Church for the filthy, impure and abominable faith of the heretic Gnostics, Sergius, Berengar, Cerinthus, Carpocrates, Nestorius, Marcion, Socinus, the Ebionites, Lutherans, Calvinists and other pestilential writers, Deists, Materialists and Atheists, whose works he has read and endeavored to revive and to persuade his sect to adopt their errors and heresies, believing wrongly, them, as to various articles and dogmas of our holy religion and revolutionizing the whole bishoprics of Mechoacan and Guada- like lajara and great part of the arch-diocese of Mexico, being moreover the chief cause of the great abominations and sins, which have been and and more, which I shall constitute him a formal heretic, apostate from our still set forth, are committed. All this holy religion, an atheist, materialist and deist, a libertine, seditious, schismatic, Judaizer, Lutheran divine and and Calvinist, guilty of human high treason, a blasphemer, an implacable enemy of Christianity and the State, a wicked seducer, lascivious, hypocrite, a cunning traitor to king and country, pertinacious, contumacious and rebellious to the Holy Office, of all of which I accuse him in general and in particular/' The fiscal then proceeds to recite the evidence taken since 1800, followed by a long HIDALGO 283 statement of Hidalgo's share in the insurrection and winding up with the customary petition that, without requiring further proof, the accused shall be condemned to confiscation and relaxation, in person if he can be had and, if not, in effigy; or, if the evidence be deemed insufficient, he shall be tortured if attainable. The and gravely ordered, a copy be given to Hidalgo and, in view of his contumacious absence, that due notification be made in inquisitors received the accusation according to form, that the halls, which was accordingly done and record made. Then, on February 19th, the fiscal accused the contumacy of the absent and fugitive Hidalgo in not answering and asked that the case be concluded and received to proof. the proof was presented. May The inquisitors assented 20th, the fiscal and demanded the publication of evidence, which was duly ordered to be made, with A the ordinary suppression of their names. large portion of this consisted of evidence taken during the insurrection, showing acts of sacrilege, contempt and for the Inquisition its and the edicts on the part of Hidalgo and his followers. A copy of this was ordered to be given to him and that he answer it in the next like, audience, of which announcement recorded. It in ordering a to was not copy of was made in the halls and duly June 14th that the next step was taken, both accusation and testimony to be given until him and that by the third day he put in his answer, with the assent of his advocate, an advocate being provided for him in the person of the Licenciado Jose Maria Rosas. Then another witness was found in the priest Garcia de Carrasquedo, a prisoner on trial, to whom allusion has been made above. His evidence was taken June 21st and, on the 27th, was submitted to calificadores who, on August 12th, presented a long and learnedly argumentative report, in which they characterized the several propositions with the customary choice selection of objurgatory epithets, as falsa t impia, temeraria, blasfema, malsonante, sapiens hceresim, llena de escandalo, erronea, sapiens errorem Lutheranvrum, Judaica y formalmente hceretica, injuriosa al espiritii de la S. M. Iglesia, and they concluded that, if he who uttered them did MEXICO 284 so with full knowledge of their import, he was a formal heretic. This was practically the last act of the long drawn-out comedy, although some additional testimony concerning Hidalgo was taken and recorded, February 10 and 20, 1812, in the trial of the habitual faster liar, Fray Manuel Estrada. Events had moved After the disastrous day of the than the Inquisition. had been captured, March 21, 1811, at Bajan, and carried two hundred leagues farther north to Chihuahua, where he was executed, July 31st, before Bridge of Calderon, Hidalgo in his flight the calificadores had finished their formulation of his heresies. No notice of this was given to the Inquisition, which was treated with a singular discourtesy, savoring of contempt. The explanation of this probably is that, if it had been apprised of the capture, it could rightly have claimed the prisoner as a heretic, supreme and exclusive jurisdiction; there might have been danger in escorting him back through the recently disturbed provinces; the processes of the Inquisition were notoriprimarily subject to its ously slow and, after it had tried the culprit and he had abjured and been penanced in an auto de fe, he would still have to be condemned in a military court. It was in every way wiser to try him and despatch him in far-off Chihuahua, arid the local military and ecclesiastical authorities cooperated to this result, leaving the what and not even forwarding a supplication which Hidalgo addressed to it, on June 10th. The tribunal waited patiently for eleven months after the Inquisition to find out it could, catastrophe and then, on June 25, 1812, it wrote, with much solemnity, to its two commissioners in Chihuahua, reminding them that the edict of October 13, 1810, rendered it their duty to advised of the capture of Hidalgo and of all subsequent keep occurrences. They should have gone to him in prison and exhorted him to make a declaration on all points contained in the edict and it whatever else weighed upon his conscience. All signs of repentance should have been observed and reported, and at least his confession to his judges, in so far as the Inquisition should have been sent to it. The was concerned, alcaide, the ecclesiastics and HIDALGO the military officers must 285 now be examined as to his state of mind during his imprisonment, so that the tribunal may be informed as to his repentance or impenitence and thus be enabled to render justice. power The two commissioners are to work in harmony, with and they are made responsible, before of subdelegation, God and the king, The Holy Office for the due discharge evidently took itself of their duties. seriously and considered that judgement as to Hidalgo's heresies still lay in its hands. There must have been a flush of indignation and wounded pride when, on January 2, 1813, the inquisitors received from Sanchez Alvarez, one of the commissioners, an answer dated October 27, had applied to Nemesio Salcedo, the comordered him to suspend all action and that he, Salcedo, would explain the absolute necessity for this. The tribunal had to wait until February 27th before it received 1812, reporting that he mandant-general, who had Salcedo's supreme jurisdiction mony dated October 22d, showing how its had been overslaughed with as little cere- explanation, as that of a pie-powder court. With profuse expressions of respect, Salcedo stated that the peace and prosperity of the provinces required that the matter should not be agitated. Hidalgo was not a heretic and would not have been permitted to receive the sacraments and ecclesiastical burial, had he not been duly absolved and reconciled to the Church. A royal order, he said, of May 12, 1810, had conveyed papal inquisitorial faculties and the Bishop of Durango had subdelegated Doctor Francisco Fernandez Valetin, the doctoral canon of his church, to the bishops, 1 thus constituting him a papal inquisitor. To him, as such, were communicated the answers of Hidalgo on his trial, who ratified them he also verified the manifesto of Hidalgo, which was published, and he absolved him. In addition he saw in his presence; 1 In estimating the veracity of this curious tale, we must bear in mind that both Fernando VII and Pius VII were at the time prisoners of Napoleon. There was, it is true, a Spanish Regency and the Cortes of Cadiz which used the royal name, but it is inconceivable that, even if it had access to the pope, it would have taken such a precaution at a time when there was no anticipation of rebellion in the colonies. MEXICO 286 the supplication of Hidalgo to the Inquisition, which would have been forwarded sooner but for the danger of its being inter- cepted and which was now enclosed, together with the other neces- These were extracts from Hidalgo's examination, sary papers. his manifesto to the insurgents and the supplication in question. was somewhat brutal have kept the tribunal so long in the dark on a matter touching its highest privilege and to have It to detained for sixteen months, on a frivolous pretext, a supplication addressed directly to it, but its position was becoming precarious and it dared not complain. Napoleon's suppression much, but of the Inquisition of Spain, in 1808, did not count for the Cortes of Cddiz had enacted a liberal Constitution in 1812 and simultaneously the preliminary skirmishing for the abrogation It was enacted Febof the Inquisition preoccupied all minds. ruary 22, 1813, and, though the news had not as yet reached Mexico, the result could scarce have been doubted when the It evidently placed no tribunal took action on March 13th. faith in the story of a papal inquisitor, suddenly created in the wilds of Chihuahua, for it wholly ignored his action. The fiscal reported to the tribunal that, in spite of Hidalgo's supplication for pardon and endeavors to satisfy the charges against him, there were not merits enough to absolve his at the same time, made a to memory and fame nor, condemn him, as it appeared that he had and had been reconciled, whereupon general confession the tribunal ordered the case to be suspended and the papers to be filed in their an expression of dissatisfaction On March 29th it acknowpowerlessness. proper place and an admission of ledged Salcedo's letter and drily thanked him. Hidalgo's supplication to the Inquisition, written in his prison 10, 1811, is a long and dignified declaration of submission, on June calmly and clearly reasoned and manifesting theological learning. But full for his confinement, command he said, of his he would hasten to throw himself at the feet of the tribunal, not only to seek pardon for his insubordination, but to vindicate himself from the charge of heresy and apostasy, which was insufferable HIDALGO him. to He answered 287 the various accusations of the edict, denying that he had led an immoral life and exculpating himself with much dexterity from the heresies imputed to him, but if, he added, the Inquisition deemed his utterances heretical, although he had not hitherto so considered them, he now retracted, abjured and detested them. He concluded by begging to be relieved from the disgrace of heresy and apostasy; the tribunal could repose entire faith in his statements for, if he had committed those crimes, the circumstances in which he now found himself would impel him to confess them freely, in order to gain the pardon and absolution that would open to him the gates of heaven and would close them, if withheld, in consequence of his denial. The frame mind revealed of in this document, which is unques- tionably genuine, serves to refute the imputation of forgery so generally ascribed to Hidalgo's manifesto of May 18th, addressed Todo el Mundo" and published in order to quiet the popula- "A tion. and extravagance of repentance, and the exhortations to his followers to submit, have Its effusiveness earnestness of its not unnaturally created suspicion, from their violent contrast to the deep convictions and reckless energy with which he precipitated and sustained the insurrection, but it as authentic without impugning his good faith. and enthusiastic and was can be accepted He was impulsive liable to the revulsions incident to his temperament. His cause had been disowned by God he had been captured as a fugitive within a few months after he had been at the head of eighty thousand men. The grave was yawning for ; him, as the portal to the hereafter, in which there was, in his belief, no escape from eternal torment for one who died as a rebel to the Church. cation cut him He was off a fervent Catholic, whose excommunifrom the sacraments essential to salvation, unless he could prove himself worthy of them by earnest repent- ance and by the amendment which could only be manifested through zeal in undoing that which had brought upon him the anathema. That under such pressure he should seek to avert the endless doom by heart-felt contrition was natural, however MEXICO 288 it may seem to those brought up in a different faith, who can sympathize with his aspirations for liberty but cannot realize the emotions enkindled by his religious convictions. strange The decree of the Cortes of Cddiz, February 22, 1813, suppressUnder it ing the Inquisition was published in Mexico June 8th. the property of the tribunal was applicable to the treasury for the reduction of the public debt and was forthwith sequestrated; there were no prisoners, the few political ones having been transferred to various convents some days authentic account of the transaction, We in advance. made December by the alcaide of the secret the decree had been eagerly expected the after the Restoration, says that its ; ministers were regarded with contempt and its have an 20, 1814, prison. He tribunal and privileges were the publication, Viceroy to senior the announced inquisitor the cessation of its Calleja functions; the next day the official commissioned for the purpose set at came defiance. to Immediately after take possession and commenced an inventory. building was thrown open to gaping crowds, to their detestation of the institution. in the chest On who gave the llth, the was removed; the records concerning the The free vent money faith were y Jordan, while the papers connected with property were taken by the Intendente of the Government, who confided them to the writer and allotted to him delivered to the Archbishop Bergosa which to keep them. In the Inquisition building was and the adjacent houses of the inquisitors served to lodge its officials, while the main building was used as a barracks and the prisons were turned into shops for tailors, offices in established the lottery, shoemakers and other workers for the army. sequestrated was 1,775,656 Money pesos, 5 in the coffers Capital invested Due on income of censos .... Fifteen rented houses Furniture, etc., sold at auction, July 19 The total amount reales, consisting of 66,566 pesos, 2 reales. " " 1* " 1.7 gr. 181,482 " 125,000 " 8,000 " 1,775,676 5i realeg. 1,394,628 SUPPRESSION IN The 1813 289 alcaide proceeds to give us details as to the organization and finances of the tribunal. Besides the inquisitors and fiscal there were seven secretaries, a messenger, a treasurer, a contador, a purveyor of the prison, an alcaide and his assistant, a notary of the sequestrations, two officials of the secreto, an advocate of the fisc and an advocate work for the trivial a largely superfluous force of prisoners to be performed. The amounted the Suprema was pay-rolls annum, the subvention to the and expenditure for maintaining prisoners, 10,000, to 33,000 pesos per repairs, brought the annual outlay to 55,000 or income while the was 85,000, to which was added 32,000 60,000, from the canonries, amounting in all to 117,000 about double church functions, etc., the expenses, showing of the faith. how profitable had proved the purification 1 On August 31st the archbishop reported to the Government that the decree of suppression had been read in the cathedral on the three Sundays following its receipt. The sanbenitos were at once removed from the places where they were hung; the Prior of the Hospital of San Jose asked for them to clothe the insane, but the viceroy took them for the troops. The Archbishop requested to have the prohibited books, which were stored in four rooms of his palace, inquisitor and lost and they were given to him. He was an old no time in assuming the jurisdiction over heresy restored to the episcopate by the decree of suppression. As early as June 10th, he issued a pastoral ordering denunciation him to on September 27th, of all persons suspect of heresy and, he published another calling for the surrender of 2 books by those who did not hold licences. The decree of suppression all prohibited provided for the continued salaries two senior inquisitors disappear Bernardo de Prado y Obejero and Isidore Sainz de Alfaro y Beaumont probably returning to Spain, where refugees from the American tribunals were taken care of. The junior, the of officials Manuel de 1 and Flores, after this the remained and was ready to resume his functions Medina, pp. 456-61. 19 2 Ibidem, pp. 461, 463. MEXICO 290 " whenever the suspension," as he called it, was removed. His foresight was speedily rewarded, for one of the first acts of Fer- nando VII on his restoration was the decree of May 4, 1814, abro- gating the Constitution of Cddiz, declaring invalid all laws enacted under it and even menacing with the death-penalty all who should keep copies of them. This of itself virtually revived the Inquisition, but legislation was effected by a decree we was required of July 2 1. 1 to reorganize it and this Inquisitor Flores had not had already for some time been gathering evidence against Manuel Abad y Queipo, Bishopelect of Mechoacan, which he transmitted, August 31st, to the waited for this, as find that he 2 Suprema for its action. It was not until December 23d that Viceroy Calleja notified him to re-establish the tribunal, in execution of the royal decree of July 21st; this he followed on January 4, 1815, with a procla- mation embodying the decree and announcing that the tribunal had been restored to its jurisdiction and that its property had been it. The archbishop also issued a pastoral requiring denunciations to be made to it and Flores, on January 21st, returned to all published an Edict of Faith ordering the denunciation, within six days, of all heresies, prohibited books and all words of disrespect towards the Holy Office that might subsequently be uttered. 3 The tribunal however, was in a sadly dilapidated condition. The alcaide in a letter of December 30, 1814, reports that the restora- tion of property consisted in the written securities and the real but only 773 pesos of the money had been returned. Notice had been given that the fruits of the canonries and interest on the censos were to be paid as formerly to the tribunal. The purchaser of the furniture, which had been sold at auction in estate, was nominally a merchant but in reality the Count of la Cortina, from whom they were endeavoring to get it back at the price which it had brought, but much had been resold; the July, 1 1 * . Coleccion de C&lulas etc. de Fernando VII, pp. 8, 85 (Valencia, 1814). Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Libros 877, 890. Medina, pp. 467-9. RESTORATION 291 building had to be refitted for their use and altogether they were in great distress. 1 To add to their troubles, the tribunal thoroughly discredited that sides in a its was invaded on jurisdiction manner indicating the contempt was in which it was so all held. Viceroy Calleja issued a proclamation condemning to the flames the Constitution adopted by the insurgents October 22, 1814, at Apatzingan, together with various of their sermons, addresses, and ordering them to be denounced to him under pain Then, on May 24, 1815, he sent a copy of this to the inviting it to take action This provoked the bitterly to the diction and mitting to and use liveliest all tribunal, rigor for their suppression. resentment of Flores Suprema, June 29th, etc. of death. who complained of the intrusion on his juris- of the discourtesy manifested in not previously sub- him the offending papers. He also enlarged on the harshness with which the decree of suppression had been enforced in 1813 and of the imperfect restitution of property which Calleja had publicly asserted to to have been made. He had also endeavored compel the officials to render military service, but this had been successfully resisted. In spite of all this indignation, however, the insurgent documents were duly censured by the calificadores and, on July 9th, Flores issued an edict condemning them and The chapter of the cathedral (sede specifying their errors. had also on May 26th published an edict requiring the surrender of these documents to it under pain of excommuni- vacante) cation and threatening all priests and beneficiaries who should not exert themselves against the rebels. This was a palpable intrusion on inquisitorial jurisdiction which and there was was deeply resented, which the also a quarrel with the royal Audiencia tribunal accused of invading its jurisdiction its fueros in the and disregarding matter of a pasquinade of which the Audiencia had taken cognizance. 2 Under these circumstances it is easy to understand how eagerly Flores seized the opportunity of asserting himself afforded the capture, 1 November Medina, pp. 469-70. 15, by 1815, of the insurgent chief Jose* 3 Ibidem, pp. 479-92. MEXICO 292 Maria Morelos, who shares with Hidalgo the foremost place in 1 the Mexican Valhalla. Born in 1764 of humble was an when he returned to the age of 25, up and applied himself morals. parents, he to the study of agricultural laborer to his native Mechoacan grammar, philosophy and Entering the Church, he took full orders and, after serving temporarily the cure of Choromuco, he obtained that of Caraguaro, which was under the rectorship of Hidalgo. It must have been a slender benefice in his examination, he explained his not having taken the indulgence of the Santa Cruzada by the plea that before the insurrection he was too poor for, to pay for it and afterwards the insurgents regarded it as invalid and as merely a device to raise money for the war against them. His morals were those of his class; he admitted to having three mothers during his priesthood, but he added that his habits, though not edifying, had not been scandalous, and the tribunal seemed to think so, for little attention was children, born of different paid to this during his trial and, in the edification which preceded He joined Hidalgo, sentence, it is not even alluded to. his October 28, 1810, and must have quickly distinguished himself, gave him a commission to raise the Pacific coast for that chief provinces and, after the rout of the Bridge of Ca^lderon, the burden mainly on Morelos, who was raised successively to the grades of lieutenant-general and captain-general, with the title of Most Serene Highness. of maintaining the unequal war fell Unlike Hidalgo, who was hurried off to Chihuahua, Morelos when captured was brought to the city of Mexico for trial and He was carried to execution, arriving there on November 21st. the Inquisition, not as its prisoner, but for safe-keeping "on deposit" and Flores, to preserve the secrecy of the Holy Office, made it a condition that the guard accompanying him should not go up stairs or penetrate beyond the 1 The following details of the trial of Morelos are derived panied by the documents, December 29, Legajo 1473. first 1815. It is court-yard. It from a report, accom- Flores to the Suprema, November 27 and in the archives of Simancas, Inquisicion, Sala 49, made by See also Medina, pp. 513-45. MORELOS was not 293 22d that he was lodged in the secret so dark that he could not read the breviary, which until 1.30 A.M. of the prison, in a cell was given to him on The 22d was occupied with an him a competencia carried on in his request. effort to get permission to try a spirit very different from the masterful audacity of old. Viceroy Calleja desired that Morelos should be degraded from the priest- hood, within three days, by the episcopal jurisdiction, in order that his execution should be prompt, and testimony for that purpose was already being taken by the secular and spiritual courts acting in unison. Flores therefore had no time forward the claim of the tribunal, and the rate paper showing that there were points in within its jurisdiction. On to lose in putting drew up an elabothe case which came fiscal the 23d a consulta de fe was assembled, consisting of the episcopal Ordinary of Mechoacan, and the con- which represented to the viceroy that, although Morelos was subject to both the secular and spiritual courts, it was persuaded that for other crimes he was sultores of the Inquisition, by the Inquisition and that his trial by that tribunal would redound to the honor and glory of God as well as to the service of the State and the king and be efficacious in undeceiving justiciable the rebels. Moreover, it promised that the trial should be concluded within four days. Somewhat unwillingly, Calleja granted the request and no time was lost in commencing the most expeditious trial in the annals of the comedy Holy Office to gratify the vanity of the actors, for influence on the fate of the prisoner, save a grim enough could have no it perhaps in removing the excommunication under which he inferentially lay. Flores, adds that they were much embarrassed Morelos by being frequently taken from them for examination the in other courts, which indicates that the authorities regarded in boasting of this activity, the Inquisition as merely a side-show. Hurried as were the proceedings, there was due observance of by the cumbrous methods of the That same Holy day, November 23d, the fiscal presented his clamosa, basing it on Morelos having signed the constitutional all the formalities required Office. MEXICO 294 decree of November 22, 1814, as well as various proclamations 1 by the Inquisition; also on his celebrating mass while under excommunication, and his reply to the Bishop of Puebla, when reproached for so doing, that it would be easier condemned as heretical to get a dispensation after the war than to survive the guillotine; Bishop Abad y Queipo of Mechoacan, July 22, There 1814, declaring him to be an excommunicated heretic. was still time for a morning audience and the prisoner was brought also on an edict of was subjected to the customary genealogy and whole career, and the first before the tribunal, where he examination as to his monition was given to save his soul by confessing the truth. In the afternoon he had his second audience and monition. On came the and monition, during which he admitted that, at Teypan, he had captured a package of the edicts against Hidalgo and had utilized them to the morning of the 24th third audience The pompous formulas, urging him to dismight show him its customary mercy, must have seemed a ghastly jest to a man who knew that his captors would shortly have him shot, and they make cartridges. charge his conscience so that the Inquisition contrast grotesquely with the feverish anxiety of the tribunal to have a share in the performance. That same afternoon the fiscal presented the accusation and, considering the haste in which it was prepared, its long accumulation of rhetoric man. He is creditable to the industry of the draughts- describes Morelos as abandoning the Church for the and abominable heresies of Hobbes, Helvetius, Voltaire, Luther and other pestilent writers, rendering him a formal heretic, an apostate from the holy faith, an atheist, materialist, deist, filthy libertine, seditious, guilty of divine implacable enemy of Christianity and human high treason, an and the state, a vile seducer, hypocrite, traitor to king and country, cunning, lascivious, perti- nacious and rebellious to the Holy Office. He shows how The Constitution of Nov. 22, 1814, which based all government on the will of the people clearly came under the edict of August, 1808, which denounced the doctrine of popular sovereignty as manifest heresy. For the same reason 1 the Constitution of Cadiz was heretical. MORELOS rebellion heretical. is heresy and To all 295 rebellious acts are directly or indirectly Morelos, in the bottom of his heart, Christ and Belial are equal; he is even suspect of toleration and, as usual, the accusation concludes by asking for confiscation and relaxa- The remainder tion. of the afternoon and the morning audience 25th were occupied with the defendant's answers to the twenty-four articles of the accusation. From what he said it of the appears that insurgents claimed to be opposing the French domination in Spain, and that Ferdinand's restoration in 1814 was was assumed be only another phase of Napoleon's supremacy, showing that Ferdinand could not be a sincere Catholic. largely disbelieved or to That same morning the publication of evidence was made, consisting wholly of documents, such as the Constitution of October 22, 1814, sundry proclamations signed by Morelos and his printed letter to the Bishop of Puebla, together with the letter Bishop of Mechoacan declaring him to be an excommunicated heretic. He was ordered to answer with the advice of his of the counsel and the three advocates of prisoners were of whom was sent he selected Don named to him, Jose Marfa Gutierrez de Rosas. to his cell to be brought back directly for He an interview with his counsel, who was sworn in as customary. There was no time to make copies of the papers, so the unusual course was adopted of entrusting the originals to Rosas, with instructions to return them and present the defence within three hours. In him to be a ready in but he more was writer, justifying himself for underoccupied taking the defence than in making a plea for Morelos. He the afternoon he did so and the result showed savagely denounced the insurrection and the Cortes of Cadiz, whose principles it represented, and he concluded abruptly with the repentance of the defendant, from which he hoped for absolution. The inquisitor thereupon ordered the a few lines, alleging fiscal to be notified and the case to be concluded. The next morning, November 26th, Flores assembled his calificadores and exhibited to them the proceedings and the condem- MEXICO 296 nations of the insurgent Constitution and proclamations. Fray Domingo Barreda opined that the accused savored of heresy, but the rest were unanimous that he was a formal heretic, who denied his guilt and was not only suspect of atheism but an atheist In the afternoon was held the consulta de fe to decide outright. upon the sentence. Without a dissentient voice agreed that it a public auto should be held at 8 o'clock the next morning in the audience chamber, in the presence of a hundred prominent persons to be designated by Flores. That Morelos should there be declared guilty of malicious and pertinacious imperfect confession, a formal heretic who denied his guilt, a disturber and persecutor of the hierarchy and a profaner of the sacraments; that he was guilty of high treason, divine and human, pontifical and royal, and that he should be present at the mass of a penitent, in short cassock without collar or girdle in the guise and holding a green candle, which, as a heretic and f autor of heretics, he should As a cruel persecutor of the Holy Office, his offer to the priest. property should be confiscated to the king. Although deserving and relaxation, for the crimes subject to the of degradation Inquisition, yet, as he case of was ready to abjure he was, in the unlikely the viceroy sparing his life, banishment from America and from condemned all to perpetual royal residences and to the African presidios, with deprivation of all preferment and perpetual irregularity. His three children were declared subject to infamy and the legal disabilities of imprisonment for life in He was to abjure formally, and be absolved from the excommunications reserved to the Holy Office; descendants of heretics. he was to make a general confession and through life to recite the seven penitential psalms on Fridays and a part of the rosary on Saturdays. Moreover a tablet was to be hung in the cathedral, name and offences. 1 inscribed with his The next morning, November was duly celebrated in 27th, as Flores reports, the auto most imposing scene ever witnessed the audience chamber, which was crowded with five hundred in the 1 See Appendix, FINAL LABORS of the most important personages 297 The mass was of the capital. followed by the impressive ceremony of degradation from the Morelos was priesthood, performed by the Bishop of Oaxaca. delivered to the royal judge and returned to the secret prison whence, at 1.30 of the following night, he was transferred to the Flores might proudly claim to have vindicated the juriscitadel. diction of the Holy Office, at some sacrifice of its dignity, in the shortest trial of a formal heretic to be found in object of the indecent haste required for Morelos The was not executed until its by Calleja is December 22d. records. The scarce apparent, In 1817, its functions. Jose Xavier de Tribarren, for reading prohibited books, revealed that Don Cayetano Romero of Guetaria in Guipuzcoa was equally guilty, and the Suprema in Madrid tribunal continued to perform the prosecution of Don forthwith ordered the tribunal of Logrono to take action against him. 1 The latest notable victim was Fray Servando Teresa de After holding him for some time in in the tribunal, prison, anticipation of its extinction, sent him to the viceroy as an important offender against the State, with a Mier Noriega y Guerra. paper describing him as hating, from the bottom of his heart, the king, the Cortes and all legitimate government, and even as lacking respect for the Holy See and the councils of the Church, dominant passion being revolutionary independence, which he had vigorously promoted in both North and South America, his by his writings full of passion and venom. 2 This useless prolongation of existence was soon to end. One measures of the revolution of 1820, which restored of the first the Constitution of 1812, was the royal decree suppressing the Inquisition. 1 March 9th, Before this reached Mexico offi- of Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 559. Obregon, 2* Serie, p. 395. Mier's crowning offence was a book with the suggestive title "Informe y Pedimento Fiscal presentado por los Locos ante el Supremo Tribunal de la Razon humana." Archive historico nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion de Valencia, Legajo 100. He escaped to the United States and returned to Mexico in 1822, when he was imprisoned by Ddvila, Governor of the castle of San Juan de Ulua, but was El Sol, p. 117 (Mexico, 1822). speedily released. 2 MEXICO 298 the Viceroy Count of Venadita had seen cially, Madrid and had arranged de The had in the Gaceta for the extinction of the tribunal. ceased their functions on officials it May 31st; as before, they transferred their political prisoners to the public prison and those for matters of faith to various convents, the archives were delivered to the custody of the archbishop and the officials hastened to find other homes. Then, on June 14th, the viceroy sent orders for compliance with the decree and, on the 16th, the Inquisitor its Antonio de Pereda reported that the tribunal had ceased in all functions and remained in a condition of absolute extinction. The papers pending trials were distributed among the appropriate diocesans and the Intendente took possession of the 1 The officials straggled back to Spain, where they were property. of provided for in common with those of the Peninsula. In the accounts of 1833 there still appear as in receipt of salaries the senior inquisitor, Antonio de Pereda, the secretaries Venancio de Pereda y Cassolla and Jose Maria Briergo, and the nuncio y portero, Thus had Tomas del Perojo. 2 and discredited passed away the tribunal which prime cast terror over all the provinces between the forlorn in its two oceans, but the impression which it had produced did not disappear with it. In 1821 Don Celestino de la Torre reprinted under the title of " Memorial de attack issued in a savage Spain, la Santa Inquisicion," which he says, in a prefatory note, disillusionment of the serviles Holy Office. It caused, in 1833, is still by the Church to acquiescence a little anonymous who more for the sigh for the restoration of the significant that, in the agitation effort of the in the is new Government to reduce the order of things, there appeared "Mientras no haya Inquisicion " Without the is tract entitled se acaba la Religion" Inquisition, Religion destroyed" arguing that heresy can never be suppressed without the use of force; excommunication, censures and argument are of no avail and the faith of Christ can only be preserved 1 1 fol. Medina, Archive by p. 505. hist, 68; Cuaderno nacional de Madrid, Inquisicion, Legajo 6462, Cuaderno 2, fol. 2. 1, EXTINCTION 299 arming the bishops with all the powers and methods of the InquiThe sition and enforcing their penal sentences by the State. bishops, in fact, were quite ready to assume its functions as far as they could for, as late as 1850, on the appearance of a trans- by Don lation of Fereal's Mysteres de I'lnquisition, with notes Manuel de Cuendias, a diocesan junta de censura was held which, without hearing the accused, passed a sentence of excommunication on the editor and on all who should which was publicly proclaimed by consulta presented to the junta edict. by Doctor read the book, all of This was based on a Sollano, who lamented the abolition of the Inquisition and proved satisfactorily that 1 heresy merits the death-penalty. THE PHILIPPINES. When Spain, in 1566, undertook the conquest of the Philippines, they were not erected into a separate government but were placed under the vice-royalty of New Spain or Mexico, with a governor or captain-general in command. When, in 1581, the bishopric of Manila was founded, it was suffragan to the archbishopric of Mexico until 1595. of the The and was not erected into a metropolitan see islands therefore were included in the district Mexican Inquisition, but they were too sparsely occupied by Europeans for the tribunal to think it necessary to estab- an organization there. When, however, the first bishop, the Dominican Domingo de Salazar, reached his see in 1572, his zeal lish led him an episcopal Inquisition with a fiscal and the regular inquisitorial procedure he soon at once to establish and other officials, ; found culprits and held a formal auto de f e, exercising his assumed authority with excessive severity. Don Francisco de Zufiiga, a youth of 20, in a discussion, had thoughtlessly declared forni1 Defensa del Editor de la Obra titulada 1850. los Misterios de la Inquisicion, Mexico, THE PHILIPPINES 300 cation to be no sin; then on reflection he denounced himself, but notwithstanding this he was obliged to appear in an auto with a gag, and was banished for ten years, with a threat of two hundred lashes he returned. if Canon Francisco de Pare j a, suspected being one of the Alumbrados of Llerena, when arrested for of solici- Some of Salazar's penitents tation, hanged himself in prison. on reaching Mexico complained to the tribunal and thus aroused its attention to this invasion of its jurisdiction, when it lost no time in vindicating its rights. March 1, 1583, it sent a commission as commissioner to the Augustinian Fray Francisco Manrique, man prominence in his Order, which was the most influential in the islands, and at the same time it notified Salazar that it a of had done so in consequence of his having assumed to act as 1 inquisitor. Bishop Salazar, who was on the point of celebrating an auto de fe, was by no means disposed to abandon the authority which he He had assumed. refused to recognize the commission of Man- all who should do The Licenciado Juan Convergel Maldonado, who supported Manrique, was thrown into prison so harsh that he became insane, when Salazar sent him to Mexico, and Benito de Mendiola, who had served as Maldonado's messenger, was likewise imprisoned. The traditional rivalry between the seculars and regulars and between rique and threatened with excommunication so. the different Orders brought to the bishop ample support from the clergy, the Franciscans and the Jesuits a high authority among the latter, Padre Alonso Sanchez, even declared that those who recognized the commissioner committed mortal sin. For six months Fray Manrique kept up the struggle and then abandoned writing to the tribunal, April it, 1, 1584, that, to avoid scandal he would do nothing more until it should have provided a competent remedy. The tribunal took prompt and effective steps. bishop and 1 J. It to the wrote to Manila revoking Suprema, January all the acts of the 17, 1585, reciting the cir- T. Medina, El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Islas Filipinas, pp 16, 28-9 (Santiago de Chile, 1899). THE COMMISSIONERSHIP 301 cumstances and pointing out the grave consequences that would follow when Salazar's success should lead other bishops to follow Through the Suprema his example. to Philip II, telling him who responded, May 26th, with a ce*dula to pertaining to to abstain the bishop, was uncalled it for. its in any way in affairs This commissioners. Salazar had already seen had recognized Manrique and had handed over to him the papers in him. from interfering or with the duties of it decisive but his error, also addressed a letter that he had invaded the jurisdiction of the Inquisition and ordering him was it all Thus the seven in number the cases jurisdiction of the then pending before Mexican tribunal was perma- nently established over the islands, although subsequently there were one or two attempts made to organize an independent Inquisition there. 1 regarded rather its own ambition to extend its jurisdiction than the interests of the faith, for the whole career of the Philippine commissionership manifests the impossibility In this the tribunal of conducting such a business at the distance of a forty degrees of longitude, when perhaps a year or hundred and two might pass without a vessel reaching Acapulco from Manila. The duties and powers of a commissioner were strictly limited and defined. As a rule he could do nothing except in execution of orders from the inquisitors; without such orders he could not make arrests, unless there was immediate danger of the escape of the accused; he could only gather information, report it and await instructions, and it was the same with regard to sequestration; if involved in a competencia he could issue inhibitions on the rival judges, but he could not put into execution the censures and penalties threat2 In the ened in the formulas unless authorized by the tribunal. detailed instructions sent to there is little concession Manrique along with made communication by enlarging Medina, op. 2 Instruccion que cit., commission is pp. 17-28, 30-1, 36-8, 141-51. los Comisarios, n. 16, 17, 18, 30. han de guardar and not Although he to inventory it and see that his powers. allowed to sequestrate property, he 1 his to the difficulties of distance is THE PHILIPPINES 302 it is left in charge of a proper person, but this ment between the accused and the depository must be an arrangein which the Inqui- assumes no responsibility. He is expressly told that he can make no arrests without orders, but an exception is made in sition the case of bigamy, on account of its frequency, when, obtains positive evidence against a culprit, he can arrest if he him and send him to Mexico, confining him in the royal gaol at the public On the other hand, he is not expense, while awaiting a vessel. to interfere with the secular or spiritual courts when they cute for bigamy and, an offender, he to tell them to send if him they offer to surrender proseis to Mexico, but not at the expense of the 1 Subsequently, in 1611, another exception was made, in the crime of solicitation in the confessional. The tribunal wrote to the Suprema that, in consequence of the number of Inquisition. denunciations, and in view of the need of the culprits' presence in the Philippines, whither they had been sent at the royal expense, had ordered that only two who seemed most guilty should be shipped to Mexico for trial and sentence. It further suggested that in future the commissioner should have power, in conjuncit tion with a judge or other qualified person, to try the cases and send merely the papers to Mexico where the sentence should be rendered. To this the Suprema assented, adding that, in view of the distance and delay, the prisoner should meanwhile be dis- charged on bail which indicates that in these cases the com- missioner could arrest. 2 This does not seem to have been strictly carried out for, in 1613, we chance to hear of three culprits of this kind, sent from Manila to Mexico, with the papers, for sen- One Francisco Sdnchez de Santa Marfa, was accused by twenty-three native women, and another, Don Luis de tence. of these, had been shipwrecked on the coast of Japan and the papers had been lost; he succeeded in getting back to Manila, where Salinas, the commissioner tried 1 1 Medina, op. Medina, op. We tit., cit., him again and despatched him pp. 178-9, 181-2. pp. 42-3. 2 to Mexico. 3 Ibidem, pp. 38-9. have seen above (p. 243) that, in the list of cases of solicitation pending before the Mexican tribunal in the years 1622-3-4, there were seven from Manila. MIL1TAR Y DESER TERS Another exception to the prohibition case of soldiers who 303 of arrest deserted to the Dutch was made in the Moros and or to What to do with these cases presented a problem concerning which the Mexican tribunal consulted the embraced their faith. Suprema, as burning them in effigy might prevent their coming The Suprema thereupon submitted the matter back. III, representing that the soldiers to Philip were exposed to such privations that they were forced to fly and find refuge wherever they could, and meanwhile it advised the tribunal to await the action of the To royal councils. this the tribunal replied at much length, May no action had as yet been taken in such but that the commissioner was ordered to proceed against 20, 1620, stating that cases, the culprits and, on convicting them, to send The whole sentence. ical; there is and no trace discussion, them to Mexico for however, was purely academ- of such culprits being forwarded to the good reason that the military authorities punished the offence with death, when they could lay hands on the delinquents. 1 There was another class of tribunal this, possibly, for the very cases in which the commissioners power of arrest. seem to have exercised the In 1666 we find the tribunal complaining to these, as we chance to learn from other documents, three, Fray Domingo Ferndndez, Fray Melchor de Manzano and Fray Martin de la Ammciacion, were all denounced, by different women, on March 31, 1622, to Fray Miguel de San As that day was the Jacinto, commissioner for the province of New Segovia. Thursday after Easter, this was probably the result of confessing to a rigid confessor who refused absolution until denunciation should be made. Another one was Padre Pedro Ramirez, S. J., denounced to the Manila commissioner, Of Fray Domingo Gonzalez, Aug. 16, 1622. The comparative infrequency of Jesuit culprits may perhaps be partially A depoexplained by a remarkable precaution adopted by the Society. sition under oath, Jan. 20, 1G25, made in the Philippines by Padre Baltasar de Silva, states that experienced and trustworthy women, whom they called syndics, were employed to confess to Jesuits and tempt them to a certain point. The result was reported to the rector and if one was found to respond to the advances, he was transferred to some other place before he reached the point of himself The Order looked with aversion on the requirement of denunciation soliciting. to the Inquisition and took this method of averting it. In Manila, about 1605, one of these syndics was Dofia Mariana Garvi, who was succeeded by Dona Maria Marmolejo. MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr. 1 Medina, op. tit., pp. 48-50. THE PHILIPPINES 304 the Suprema that soldiers, to escape the rigor of military law, sought prosecution by the Inquisition in order to be arrested and sent to Mexico and to this end would blaspheme or utter heretical propositions. Many of this bore heavily no remedy confessors. 1 of them died on the passage and the expense For this the Suprema had on the tribunal. to suggest except the plan adopted with soliciting With these exceptions and the msitas de navios, or searching vessels for prohibited books, the duties of the commissioner were restricted to receiving denunciations, taking testi- mony, reporting to Mexico and executing such orders as he might from there. Still, they were personages of importance; receive although frailes living in their convent cells, court; they had their consul tors and calificadores, their they organized an imperfect kind of assessors, treasurers, alguazil familiars and deputized their notaries, mayor and powers to sub-commissioners in the various parts of the islands. Of real inquisitorial little. work for the purity of the faith we hear During the sixteenth century the only evidences of activity Jorje and Domingo Rodriguez of are three cases of Judaizers Manila, reconciled in the Mexican auto of March 28, 1593, and Diego Herndndez, regidor of Vitoria, accused by his cook of ordering her to cut chickens' throats instead of strangling them; property was sequestrated and evidence against him was sought in Oporto from whence he came, but he died during these 2 The seventeenth century is similarly prolonged preliminaries. his barren, affording few instances except the occasional bigamists and soliciting confessors, military culprits Dutch prisoners of war. and sometimes a few In the Mexican auto of 1648 there appeared Alejo de Castro, an octogenarian sent from Manila on suspicion of Mahometanism, sentenced to perpetual exile from the Philippines and to servitude for tion in the faith. 3 cisco 1 A life more noteworthy Manuel Ferndndez, S. J., Medina, op. tit., pp. 53-4. El Museo Mexicano, 1843, p 361. in a convent for instruc- culprit was Padre Fran- a devotee of Luisa de los Reyes, * Ibidem, pp. 33-4. INERTNESS 305 a Tagal beata who had ecstasies. He declared that she had died many times and that God had resuscitated her so that she should suffer for the souls in purgatory; and to St. Teresa, St. Catherine he compared her for sanctity St. Inez and insisted that when he kissed her, embraced her and handled her indecently, he had no sensual feeling. It was a clear case of Illuminism against which the Inquisition waged unsparing war, nor was Ferndndez the only culprit, for another Jesuit, Padre Javier Riquelme was compromised. Luisa was prosecuted in 1665 and testimony was taken against the Jesuits, but the Mexican tribunal reported, July 17, 1770, to the Suprema that the case had been suspended also of the Jesuits in the islands, owing to the activity made the cause bitterly of the frustrated its their of way members their own. who always It complained which they impeded the Inquisition and when any Jesuit was concerned, whether in labors, for solicitation or other offence. They were not to be believed, French Father Pierre Peleprat, whose detention was ordered, when they asserted that he was dead, but subsequently it was reported that this was not so but that for there was the case of the 1 he had been sent to France. The eighteenth century offers a similarly eventless record. So great was the inertness that the Edict of Faith, which was the and which should be published yearly in all parish churches, became virtually obsolete. From the time of Commissioner Paternina, who published it in 1669, forty-nine years elapsed before it was again published, in 1718, chief source of denunciations by Commissioner Juan de Arechederra; and Fray Juan de la Concepcion, writing in 1790, tells us that it had never been published 2 It was a somewhat remarkable and uncalled-for since then. burst of energy on the part of Commissioner Bernardo de Ustdriz, in 1752, when a score of Moro sailors of an English ship performed some pagan rites with songs and incense and he applied to the archbishop and then to the governor for aid to punish the scandal. 1 Medina, op. 2 Fray Juan de 20 cit., la pp. 59-66. Concepcion, Historia general de Philipinas, T. IX, pp. 202-4. THE PHILIPPINES 306 when he got General Antonio Romero, who was a Then force was needed familiar, to undertake an investigation. to arrest the culprits and a prison to confine them, and Romero sought the Marquis of Ovando, the governor for this, but Ovando Both declined, replied that the matter was under his exclusive jurisdiction, an assertion which he repeated to Ustariz, adding that he intended Ustdriz complained of this to the tribunal, which declared, February 19, 1754, that the governor had failed to punish the guilty. in his duty; that his assertion of cognizance of such cases should be expunged from any instrument in which it appeared, and that the commissioner and notary should notify him of this in person. The Suprema, however, took a cooler view of the matter, pointing out that, by the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, English subjects could not be prosecuted for practising their religion in Spanish territory, but at the same time it approved of the action of the tribunal and promised to ask the king to make due 1 provision for the future. Seeing that baptism was necessary to give jurisdiction to the Inquisition and that natives, even when converted, were not subject to it, this sudden access of zeal on the part of Ustdriz would appear somewhat supererogatory. Ustdriz also showed his energy, in 1750, by arresting Pierre In Fallet, a Swiss of Neuchatel and a convert from Calvinism. 1742 Commissioner Arechederra had taken from him two indecent prints; in 1748 Commissioner Juan Alvdrez had deprived him of another and denounced him to the Mexican tribunal as suspect of heresy. The tribunal, on March 14, 1748, ordered his arrest with sequestration, at the same time dismissing Alvdrez for his indiscretions and replacing him with Ustdriz. The sequestration showed that credits Pallet's property consisted of and many debts but, among his some uncollectable books on history, voyages and mathematics, in English, French, Flemish, Spanish, Latin and Greek, were found two prohibited ones Rapin's History of " England and a Historia publica y secreta de la corte de Madrid." He was duly sent to Mexico, where he entered the secret prison, 1 Medina, op. cit., pp. 151-4. CENSORSHIP January 17, 1752, six articles 307 An with broken health. accusation of seventy- was accumulated against him, but his sentence on August 8th consisted merely of abjuration for light suspicion, three months' reclusion in the Jesuit College for instruction and some This laborious trifling, so ruinous to spiritual penances. the unfortunate subject, was crowned by the Suprema, which pondered over the case until March 7, 1772, when it ordered its meanwhile, had been allowed to return to 1 the Philippines, where his conduct was reported as exemplary. Censorship of a similarly futile kind was exercised in the denun- suspension. Fallet, ciation of objectionable books or passages, warded to At the end Mexico for action. Of this which had a single example of the sixteenth century, the to be for- will suffice. Dominican Fray Francisco de San Jose was one of the most zealous and successful mission- He left a number of works in Tagal, some of which were while others reposed in MS. Among the latter was a printed, volume of sermons that had considerable repute, and in this the aries. Augustinian Fray Juan Eusebio Polo, in 1772, discovered a passage conveying the Dominican view entertained at the period, Immaculate Conception of the Virgin. Not daring to denounce it to the Dominican commissioner, he did so directly to as to the the Mexican tribunal, adding that he could not send the MS., because it was borrowed, but he furnished certificates of two of his Augustinian brethren as to the accuracy of his translation. This was forwarded to the Suprema which, on January 27, 1774, ordered a copy of the book to be searched for in Mexico and Manila, the translation to be examined by experts, the matter to be voted on and then referred back to Madrid. Apparently this ended the case. 2 were exempt from inquisitorial jurisdiction, they were subject to that of the missionary fathers and it may be questioned whether in this they were to be envied. About 1756 If the natives an obstinate revolt in the Island of Bonol throws some light on the relations between the converts and their spiritual guides. 1 Medina, op. cit., pp. 141-51. 2 Ibidem, pp. 161-3- A THE PHILIPPINES 308 district belonging to the Jesuits was placed under the control of Padre Morales who, observing that one of his subjects did not attend mass or frequent the sacraments, ordered him to be arrested. The man was known to be a desperate character until Morales laid explicit commands on and it the alguazil was not mayor of the village that the attempt was made, which resulted in the Francisco killing of the alguazil and the flight of the culprit. Dagohoy, brother of the slain, brought the corpse to Morales for Christian burial, which the padre refused, unless the regular fees were paid, intimating moreover that the alguazil had died under excommunication as a duellist. Naturally exasperated, Dagohoy, who was a leader among his people, assembled them, set forth their wrongs eloquently and had them to follow him little difficulty in persuading number some three to the mountains, to the of Entrenching themselves, they kept up a predatory which Morales was killed and also an Augustinian Fray Lamberti. The rigor with which the taxes were exacted by the Spaniards drove many to join them and the rebellion was thousand. warfare, in still of flourishing in 1792, in spite of repeated overtures pardon indeed, it may be doubted whether it and offers was ever com- 1 pletely pacified under Spanish domination. While this Philippine branch of the Inquisition accomplished was eminently successful in the function and confusion which so disastrously As everywhere else, affected Spanish colonial administration. the immunity of the officials was a fruitful source of trouble. In 1601, Benito de Mendiola, a familiar, was prosecuted in the so little for the faith, it of contributing to the disorder secular court for the murder of Roque Espina de Cdceres, secre- tary of the governor, but the commissioner interposed and a long competencia followed, at the end of which, after a delay of ten years, the papers in the case were ordered to be surrendered to him by a decree 1 Juan de Filipinas, I, of the Suprema la Concepcion, XIV, 81-107. 395 (Madrid, 1850). of November 28, 1611. In Buzeta, Diccionario de las Islas CONFLICTS OF JURISDICTION 309 consideration of the distance and delay, Mendiola on bail; the and widow of his victim desisted was liberated from the prosecution further postponement caused by the difficulties of communication, the Mexican tribunal sentenced him to four months' banishment, two months' suspension from his office finally, after and a fine of fifty pesos a punishment sufficient to show his guilt and his escape from justice. 1 The same question came up, in 1635, under Governor Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, whose stormy term of office was a continuas notary ous succession of broils with the several ecclesiastical jurisdictions. The Archbishop Hernando Guerrero was engaged in a mortal struggle, first with the governor which and then with the his experience singularly resembled that of Jesuits, in Bishop Palafox Puebla. He was twice excommunicated, his temporalities were seized and he was relegated for a time to Corregidor Island. Compelled to a humiliating submission, he took the precaution of making a preliminary protest before the notary Diego de Rueda, whereupon the governor seized Rueda and threw him into the It chanced that he was a familiar; the comcastle of Santiago. of missioner, Fray Francisco de Herrera, claimed him and excommunicated the juez conservador of the Jesuits, who had excommunicated the archbishop. The juez yielded to the superior jurisdiction of the Inquisition the Governor stood firm and order with a sent 1 2 them demand and ordered Rueda when Herrera released, but sent two frailes of his for the prisoner, Corcuera seized to Cavite with orders to confine them them and in their convent. 2 MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hisp. 79. Juan de la Conception, V, 276, 278. Puigblanch (La Inquisicion sin Mascara, Cddiz, 1811, p. 402) is in error in attributing the persecution of Archbishop Guerrero to the Inquisition and has misapprehended Palafox's allusion to it. In both cases it was the Jesuits acting through jueces conservadores, who, by a monstrous abuse, assumed to exercise full papal powers, but in Mexico the Inquisition was with them and in Manila it was against them. The ecclesiastics had full revenge on Governor Corcuera when, in 1644, he was succeeded by Diego Fajardo. In fortifying Manila against an expected attack by the Dutch, his lines ran through an Augustinian convent. He offered the frailes another house, but they refused to move and he tore down the building THE PHILIPPINES 310 This was probably but a small part of Herrera's contests with the civil power for, in 1636, Corcuera applied to the Mexican tribunal asking that frailes be no longer appointed as commis- on account of the disturbances which they excited; if were prudence selected, peace would be preserved and the scandals caused by the Dominicans would be averted. In sioners, clerics of 1638 the Council of Indies renewed the request to Philip IV, asking that prebendaries of the churches should be chosen; Philip sent corresponding instructions to the strating, Suprema but, on its remon- he referred the matter back to the Council and nothing was done. 1 Corcuera's successor, Diego Fajardo, had an opportunity of learning the extent to which the audacity of a commissioner could and the utter disregard of all considerations of public policy. About 1650, an order came to the commissioner to seize, with the utmost secrecy, the governor of one of the provinces, who was also commandant of a fortified post. The commissioner quietly reach, summoned his alguazil mayor and a sufficient number of familiars, sailed for the province, surprised the governor in his bed, carried him off and imprisoned him in a convent until there should be a Fajardo was an irritable and paswhose governorship was a continuous broil with vessel sailing for Acapulco. sionate soldier, the warring jurisdictions of the colony, and who could appreciate the risk of depriving a fortified place of its commander, at a time of perpetual warfare with the Dutch and the natives. His wrath was expected to be extreme at the contempt thus shown for his office and for the safety of the colony, but his reverential overcame fear of the Inquisition when informed of the matter, all other considerations and, he gently rebuked the commissioner having afforded him the opportunity of earning the graces and indulgences granted for participation in so pious a work, as for not about their ears. When out of office they prosecuted him and obtained a verdict of 25,000 pesos. He must have been a rarely honest governor, for he was unable to pay it and they kept him in harsh gaol for five years. On his liberation, Philip IV appointed him Governor 1 Medina, op, cit., p. 46. of the Canaries. Concepcion, VI, 185-93. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, fol. 154. IMPRISONMENT OF THE GOVERNOR 31 1 he would have eagerly served as an alguazil in making the arrest. 1 Yet perhaps the most troublesome whom commissioners with the Inquisition afflicted the islands was the Augustinian Fray Jose de Paternina Samaniego. had of the led a disorderly life in He was grossly ignorant and both Spain and Mexico. His fellow him that he was Augustinian, Fray unworthy to occupy so high an office, for he was an apostate whom the General of the Order had condemned to the galleys when visiting the convents of Old Castile, whereupon he accused Cristobal to the provincial as a Jew and a usurer, causing his imprisonment with such harshness that it cost him his life. Yet this was the man whom the inquisitor-general sent to the PhilipCristobal de Leon, pines, in 1663, as commissioner. itself, and his prelates told His unfitness soon manifested wrote to the Mexican tribunal recom- mending his replacement; other remonstrances were sent to the Suprema, which ordered the collection of material against him, 2 and nothing further was done. On board the ship which carried Paternina to Manila there was another passenger, Don Diego Salcedo, a Fleming who, as maese de campo, had rendered distinguished service in the Flemish who was coming to the Philippines as governor. The two men conceived a mutual dislike which was heightened when Salcedo dismissed from command of the fleet Don Andres de wars, and Medina, who was a close friend of the commissioner, and refused employment to his nephew, Gonzalez Samaniego. Still bitterer grew his hatred when Salcedo succeeded him in the favors of a married woman, whose paramour he had been, and he openly declared that he would be revenged. Salcedo was arbitrary and covetous; he must have made full use of the opportunities afforded by his position, for at his death his fortune was reckoned at 700,000 pesos much of which he had the prudence to remit to Mexico. He was not popular; he was speedily involved in the dissensions which seemed inevi1 Juan de la Concepcion, VI, 316. 2 Medina, op. cit., pp. 84-6. THE PHILIPPINES 312 table, him with Archbishop Poblete, and a faction was formed against head of which stood the commissioner. A conspiracy at the was organized and in February, 1666, there came to the Mexican tribunal letters from Paternina, from the archiepiscopal notary and from the Castellan of Manila accusing him of for his ruin indifference to the service of cation with June Dutch heretics. God and the king and of his communiThen the archbishop, in a letter of 20, 1666, to the inquisitor-general, represented that Salcedo surrounded himself with Flemings and Dutchmen, one of whom was a Calvinist; that he never attended mass on feast-days or heard sermons; munion except it was not known that he confessed at Easter; that he created scandal with a married woman and to Salcedo, by com- his relations that his cupidity was insatiable. This brought from the queen-regent a letter of reprimanding him or took November 11, 1666, for his disregard of church obser- vances, but nothing more. Paternina sent fresh accusations to the tribunal, and the archbishop and the Bishop of Cebu wrote to the Viceroy of Mexico; then the tribunal ordered its commis- sioner at Acapulco to examine secretly the passengers and crews of vessels arriving from the Philippines and all the accumulation Suprema which, on November 22, 1667, ordered the case to be suspended; Paternina must act with caution and, if he obtained further information, he was to forward it. The failure of his plans thus far showed Paternina that he must was sent to the assume the 1667, and it was ready Archbishop Poblete died December 8, was not until September, 1668, that the commissioner responsibility. to take vigorous action, assured of the support of judges of the Audiencia who hoped two to succeed to power, of high whom Salcedo had quarrelled, and of individuals to whom promises were made of offices, encomiendas and other advantages, while there was the enticing prospect of plunder officials with in the sequestration of the governor's fortune. to obtain It from his enemies evidence such as it was was not difficult evidence which the Mexican tribunal subsequently pronounced not only to be factitious on its face, but to amount at most only to a presumption IMPRISONMENT OF THE GOVERNOR 313 This was submitted, September 28th, to nine frailes as calificadores, some of whom pronounced the accused to plusquam leve. be vehemently suspect of the errors of Luther and Calvin. Then three consultors were called together the Dean Jose Millan de nephew Poblete, of the archbishop, the archiepiscopal provisor, Francisco Pizarro de Orellano, and the Licenciado Manuel Suarez de Olivera, from whom Salcedo had taken 12,000 pesos and who was soon afterwards prosecuted for Judaism. These worthies on October 6th decided that the commissioner could proceed to arrest, seeing that the three prescribed conditions were more than fulfilled. case, Of these conditions the most important, in the present was the danger of immediate escape of the accused, for which, as an afterthought, there was subsequently collected testimony so transparently futile that the Mexican tribunal described the danger of flight as a mere baseless pretext. The forms having thus been observed, Paternina, on October 8th, issued the warrant of arrest addressed to the carra y Leiva as alguazil mayor Admiral Viz- Vizcarra having been one of the principal witnesses. It ordered him to seize Salcedo wherever he could be found, to sequestrate his property and deliver it to Fray Mateo Ballon, guardian of the Franciscan convent. Salcedo was aware of the machinations against him, but imagined himself The warrant was in full security and took no precautions. delivered to the admiral at 9 P.M. on October 9th and between 12 and frailes 1 A.M. he entered the palace with a armed with pikes, band swords and bucklers. of Franciscan They seized Sal- cedo in bed, fettered him and, without allowing him to dress, carried him as he was in a hammock to the Franciscan convent and threw him into a narrow removed cell. After a few days he was to the house of the Capitan Diego de Palencia, his declared enemy, and then to the Augustinian convent of San Pablo, where Paternina kept him incomunicado and chained to The day of the arrest the judges ordered the bells of the wall. the cathedral to be rung as a sign of rejoicing that they had assumed the government. In fact, one of the judges, Juan Man- THE PHILIPPINES 314 Pena Bonifaz, an accomplice in the conspiracy, assumed the nominal government and there ensued a period of terror for Paternina became the virtual all who were not of their faction. uel de la and he inspired general by banishing ten or twelve of the principal citizens, by forbidding any one to speak of the affair under heavy penalties and excommunication, and by bringing charges against a number of persons of being hostile to the The rich sequestration became an object of plunder. Inquisition. ruler A nephew fear of Bonifaz profited largely neglectful of the chance, for from we happen it, nor was Paternina to hear of his entrusting Pedro Quintero, to be used for his extorting bribes from shipmasters for 20,000 pesos to the Capitan benefit, and also of his them goods embargoed with those of the governor. the Mexican tribunal reported to the Suprema, they delivering to In short, as committed a thousand iniquities. How long Salcedo lay in his chains does not appear, but it must have been more than eighteen months, for he was probably shipped to Mexico during the November 24 summer of 1670. He died at sea making a most Christian end, for he further proof of his orthodoxy may be of that year, confessed three times. A he appointed as his executor the Mexican found Inquisitor Ortega Montanes a position which the Suprema forbade him to accept and the estate was handed over, when the in the fact that sequestration was lifted, October 31, 1671, to Don Geronimo Pardo, Auditor of the Audiencia, who held powers from Salcedo's sister and three brothers. The vessel by which Salcedo was shipped did not reach Acapulco until January 7, 1671, being the first that had come for two years. It brought the and the report earliest direct intelligence of the events at of Paternina, but the of Batavia, Manila news had already arrived In Madrid it Holland and Madrid. there by way had naturally aroused the Council of Indies which presented to the queen-regent a consulta embracing three propositions: I. If the commissioner made the arrest without orders from the tribunal, he should be severely punished for exposing the colony to IMPRISONMENT OF THE GOVERNOR risks so great. II. If the arrest was by order 315 of the tribunal, should have notified the Viceroy of Mexico in order that he might make provision for simultaneously filling the vacancy. it III. That precise instructions for the future should be given for the arrest of persons of that rank, in conformity with the royal and concordias providing for such cases. To this the ce*dulas Suprema, still completely in the dark as to the circumstances of somewhat superciliously that, if the commissioner the case, replied had exceeded he would be punished appropriately; that by the tribunal but, if it had been, no his duty, the arrest was not ordered was due notice April to the viceroy in matters of faith; the cedula of 1664, provided for the government of the Philippines in 2, cases of vacancy, which No new is all that human foresight can anticipate. instructions were necessary, as such cases were already provided for in the existing regulations; sentences on persons of the rank of Don Diego Salcedo were not executed without con- Suprema, except when irremediable injury might be anticipated from delay, and it was an accepted rule that, in important cases of faith, all such personages were subjected to sulting the the Inquisition. ing that it To this the Council of Indies rejoined should not be to determine left to by insist- the discretion of a commissioner whether the danger of delay justified arresting a governor and imperilling the safety of the colony; the tribunal should give notice to the viceroy, without violating the secrecy of the Inquisition, and it concluded by asking that definite instruc- tions be given to the inquisitor-general and Suprema that in mat- such importance such action should be taken as would avoid the danger of a recurrence of similar proceedings. Even the Council of Indies did not venture to hint that the governor ters of an important colony, if suspected of heresy, could not be suddenly arrested, and it only objected to this being done without of preliminary precautions. In June, 1670, the news of Salcedo's arrest filtered through Madrid to Mexico but it was not until January 7, 1671, that the official report from Paternina reached Acapulco. The tribunal, THE PHILIPPINES 316 in forwarding, made January 18th, an abstract from all haste to exculpate itself of this to the Suprema, responsibility, pronoun- cing the whole affair to be the greatest abuse ever committed by an official, especially by one of the Inquisition, a trampling on with grievous discredit to the prudence and equitable procedure of the Holy Office, arising from hatred of Salcedo and justice, carried out who by a conspiracy between Paternina and the judges This rendered necessary might understand that the desired to seize the government. exemplary punishment, so that all tribunal did not undertake to punish crimes that did not pertain to it, nor serve as an instrument for the gratification of passion, demonstration should be made in Manila, in order that the honor and fame of Salcedo might be restored, although he and this had lost life The and fortune. tribunal therefore, while awaiting instructions, proposed to suspend Paternina him up to another, with orders to shut This raise the sequestration. it and give his office and also to in a convent did and appointed as his successor the Suprema, June 4, 1671, con- Pardo, though when Fray Felipe firmed the suspension, with incredible blindness, it replaced him with the Dean Jose Millan de Poblete, who had been his active accomplice. Pardo however probably retained the office, as the dean had been promoted to the bishopric of Canaries, and one of the results of the affair was to transfer the commissionership from the Augustinians to the Dominicans. Paternina escaped the punishment which he merited for he died, January 18, 1674, like his victim, on the voyage to Acapulco. The Suprema had ordered his imprisonment and tence was not to be executed without its its trial, but the sen- confirmation. Despite assurance to the Council of Indies that nothing more was neces- sary to regulate arrests of governors, it issued, under pressure from the queen-regent, June 30, 1671, a carta acordada prescribing special rules for such occasions. had been a natural Leon y Saravia, took revulsion. Meanwhile in Manila there The new governor, Manuel de advantage of the opportunity to emancipate the secular power from the predominance of the ecclesiastical. full JANSENISM IN CHINA 317 He withdrew the sequestrated property out of the hands of the treasurer of the Inquisition; he released Juan de Berestain who had been imprisoned as an accomplice of Salcedo; he prosecuted and banished the Franciscan provincial and the guardian of the Franciscan convent, and the good frailes complained that they were persecuted as by an enemy; and we are assured that he reduced the power of the Holy Office until despised that its officials were so they had to arrest the vilest individual no one if would help them. 1 There is nothing more connected with the Philippine commissionership that is worth relating, except to explain the disappearance of its records. When the British captured Manila, October 5, 1762, these were not removed from the city. No attention was paid to them at first but, on March 12, 1763, an Don Cesar Fallet, who had been penanced by the Inquisition, informed the commissioner, Fray Pedro Luis de Serra, that he was about to be arrested and the archives to be English Catholic and seized, whereupon he burnt them all and when the English came they found nothing. He was taken before the authorities where he told what he had done; the tribunal approved of his action and sent him renewed instructions. 2 Although not directly connected with our subject, there is which the purity of the faith interest in observing the zeal with was conserved in the Far East. The commissioner, Juan de Arechederra, in a letter of July 6, 1724, xle from Manila to Francisco Garzeron, inquisitor and inspector of Mexico, encloses a sen- tence rendered in Canton by Fra Giovanni Bonaventura de Roma, and commissioner of Giovanni de Cazal, Bishop on Antoine Macao, Guigue, a French missionary convicted of as delegate judge of 1 Medina, op. cit., pp. 87-130. MSS. of Royal Library of Munich, Cod. Hispan. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 60, fol. 209, 249. It is perhaps worth remarking that Juan de la Concepcion makes no allusion to this episode, 79. so prominent in the history of the Colony tinian Order. 2 Medina, op. cit., pp. 156-7. and so little creditable to his Augus- THE PHILIPPINES 318 Jansenism. Guigue, it appears, had obeyed orders in publishing the appeal of his archbishop, Cardinal Noailles, to a future council against the bull Unigenitus, he had maintained that councils are superior to popes, that popes sometimes erred and other Jansenist Moreheresies, besides receiving and circulating Jansenist books. over it was asserted that he had been guilty of solicitation when He had not obeyed the citations and had allowed the trial to go by default, wherefore his sentence was publicly read, March 1, 1724, in the church Siao Nan Muen of on missions Canton. in the interior. He was suspended from all priestly functions, he was ordered to leave the province and betake himself to a convent in which he was to remain, performing certain spiritual exercises, until he had satisfied the pope, and all this under penalty of per1 The Emperor of China petual imprisonment for disobedience. at the time was ordering all Christian missionaries to leave his dominions, but the strife arising common danger was insufficient to allay the from Pasquier Quesnel's speculations on attrition. 1 MS., penes me. sufficing CHAPTER VII. PERU. WHEN, on January Lima 1570, Servan de Cerezuela arrived at 9, open a tribunal of the Inquisition, the condition of America was such as to call for energetic action South Spanish if the colony was to respond to the hopes of those who had so to earnestly urged the Christianization of the New World. The establishment there of the Holy Office had been asked for by many who viewed with dismay the prevailing demoralization, and we shall see whether influence proved to be for good or Peru had been conquered by adventurers inflamed for evil. with the thirst of gold, thrown its off who in the eager search for wealth the restraints of civilized The Church life. had exercised or no moral power for, as the existing Viceroy, Francisco de Toledo, reported, he found on his arrival that the clerics and frailes, bishops and prelates, were lords of the spiritual and little acknowledged no superior in the temporal. to constant outlay in granting free passage numbers of clerics and frailes The king was exposed by every fleet to great who came under verting and teaching the Indians, but, the pretext of con- in reality, many devoted themselves to accumulating wealth, plucking the Indians in the endeavor to return to Spain with fortunes. These priests kept prisons, alguaziles offended them and and chains, seizing and punishing all who there was no one to call them to account. The bishops pretended to have royal licences to return to Spain, laden with the silver which they had not already gathered and 1 despatched in advance, and it was the same with the frailes. 1 Medina, Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata, pp. 43-7. Thanks to the researches of native scholars there history of the South American Inquisition. is ample material for the The most prominent of these gentle(319) PERU 320 This deplorable statement is confirmed and strengthened by Toledo's successor in the vice-royalty, the Count del Villar, in 1588. The secular clergy, he says, from the bishops to the lower grades, have come to Peru, not to save the souls of the Indians but to gain money in any manner and return to Spain, while those who are ordained in the country are mostly soldiers dis- charged for ill-conduct or men of bad character. The regular Orders are no better, except to some extent, the Franciscans and more to to especially the Jesuits. The royal officials use their positions oppress the people. Few immigrants seem with the intention of honest labor, but are mostly vagrants make money and come living on the hospitality of those who will receive them. The descendants of the conquistadores claim positions in virtue of the services of their ancestors and, as they increase in number with each generation, who pretend it is impossible to satisfy to be descendants. With them all this or the impostors the Christianiza- men is Don Jose" Toribio Medina who has gathered a wealth of documents in the Spanish archives on which are based the works to which I am principally indebted. These are "Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Lima (1569-1820)." 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1887. "Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en Chile." 2 vols., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1890. "El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion en las Provincias del Plata." 1 vol., 8vo, Santiago de Chile, 1900. "Historia del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias." 1 vol., 12mo, Santiago de Chile, 1899. Don Ricardo Palma of Lima has contributed a useful compendium "Afiales de la Inquisicion de Lima," Lima, 1863. Third edition, Madrid, 1897. Don Vicuna Mackenna has given some exceedingly curious details of the procedure of the tribunal in his "Francisco Moyen 6 lo que hie" la Inquisicion en America," Valparaiso, 1868, of which an English translation by Dr. James W. Duffy appeared in London in 1869. Various relations of autos de fe have been reprinted in the "Documentos Literarios del Peru/' Tomo VII, Lima, 1876. Unfortunately, the main source of information, the records of the tribunal are no longer available. They were preserved almost intact, at the suppression in 1820, and were lodged in the Archivo nacional, in the convent of San itself, Agustin, but were dispersed in 1881 when Lima was occupied by the Chilian army. Before this event, through the kindness of Doctor Paz-Soldan, I procured copies of some interesting documents, referred to in the following pages under the old numbers. The Spanish archives have also furnished me some material. EPISCOPAL INQUISITION makes 321 no progress. Altogether he assumes that the immigration, both lay and clerical, is thor1 oughly vicious, while the Creoles, or native whites, are no better. tion of the Indians is a community living and the Government. It or little in idle self-indulgence on the Indians As regards matters of faith, in the absence of the Inquisition, the jurisdiction over heresy, inherent in the episcopal office, had As early as reasserted itself and was exercised by the bishops. Dominican Provincial, Caspar de Carvajal, is found acting as inquisitor for the Bishop Fray Vicente de Valverde and, on October 23 of the same year, the secular magis- May 15, 1539, the honored a demand from the bishop for the process against Captain Mercadillo, in order that, as inquisitor, he should take trates cognizance of certain ebullitions of blasphemy. This inquisi- power was exercised to its highest expression, for, in 1548, the first Archbishop, Geronimo de Loaisa, held an auto de fe in torial Lima, wherein Jan Millar, a Fleming, was burnt for Protestantism. In 1560 the episcopal Provisor of Cuzco held an auto in which were relaxed the Morisco Alvaro Gonzalez and the mulatto Luis Solano as dogmatizing Mahometans in 1564 he celebrated another in which Vasco Sudrez, Antonio Hernandez and Alonso de Cieza ; were penanced, while Lope de la Pena was reconciled for Islam. of la Plata reconciled Juan Bautista for Prot- In 1565 the Dean estantism and condemned him to confiscation and perpetual prison and sanbenito. 2 Evidently the episcopal Inquisition was active; in 1567 the synod of Lima adopted regulations to govern its functions and when, in 1583, the provincial council, under St. Toribio, confirmed the acts of that synod, it was obliged, doubt- on representation by the tribunal, to except those regulations 3 as matters which had passed beyond its control. The bishops, less however, did not surrender their jurisdiction without impulsion, 1 2 * Medina, Inquisicion de Lima, Ibidem, I, 26; La Plata, I, II, 469-73. 16-18. Concil. Limens. Provin. I, Act. n, cap. 1; Act. v, cap. 1 (Haroldus, Limata, pp. 21 5, 42). Lima 322 for, as we have seen (Mexico, p. 199), the order them, in 1570, to transfer was found necessary When all Suprema was obliged to and it cases to the tribunal to repeat this in 1586. the transfer was Lima and ninety-seven made there were four cases pending in concerning which the in Cuzco, reported that the Ordinaries had prosecuted many fiscal that were not matters of faith and were habitually settled for a trivial payment in oil. Inquisitor Cerezuela set a good example by suspending three and ordering the rest to be filed for reference in case of 1 relapse. One by the tribunal may be affording a vivid picture of the methods in of the cases thus inherited briefly sketched as vogue and the use made of the Inquisition, whether episcopal or Spanish. Francisco de Aguirre was one of the prominent conquistadores. He had come well equipped to Peru in 1533, he active share in the conquest of Chile sive interior province known as and then Tucuman, had borne an in that of the extenof which he became he was deprived, but about 1566 he was reapgovernor. pointed on the occasion of an Indian revolt, in which the Spaniards Of this were murdered and only a handful of soldiers held out in the town With of Santiago del Estero. his customary energy Aguirre colwhich he lost one lected a force, defeated the Indians in a battle, in of his sons, and re-established the Spanish dominion. Then he in search of a port on the Atlantic to afford headed an expedition easier access to the territory, but when near his destination his troops mutinied and carried him back as a prisoner to Santiago To justify this the mutineers claimed to have acted del Estero. under orders of the Inquisition of the Bishop of whom Aguirre had quarrelled on the subject of la Plata, tithes. with There were witnesses in plenty to hasty and irreverent speeches by the veteran soldier; for two or three years he was kept in prison, at a cost to him, as he declared, of thirty thousand pesos, and on October 15, 1568, by judges acting under commission of Bishop Navarrete "inquisidor ordinario y general" he was sentenced. 1 Medina, La Plata, 19. EPISCOPAL INQUISITION 323 His imprisonment was accepted as a punishment; he was fined in fifteen hundred pesos and costs and was required to appear as a penitent in the church of Santiago del Estero and make formal abjuration of his objectionable speeches. This he performed, but on the pretext of informality he was obliged to undergo the humiliation a second time, April 1, 1569, in la Plata. Of this a notarial act was sent to the Council of Indies to show that he was unfitted to be Governor of Tucuman, but it was too late, for in August of that year he received the royal confirmation of his appointment with orders to proceed at once to his seat of governOn the march a cleric with an order from the bishop ment. sought to stop him, but he disobeyed and paralyzed the unfortunate messenger by sternly asking him "If I should kill a cleric, what would be the penalty?" So far hands of store for he had had to deal with the episcopal Inquisition in the an opposing faction; even severer experiences were in him from the Holy Office, used as an instrument by the who desired to get rid of him. One of the Lima tribunal was to entertain a denunciation Viceroy Toledo acts of the earliest of him, were utterances again brought forward, intemperate he had banished from further accusation that with the together Tucuman all who had been concerned in his prosecution and that in which his he had said that he had been forced to confess to what he had not March ordered his arrest with sequestration of property; Toledo undertook to execute the mandate and in reporting to the king stated that Aguirre's government was done. 14, 1570, Cerezuela such that most of the inhabitants were leaving the province. To arrest such a man was not an easy matter, but it was effected and he was brought three hundred leagues to Lima. Delays were unavoidable in obtaining and ratifying testimony at such a distance, through a hostile Indian country which, as the tribunal was entered only once a year. Aguirre offered to waive the formality of ratifying the testimony in order to expedite the process, but the fiscal insisted on regularity and the trial dragged stated, wearily on, as new evidence came in, mostly as to his arbitrary 324 government and other matters with which the tribunal properly had no concern. Aguirre fell dangerously ill and was transferred, July 19, 1572, to the house of a familiar, where he was kept strictly incomunicado and from which he was brought back, April It was not 24, 1574, to listen to the publication of evidence. until late in 1575 or early in 1576 that sentence demning him to hear services were allowed in menti, was was rendered con- mass as a penitent on a feast-day when no any other church; he abjured de vehewas recluded for four months in a cast in all costs, convent and was banished perpetually from Tucuman. trivial character of the charges The seen in the special stress laid on is having used charms to cure wounds and toothache, which he was forbidden to do in future innocent charms, as he explained, his employed only because no physician was at hand and surely pardonable in the wild warfare in which he had worn out his life. He which he had founded, old, sick spent thirty-six years and some three retired to the city of Serena and penniless. He had hundred thousand pesos in the king's service; three his brother and three nephews had died in the same of his sons, service, and he was too poor and oppressed with debts to make his way to court and ask reward for his labors. To complete the destruction of his influence his two remaining sons were prosecuted on frivolous charges, but the cases seem to the desired result had been attained. have been suspended after His son-in-law, Francisco de Matienzo, who had endeavored to prevent his arrest, was prosecuted and fined in three hundred pesos. There were also seven other prosecutions against his followers, resulting in the imposi1 Had all viceroys, like Francisco de Toledo, known tion of fines. how to control the Inquisition political 1 instrument but, as might have been made a useful it we shall see, succeeding inquisitors Medina, La Plata, pp. 21-41, 85-111. Another distinguished conquistador, Felipe de Caceres, was prosecuted by Pedro Fernandez de la Torre, Bishop of la Plata, who carried him to Spain, about 1580, but died on the passage and Cdceres was delivered to the tribunal of Seville. Ibidem, p. 116. EPISCOPAL INQUISITION preferred to follow their own ends and it 325 became a perpetually disturbing influence. The bishops did not willingly acquiesce in the surrender of a jurisdiction which could be so profitably employed. That Archbishop Loaiza showed a recalcitrating temper is manifested by a letter of the Suprema himself "inquisidor Another letter directing that he should not style ordinario" permits him in his and pastorals edicts. to inspect the commissions of the he desires, but it must be in the audience-chamber as they are not to be removed from there, except the printed instructions, of which a copy may be given to and inquisitors their instructions him on condition if of his allowing no one to see There was it. evident friction despite the injunctions of the Suprema that a 1 This was increased good understanding should be maintained. when, in 1574, a royal cedula addressed to the bishops ordered them to exercise special vigilance and make secret inquiry about disguised Lutheran preachers said to be on their way The to Peru. inquisitorial no who were prelates assumed this to be a grant of renewed power and undertook to exercise it, giving rise to Sebastian de Lartaun, Bishop of Cuzco, not on inquisitorial jurisdiction but trouble. little only published edicts trespassing boasted that, if the inquisitors came into his diocese, he could punish them, and he arrested and imprisoned in chains their commissioner Pedro de Quiroga, a canon of his cathedral, publicly and under circumstances creating great scandal. The tribunal by summoning to Lima the bishop's provisor Albornoz and throwing him in the secret prison; furthermore it imprisoned the priest Luis de Arma, who had assisted in chaining Quiroga, as retaliated well as the episcopal fiscal Alonso Duran and a cleric named Bejerano for the same offence, to which the bishop responded by seizing Quiroga's temporalities the church. The and forbidding him to enter tribunal, in 1581, reported the situation to the Suprema, which replied that nothing was to be conceded to the Ordinaries save what was allowed by the laws and the royal 1 Archive nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exped u 5270. PERU 326 c6dulas; from the Bishop of Cuzco's edict the matter pertaining to the Inquisition was to be struck out and he was to be duly warned. A of second notice was to be given to the Bishop of Panamd the ce*dulas forbidding his interference in matters of faith if he continued to disobey, the Suprema was to be advised. The same was to be done with other bishops similarly offending, and special attention was directed to the acts of the Bishops of Popayan and Tucuman. If we may believe the reports made by the tribunal to the Suprema the episcopate was filled with most unworthy wearers of the mitre and the Archbishop of New Granada was the only one who had fully obeyed the orders to hand over all inquisitorial cases. The officials of the Inquisition, it said, were hated equally by the bishops and by the royal and, judges, them. who no opportunity lost of oppressing and humiliating 1 Thus early commenced the antagonism between the Inquisition and the episcopate which continued during its whole career to be a disturbing element in the Spanish possessions. find Inquisitor Ulloa complaining to the of the recent provincial council of Lima Suprema In 1584 we of the action in secretly writing to the king about the evil character of the commissioners selected. This, he asserts, arose from his refusal of the request of the Bishops of Cuzco, la Plata and Tucuman to make them commissioners in The bishops, he adds, were opposed to the introduction of the Inquisition, because it limited their their respective dioceses. and they and the royal courts were constantly causing spite of the extreme modesty and deference shown by jurisdiction, trouble in his officials. 2 Such was the when Philip soil in of the institution. that of Mexico. 1 1 which the Inquisition was to be planted II resolved to confer Medina, Lima, Medina, Lima, January I, upon the New World the blessing marked resemblance to Its inception bore a 28, 1569, Inquisitor-general 173-177, 179-80. II, 424. Espinosa Archivo national de Lima, ubi sup. ESTABLISHMENT OF THE TRIBUNAL 327 wrote to the Licentiate Servan de Cerezuela, in Oropesa, that the king proposed to establish a tribunal in Peru and that he was with a salary of three thousand pesos, each of four hundred maravedis, a part of which would be drawn selected as from the an inquisitor, fruits of a prebend in Lima. He was whence he would without delay for Seville, fiscal and a notary, in the a fleet sail ordered to start with a colleague, carrying the Viceroy Francisco de Toledo, who would deliver to him his commission and instructions. Similar orders were sent to the other inquisitor, Dr. Andres de Bustamente, and five hundred ducats were given to Commands were issued to the each to defray their expenses. bishops to surrender all cases pertaining to the tribunal; to the courts not to interfere with the confiscations; to the viceroy to render for its favor and support and to provide a proper building occupancy and prisons; to all officials to take the oath of it all 1 obedience and to lend whatever aid might be required. The fleet sailed March 19, 1569; Dominica was reached April There 28th, Cartagena May 8th and Nombre de Dios, June 1st. their funds ran out and no one would lend them a real without Judge Barros of Panama furnished them two thousand pesos out of moneys deposited in his court. While thus delayed they heard several cases and rendered sentences. Bustainterest until mente with the notary Arrieta left Nombre de Dios on June 23d, but he was so affected by the escape of two of his slaves, as we are Cerezuela and the told, that he fell sick and died on June 30th. Alcedo remained to attend to a case which developed itself on the day fixed for their departure. Six witnesses testified fiscal that a Portuguese burnt in effigy in named Salvador Mendez Hernandez had been Seville; they arrested him and wrote to Seville had no arrangements for detaining him, he was released under oath, which he naturally forfeited. Cerezuela reached Panama on July 18th, when he summoned the for the process, but as they viceroy and the judges of the Audiencia to take the oath of obedience to the Inquisition. On the 22d there was a solemn cere1 Medina, Lima, I, 2-4. PERU 328 mony, with a procession to the church of San Francisco, where commission was read, he issued a mandate and the viceroy and officials and the people all took the oath. Sail was made from his Panamd, August 15th, and Lima was reached November 28th. A house was selected and the viceroy was called upon to give it them; another adjoining was rented for the officials and, on January 29, 1570, there was a solemn function in the cathedral, to such as we have seen in Mexico, when the tribunal was officially acknowledged, its authority asserted and the Edict of Faith was published, calling upon every one to denounce whom all offenders of 1 he was cognizant, directly or indirectly. Although Cerezuela was accused to the Suprema, by his notary Arrieta, as wholly ignorant of inquisitorial practice, of allow- ing himself to be easily influenced, and of neglecting to appoint he speedily manifested an energy inspiring all classes with fear of a tribunal which was superior to all distinctions of familiars, jurisdiction was limited only by its own Scarce had the edict been published when arrests began of bigamists, blasphemers and persons whose utterances were not cautiously restrained Alcedo, the fiscal, reports three station, and whose definitions. in one day. Two canons of the cathedral and their advocate were prosecuted for some false swearing before the ecclesiastical court, which the theologians managed to find heretical, and, in spite of the intervention of the archbishop, Cerezuela tried and amerced them in eight hundred pesos them for the benefit of the Then he prosecuted two royal officials, for raising difficulties in supplying his demands for the maintenance of poor 2 prisoners, and fined them in eighty ducats. Presumably he detribunal. produce a profound impression upon the public and for this the solemnity of a public auto de fe was essential. This sired to rendered inadvisable the customary prolonged delays of inquisitorial action and already, on November 15, 1573, it was held in 1 Medina, Lima, I, 6-18. See also Elkan N. Adler, The Inquisicion in Peru (Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 12), who prints a translation of the special instructions of the Suprema. * Medina, Lima, I, 29-31. THE FIRST A UTO DE FE 329 the principal plaza, with the usual oaths administered to present and the preaching of a The sermon. all different bodies of dignitaries of course quarreled as to the places assigned to them, but Cerezuela settled their conflicting pretensions and the awful ceremony was performed effectively. The penitents were not The had been penanced for Protestantism by the archbishop and again had been sentenced to perpetual prison by the Bishop of los Charcas now as an impeninumerous. Corsican, Joan Bautista, ; he was condemned to two hundred lashes through the streets and to lifelong galley-service. The Frenchman, Jean de Lion, for tent, the same heresy abjured de vehementi, was confined for ten years and contributed a thousand pesos towards the cost of erecting the staging at the auto. Ynes de los Angeles received a hundred lashes for bigamy, and Andres de Campos to the city of Lima, the same for violating the secrecy of the Inquisition. ing attraction of the spectacle, however, The crown- was another Frenchman, Mathieu Salado, who was generally reputed to be insane. He had been denounced f or " Lutheranism" in May, 1570, but after arrest and examination had been discharged as irresponsible. New evidence was received however and, in November, 1571, he was again put on trial. He held that Erasmus and Luther were by God; he denounced the popes, the clergy and the whole establishment; he denied purgatory and indulHe was decided to be of sound gences, images and the mass. mind and, as he was pertinacious, he was sentenced to relaxation saints enlightened after a preliminary torture in caput alienum, all of which was duly executed, but whether he was burnt alive or after strangu1 lation we are not informed. The had thus asserted power was necessarily organized on the Castilian pattern, with normally two inquisitors, a fiscal (or, as he was termed in later times, an inquisitor-fiscal), tribunal which its a notary or secretary, a receiver of confiscations or treasurer, an ornamental alguazil mayor and another for work, an alcaide 1 Medina, Lima, I, 49-55. 330 or gaoler with assistants, a nuncio, a portero or apparitor, an advocate of prisoners, a barber, a physician and a surgeon. These were the salaried officials and in addition there were commissioners at distant points, familiars, consultores seems to have been an of unsalaried officials, effort and from the calificadores. first There to restrict the lists whose overgrown numbers in Spain were the source of constant trouble, owing to their exemption from the secular courts and being justiciable only by the tribunal. Thus the consultores were limited to six and the familiars to twelve in the city of Lima, four in each cathedral city and one in each town inhabited by Spaniards, and their fuero was defined, as in Mexico, to be that of the Castilian concordia of 1553, which limited, to a considerable extent, their cases. exemption in criminal 1 Distance and delay in communication necessarily rendered the tribunal more independent in action than was permitted in but the Suprema endeavored to maintain supervision and subordination as far as it could. It was unavoidable that the tribunal should be allowed to appoint to the minor Spain at this time, and unsalaried sometimes, at appointments were reported to thereupon issued the commissions and positions, but its Suprema, which the least, made appointments itself. In the original power was granted to create commissioners 1576 this was extended to notaries and other instructions of 1570 and familiars; in appears to be restricted to cases of 2 Yet when the Suprema chose to necessity in the city of Lima. while in 1589 officials, it power it had no hesitation, as when, in ordered Don Gil de Amoraga to be received as commis- exercise the appointing 1615, it sioner of Panamd and Don Fernando as commissioner of as soon as it Tucuman, should become kind became more frequent. 1 so. Francisco de Ribadeneira the place was vacant, and As time went if not, on, cases of this As regards commissions, a Archive nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exped te 5270. Medina, Lima, I, 6. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo 1465, fol. 23. 8-11. 1 if Palma, letter Afiales, INDEPENDENCE OF THE TRIBUNAL of May 331 26, 1620, orders that the physician, the barber and the surgeon are to furnish their proofs of limpieza, or purity of blood, when will names can be forwarded and the their issue commissions. their When, in inquisitor-general 1584, the tribunal granted to a familiar of Panama" the title of alguazil, with a vara alia de justicia, or the privilege of carrying a tall wand as the audiencia of Panama" complained to Suprema called upon the tribunal for an explana- the symbol of his the king and the office, 1 pending which the vara was not to be carried. The provisions for cases which in Spain were referred to or tion, appealed to the Suprema and inquisitor-general have already been detailed in the chapter on Mexico and need not be repeated here. It will be recalled that they conferred on the colonial tribunals almost complete independence, so that they escaped the encroachments which at vincial Inquisitions scarce of evidence and The Suprema, home eventually rendered the profor the collection more than bureaus for the execution of the decrees of the Council. made power felt by sending out a visitador or inspector, with faculties more or less extensive and by removing or transferring an inquisitor against it is true, occasionally its whom complaints were too vigorous to be disregarded, but the only regular supervision that could be exercised lay in the requirement of full semi-annual reports of the business of the tribunal and the condition ever, whether pending cases. It may be questioned, howcould have been performed with regularity of this during the earlier periods for, as late as 1680, the tribunal was an arrangement had been made with the king by the consulado of Seville whereby despatches could be sent twice 2 a year. notified that The Edict Faith was ordered to be published regularly in all parish and conventual churches, a command which was doubtless obeyed with reasonable regularity, but there was a curious ignorof ance displayed of the vastness of South America and 1 J Archive de Simancas, loc. cit. Medina, Lima, I, 5. Archive national de Lima, Protocolo 228, its lack of Exp te 5289. 332 means of intercommunication, to perform an annual visitation is that of 1594, to be absent death the inquisitors were required of their district. Of course this no attention; indeed the only attempt Inquisitor Ulloa, who found it convenient, in received instruction recorded when in 1597, in from Lima and employed his time, until his wandering over the land and harassing the 1 people. were excepted from inquisitorial jurisdiction and, in matters of faith, were subject to the bishops. This was not relished. Fray Juan de Vivero wrote to Philip As in Mexico, Indians that the Inquisition should punish them, though not as severely as Spaniards. The notary Arrieta advised Cerezuela to disregard the instructions and to prosecute them, just as he had seen in Seville unbaptized slaves punished for perverting their Christian comrades. Cerezuela reported that baptized Indians publicly what the missionaries told them was persuaded their fellows that false, but the Suprema was firm and ordered him not to interfere even with dogmatizers who told their people not to believe the missionaries. 2 rebuked when he represented that foreigners who came to Peru usually sought at once to penetrate into the interior, wherefore he proposed that the commissioners Cerezuela's zeal at Cartagena them was also and Panamd should turn them back and not permit Suprema replied that their entrance was to enter, but the not to be impeded nor were they to be prosecuted unless they committed offences coming within the jurisdiction of the Holy in bringing prohibited books. At the ordered a careful inquest as to all strangers scattered through the land and, when this should be verified with due secrecy, the commissioners were to be instructed to admit to reconciliation Office, or were detected same time it those found transgressing and, were to be prosecuted with the 1 1 1 if they refused conversion, they full severity of the canons. 3 Archive de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp te 5270. Medina, Lima, I, 301-18. Medina, La Plata, p. 57. Archive de Lima, ubi sup. Medina, Chile, 1, 363, 365. Archive nacional de Lima, ubi sup. If EXTENT OF TERRITORY 333 the tribunal thus was prevented from regulating ingress, it assumed full control over egress, for in June, 1584, it issued a proclamation kingdom without its licence, under excommunication and fines, and shipmasters were ordered that no one should leave the pain of an assumption of power which to take no passengers without it won the approbation of the Suprema, with the suggestive warning that the licences must be issued without charge. This arbitrary was even extended to prohibiting any vessel from leaving port without a licence, and the abuse became so intolerable that, as we have seen (Mexico, p. 252), its removal exercise of authority formed part this and, of the when it Concordia of 1610. was busy The tribunal chafed under in arresting nearly all the Portuguese merchants in 1636, complained to the Suprema that its hands had been tied to prevent the escape of those who might be guilty it ; Chinchon who, as a governmental act, ordered that for a year no one should be given passage without a licence from the Inquisition he would willingly have done more, had applied it to the Viceroy ; but he had to pay some regard to the Concordia. The Suprema was impressively asked to see that this matter should be corrected, as otherwise the faith on this occasion and the fisc would suffer. It was probably that occurred a detention of the fleet when ready to sail, to which I have met with an allusion, because licences had not been procured for the passengers. 1 The chief obstacle to the thorough organization of the Inquisiwas the immense extent of the territory subjected to a single tribunal. Until the kingdom of New Granada was cut off, in 1610, tion by the establishment of a tribunal at Cartagena, this comprised the West India Islands and the whole of South America, save 2 The three centres the undefined limits of Portuguese Brazil. of Lima, Santiago de Chile and Buenos Ayres were far apart in 1 Medina, Lima, I, 172; II, 58. Archive nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Expte 5287; Protocolo 223, Expte 5270. a The prosecution, about 1580, of Fray Andres Velez, Provincial of San Domingo, shows that the islands were subject to the Lima tribunal. Archivo de Lima, Protocolo 223, Expte 5270. PERU 334 distance and still much territory, farther in the character of the intervening of as yet scarce explored, the Indians subdued and the Spanish settlements few and indeed, could be reached but partially far between. Chile, a voyage usually of two or of communication with the sea, in by weeks, but the difficulties interior provinces and those of the River Plate were embarrassing. When the tribunal consulted the Suprema about them it could three only reply that cases arising in Paraguay and la Plata must be the accused at a distance should be dealt with as best they could ; ordered to present themselves to the tribunal and not be arrested unless there were manifest heresy or evidence justifying sequestration 1 a suggestion dictated rather by thrift than mercy. effective in Spain, of commissioners The device which was in all centres of population was only a remedy commissioner, as we have partial and familiars scattered everywhere, for the difficulty. seen, was The power of the jealously limited; he could execute orders, take testimony and report, but he was forbidden to arrest unless there was imminent danger that a culprit might fly; in no case could he conduct a executive and in no sense judicial. functions were purely vast proportion of the cases trial; his A by the Inquisition were for offences comparatively trivial blasphemy, careless or irreverent remarks, or the more or less tried harmful superstitions classed as sorcery and the transmission of denunciations for such matters, over hundreds of leagues of and mountain, and awaiting a reply with instructions, was manifestly too cumbrous a process to be practical; the half-breed forest crone, the vagrant soldier or the wandering pedlar, who were such cases, would be dead or vanished before an order of arrest could be received. the usual culprits in Peru was no more exempt than Mexico from the troubles caused by these outlying officials who felt themselves virtually independent and became intolerable pests in their districts. The object of acquiring the position was to obtain exemption from justice. They were answerable only 1 to the tribunal, Archive nacional de Lima, Protocol 223, hundreds of leagues Exp te 5270. COMMISSIONERS 335 laymen, the secular courts, and if ecclesiastics, the spiritual judges, could not touch them. They were above all local law; away; if they could indulge with impunity all evil passions, they could tyrannize at will over their neighbors, and even in civil matters was they could set justice at defiance. It to urge great care in their selection and idle for the Suprema strict investigation into their conduct when visitations were made, with rigorous punishment for their excesses. The material to select from was not abundant and was mostly evil; visitations never took place as planned, and punishment was rare. The repeated orders not to appoint frailes except in case of necessity and, when it was obli- gatory, to prefer Dominicans, is not to be regarded as a reflection on the regular Orders, but as arising from the desire to maintain discipline in the Orders, because, in the Inquisition, he threw off the injunction not to support observed. A fraile obtained a position subjection to his prelate, and in disobedience was rarely them 1 memorial presented, name when a in 1592, to the inquisitor-general, in the of the clergy of Peru, complains of the appointment as com- missioners of vicious, dishonest and turbulent persons, and con- by statements in detail concerning those of Cuzco, Potosf, Popayan, Camana, Arequipa, Guaymanga and Payta, while the firms it familiars were no better. Successive inquisitors, from Cerezuela Juan de Manozca, admitted the fact but justified themselves by the argument that they had to take what they could get the material to select from was too scarce to admit of selection, with to ; the result that the officials abused their power in innumerable 2 The only serious effort made to repress these evils was when Juan Ruiz de Prado was sent, in 1587, to Lima as visitador, clothed with full power to correct the abuses which had excited general complaint. He reported that much of his time was occupied in prosecuting commissioners and their notaries, who had ways. 1 Archive nacional de Lima, ubi sup. 1465, 2 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Legajo fol. 23. Medina, Lima, I, 204-223; La Plata, 62-3, 113. 336 committed the gravest excesses; the tribunal, while cognizant had only taken action in so far as to deprive of their evil ways, them of their commissions, giving as an excuse that if punished them it could find no others to take their places. Among those whom Prado disciplined was the priest Martin two of it Barco de Centinera, commissioner of Cochachamba, well known as the author of La Argentina. The charges against him were grave but Prado did not wish to bring him three hundred leagues to answer them, so they were sent to him with orders to return them was proved that he treated the people of his district like Jews and Moors, that he revenged himself on all who offended him, and that he usurped the royal jurisdiction. with his defence. It At public banquets he drank his successful amours, and was he kept a married woman generally scandalous in conversation Prado fined him him from to intoxication, he talked openly of in two hundred and fifty permanent spasmodic result and, if it was life. 1 such as that of Prado could effort of pesos and incapacitated holding office in the Inquisition. A single as a mistress and mode effect no difficult for the people, oppressed by these petty local despots, to make their wrongs known, it was equally difficult for the Lima tribunal to exercise its authority The over such vast distances. cruelty and injustice to which On a simple denunthis exposed the accused were also extreme. ciation, possibly for a trivial offence, and without proper preliminary investigation, he might be sent, perhaps in chains, from Buenos Ayres to Lima, exhausting in expenses whatever fortune he possessed. A practical illustration is furnished by the case of Francisco de Benavente, denounced in 1582, to the Commissioner of Tucuman because, when some one remarked that the Church was permanent, he had replied that commissioner commenced it was not well to take testimony Benavente that he travelled six said. The which so alarmed hundred leagues to present him- self to the tribunal in Lima, which suspended the case and he Medina, Lima, I, 261; La Plata, 113-15. PROPOSED DIVISION travelled home 1 again. To a 337 great extent this explains the inordinate procrastination in many of the trials, while the victim languished in his cell, for the evidence might have to be sent back might be sought and when, after these preliminaries, he put in his for ratification, or fresh testimony years had been consumed in defence, the interrogatories for his witnesses would be despatched over the same distance and their return would be awaited. These causes of delay were aggravated by the habitual negligence and indifference of all the officials concerned, so that a large portion of a man's life was often consumed in prison for an offence which ultimately might only merit a reprimand, or for which he might be acquitted. Some relief was afforded when, in 1611, the tribunal of Carta- gena was founded for the northern coastal territory and the islands. This was probably intended as the commencement of a systematic subdivision of the vast district for, a few years in anticipation of the erection of the bishopric of in 1620, the Suprema presented to Philip III later, Buenos Ayres an elaborate consulta strongly urging the establishment there of a tribunal. It pointed out that the arrests made in Lima showed the country to be full of Portuguese Judaizers, departure at who had every facility of entrance and From there to Lima there were Buenos Ayres. seven hundred leagues the roads were good, the country populous and the Portuguese drove a thriving trade, enriching themselves ; and perverting the Indian converts. A commissioner would not answer, for he had to send seven hundred leagues to Lima, with as many in return, before he could act, while a tribunal could take note of every passenger landing or departing, and not only defend the faith but avert the political dangers threatened by the corre- spondence of these foreigners with the enemy. Besides, it was a great hardship when a man, for a slight offence such as blasphemy, had to be taken under guard for seven hundred leagues, at great and to hear a mass. cost, to be sentenced perhaps to abjure de levi If the projected cathedral 1 22 were founded a prebend could be taken Medina, La Plata, p. 116. 338 to diminish the expense in Majorca. and a single inquisitor would suffice, as 1 Given the necessity for the Inquisition, the arguments were unanswerable, but they elicited no response for the crown was impoverished and shrank from having to support another tribunal. About 1620 another effort was made by the procurator of the Atlantic provinces, in a memorial repeating the same arguments and suggesting that a district be formed of Rio de la Plata, Para- guay and Tucuman up to the boundaries of los Charcas, thus extending some three hundred leagues and leaving four hundred 2 This was referred to the Suprema which for the Lima tribunal. presented a consul ta urging favorable action February 1, 1621, but the illness and speedy death of Philip III intervened and on March 31, 1623, it applied again to Philip IV, supporting its arguments with letters from the tribunal of Lima and the commisThe next move came sioner at Buenos Ayres, but to no effect. from the king, who, on April 12, 1630, communicated to the Suprema a paper describing how the Dutch lost no opportunity of introducing heretical books and perverting the natives of those regions. He thought it would be well to found an Inquisition Buenos Ayres and, if the expenses were too great, there might be an inquisitor and a fiscal, while the other offices could be filled in by wealthy men who would gladly serve gratuitously. Or, if this were too costly, a Dominican fraile could fill the post of inquisitor as in Naples and other parts of Italy, and he ordered the Suprema to arrange the matter accordingly. that in Peru, as in Mexico, the tribunal and efforts to relieve the royal treasury of the We shall see Suprema evaded all burden and can scarce wonder that Philip, with all his fanaticism, was economically but this did not suit the ideas of the Suprema. It disposed, replied in a consulta of April 17th, insisting that an inquisitor, fiscal, notary, alcaide and portero, with salaries and expenses aggregating at least six thousand ducats a year, were indispensable. 1 2 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 45, Medina, La Plata, pp. 200-7. fol. 210. PROPOSED DIVISION The other officials, 339 whose time would not be exclusively occupied, might be selected from among opulent persons, and that by aiding to suppress the contraband trade of the Dutch the royal revenues could be correspondingly increased. The prospect of this outlay refrigerated Philip's zeal, and he returned the consulta with the endorsement that the disadvantages prevented the execution of the project; the Lima tribunal must appoint a commissioner of special him. and the governor would be ordered ability to assist 1 This rebuff silenced the Suprema for the time but, on September The Lima tribunal, in a 19, 1630, it returned to the charge. letter of June 28, 1629, had related how a soldier in the port of Buenos Ayres, on the look-out for a vessel, had picked up on the shore a sealed package addressed "A las justicias del Peru" and on opening found it full of attacks on the papal and monarchical This showed, authority. it said, the audacity with which the heretics were disseminating their doctrines in those regions. They were also circulating tracts which had been seized, one of which was enclosed to prove to the king the necessity of ordering cacious support to the Inquisition by the royal officials, effi- and how would be to establish a tribunal at Buenos Ayres. 2 This appeal likewise fell on deaf ears and, on November 26, 1636, desirable the it Suprema forwarded ing instructions. to Lima the king's reply with correspond- 3 The suggestion was renewed, March 1, 1636, by the fiscal of the Audiencia of la Plata, but this time the proposed seat of the This led the king, November 2, 1638, to ask for information from the audiencia, the viceroy and other tribunal was authorities. in Tucuman. To this the President of Charcas replied, warmly approving of the project, but for a wholly different reason, saying that during his years of service he had observed the great oppression of the people by the commissioners, maltreating them on 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 20, fol. 46. Ibidem, fol. 66. 3 Medina, La Plata, pp. 207-8. I give the date as printed but think that a typographical error has converted 1630 to 1636. 2 it probable 340 trivial pretexts, ordering them to appear at Lima with excessive cost and irreparable disgrace and molesting them in many ways, for which they dared not seek redress, for it lay at such a distance and the remedy was to them so horrible. The audiencia answered, March 10, 1640, recommending Cordoba de Tucuman Two inquisitors and a fiscal, with as the most desirable seat. salaries of would two thousand pesos and a secretary with one thousand and would be largely defrayed by the fines and suffice Viceroy Chinchon delayed responding until September 29, 1641, when he said that it would be advantageous but costly; the salaries would have to be large, for living was confiscations. dear, and the confiscations would be insufficient; in the last auto, although the culprits were many and of much reputed wealth, the property had almost wholly disappeared. Chinchon's successor, the Marquis of Mancera, had already written, June 8, 1641, that Chinchon had handed the matter over to him; he had referred it to the President of Chuquisaca, whose report he enclosed, and he dwelt upon the evil of the Portuguese who entered Para1 guay by San Pablo and spread over the land. By this time the Portuguese and Catalan revolts gave Philip ample occupation, and the absolute exhaustion of the treasury forbade all thoughts of incurring avoidable expenses. When these pressing necessities diminished, the suggestion was renewed 1662 the erection of an audiencia in the growing city of Buenos Ayres led the Lima tribunal to urge the establishment of an in ; Tucuman. Communication with Spain was easy from there and two inquisitors would suffice, or one and a fiscal. The Suprema warmly advocated the measure, but favored Cordoba, which was only eight days' journey, or even only five, from Buenos Ayres. The failure of this effort Inquisition there or in Cordoba de seems to have discouraged further official attempts and we hear nothing more of the matter for nearly a century. In 1754 the Jesuit Pedro de Arroyo wrote to the procurador of his province in Spain, calling attention to 1 the necessities of an additional Medina, La Plata, pp. 209-14; Lima, I, 331. PROPOSED DIVISION That tribunal. said that of was it Lima was of so far off no use to them. 341 a thousand leagues, he In the twenty years spent he had never heard of an arrest by the Inquisition except one in Buenos Ayres, and then the prisoner escaped before reaching Lima; there was, however, a case of a cleric of Paraguay who spontaneously obeyed a summons to Lima. A in those provinces, commissioner had told him that, in ten or eleven years, he had had ten or eleven cases, which he had investigated and reported to Lima, but had never had a reply, except in the first case and this was not until two years had elapsed, by which time the culprit had disappeared. A second tribunal was now more necessary than ever, as the Portuguese were inundating the land. In the six thoujurisdiction of Buenos Ayres they were said to number same proportion in other districts; in that of Cordoba, the audiencia banished them some years ago, but they merely moved their residence and their places were taken by other Portuguese. About the same time Pedro de sand, and there was the Logu, a calificador in Buenos Ayres, called attention to the mischief to religion arising from the scum collected there and subjected to no supervision; the powers of the commissioner were limited, he had no profit from his work and the introduction These unofficial representaof prohibited books was frequent. no attention, but more authoritative was the memorial, in 1765, of Pedro Miguel, Archbishop of la Plata, whose residence there for twenty years had shown to tions seem him the fiscal of to have elicited To this the necessity of a tribunal in Buenos Ayres. the Council of Indies replied, December 13, 1766, with an indifference which forms the measure The he says, of cases of rarity, of inquisitorial decadence. faith, attributable to the care exercised in preventing the immigration of descendants of infected persons, rendered it unnecessary to burden the fisc with the expenses of another tribunal; besides, the difficulty of reaching Lima restored to the bishops their inherent jurisdiction in such matters and they could sufficiently protect the 1 Medina, La Plata, pp. 215-24; Lima, I, faith. 332. 1 It may PEEU 342 be hoped, for the good archbishop's peace of mind, that he did not avail himself of this unofficial authorization to set up an episcopal Inquisition. may It be gathered from these ineffectual efforts to multiply was as important in South Mexico. The experiences of the tribunals that the financial question America as we have seen it in two Inquisitions were similar. When Cerezuela and his colleague to Lima, they bore instructions to the royal officials to disburse to the receiver of confiscations ten thousand pesos a year went for the salaries of the This made no inflicted inquisitors, the fiscal and the notary. 1 The theory should be self- provision for other inevitable expenses. on which the Holy sustaining two Office was based was that it supported by the fines and confiscations which it and that when these were in excess the surplus should enure to the royal In Lima, more clearly than in Mexico, fisc. Philip defined repeatedly that this royal subvention should continue only as long as there was deficiency from other sources of In the quarrels which speedily arose between the tribunal and the viceroy, Toledo kept it in some sort of subjection income. by making the inquisitors apply to him personally for their salaries. This was highly distasteful, and they seem to have endeavored to escape from it by excommunicating the royal officials who declined to honor their demands, for cedulas of July 17 and 27, 1572, addressed to the viceroy and inquisitors, prohibited them from drawing on the royal treasury and enforcing payment with censures; they were to hand in their accounts which were to be fines and penances and confiscations meant that they should render accounts promptly paid, until the should suffice. If this of these other sources of income, Lima it received no attention. In as in Mexico no effort on the part of the government could 1 Medina, Lima, I, 2. Vicuna Mackenna asserts (Francisco Moj^en, p. 112) that Philip granted the tribunal a dotation which produced an annual revenue of 32,817 pesos, 3} reales, but this is a self-evident error, probably based on the king's assertion to Urban VIII that he spent 32,000 ducats a year on the three tribunals of Mexico, Lima and Cartagena, FINANCES 343 obtain an insight into the finances of the tribunal and the royal 1 subvention was indefinitely prolonged. Still this did not provide for the salaries of the minor and the other unavoidable expenses. tribunal felt the pinch of poverty. officials For awhile doubtless the We find the Suprema sug- the prisons are insufficient, they can be made gesting that, good out of the fines and penances the alguacil is to be dismissed if ; and, appointed, he must serve without salary; possibly the viceroy may be induced to grant pensions on some of the vacant repartimientos of Indians. The tribunal astutely raised if another is the question of the ayuda de costa, or supplementary payment meet the expenses of the visitations, which it had no intention making, and it was told to consult the viceroy and report, after to of which the Suprema would consult the king. In this it doubtless failed, but we chance to hear of an ayuda de costa paid as a reward for the auto de fe of 1578. Philip was by no means dis- posed to be liberal. In 1593 a question arose as to the salary of a fiscal ad interim and he rather grudgingly, by a cedula of February 7, 1594, ordered that one-half might be paid, until the con- fiscations should suffice. 2 Meanwhile the activity of the tribunal was rapidly enabling it emerge from its penury. Its correspondence with the Suprema to between 1570 and 1594 shows that confiscations were continually decreed and were apparently profitable. Frequent references occur to the estate of a Dr. Quinones, who owned a mine which was to be rented until sentence was pronounced and then was to be sold; he also had a library which seems to have been of value and was to be disposed of either in bulk or at retail. Up to 1583 the total receipts from confiscations amounted to thirty-eight thousand pesos, or an average of nearly three thousand per annum. 3 Fines were also lucrative. Between 1571 and 1573 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 20, 21, 54, 91. Medina, Lima, I, 187. Archive nacional de Lima, ubi sup. 2 Archive nacional de Lima, ubi sup. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libre 40, fol. 30. 1 Archivp nacional de Lima, ubi sup. Medina, Lima, I, 202. PERU 344 there were twenty-seven cases sentenced in the audience-chamber, yielding in twenty-six hundred pesos of which a thousand all were levied on Rodrigo de Areas, parish priest of Ribera, for Between 1581 and 1585 fiftysolicitation in the confessional. seven cases, similarly sentenced in private, furnished eightyIn 1583 there came a piece of good fortune three hundred pesos. Bishop of Quito, who left to the tribunal twenty thousand pesos to build a chapel for his interment. The house and prison thus far occupied were unfit- in a legacy of Pedro de la Pena, ted for the growing activity of the tribunal; with the legacy and the proceeds of sale of the existing building, a much finer structure was erected, including a prison with twelve cells. With came increasing income and, while the pretext of poverty continued to be put forward to the king, the tribunal soon began to accumulate capital and place it at interest. In increasing business 1596, Inquisitor Ordonez, while blaming the receiver Juan de Saracho, admitted that he had succeeded in amassing twenty thousand pesos, part of which sum was invested in censos or To Ordonez, by a happy stroke, added seven thousand more from the estate of Pedro Gonzalez de Montalban, ground-rents. this whose property had been sequestrated. He was very sick and obtained his liberation by making a will in favor of the tribunal. 1 The Portuguese Judaizers now began to occupy a constantly increasing share of the tribunal's attention, opening up a most prosperous of operations. field The time had come when the temporary subvention should be withdrawn, but the tribunal demand and receive it. continued quietly to was impossible to keep wholly secret the absorption of large estates and the investments of accumulating capital. The attenIt tion of Philip III 4, was called to the matter and, in a letter of 1614, to the viceroy, he recited the conditions grant had been made; he had learned that the to be paid by the on which the salaries continued treasury, in spite of the receipt from these sources of amounts sufficient to defray i June Medina, Lima, I, them in whole or 47-9, 188-95, 200, 304, in part, FINANCES and he therefore ordered when that, 345 the salaries were paid, the viceroy should inform himself of the receipts from other sources and deduct them from the charge on the treasury, making full This was evaded by the receiver giving a reports to the king. such as he saw certificate fit, what moneys he had on hand, be a worthless safe-guard, and the of which naturally was found to viceroy was ordered to require from the receiver a statement of all receipts every year. and this It Philip, in a letter to the was found impossible to procure Viceroy Squillace, April 26, 1618, after recalling all the previous attempts, ordered him to appoint from the treasury two experienced accountants to audit the The receiver's accounts and report the result to the king. accountants were duly appointed, but the receiver refused absohe had sent them to the inquisitorlutely to exhibit his accounts This he was required to do by his instructions. exhausted the royal patience and one of the first acts of Philip general as a letter to the viceroy, June 11, 1621, ordering the suspension of payments until the inquisitors should furnish authentic evidence that the confiscations had not sufficed to meet them. IV was This went on for two years, the inquisitors preferring to forego the subvention rather than to expose the flourishing condition of their finances. however, and They brought incessant pressure finally induced Viceroy Guadalsacar, resolution of the treasury officials, to resume to bear, under a payments on the presentation of certain certificates of the contador, the scrivener On learning this the Council of sequestrations and the receiver. of Indies made a thorough investigation of the whole matter and reported that, in view of the exhaustion of the royal treasury, and that since the foundation of the tribunal, up to 1625, it had consumed six hundred and sixty-two thousand ducats without having returned anything from the fines and confiscations, it was wholly wrong that the money should have been used by the officials in ing. buying lands and censos which they were now enjoyto this the king, April 20, 1629, issued a To put an end c&lula ordering that the conditions expressed in 1@21 should be PERU 346 what might be the exigency, under of not the only royal displeasure but that all such disbursepain ments should be charged to the viceroy and be deducted from To insure observance this ce*dula was to be entered his salary. inviolably observed, no matter on the books by of the treasury and all auditors were to be governed 1 it. These were brave words but found means to render it is probable that the Inquisition them nugatory, while an apparent compromise was sought at the expense of a third party the We have seen (Mexico, p. 216) how a prebend in each cathedral was suppressed at the first vacancy and the fruits Church. were paid to the tribunal. The process was necessarily slow, commencing with the brief of Urban VIII, March 10, 1627, and delayed by waiting for the successive vacancies and also by 2 It was resistance, in some cases, of the cathedral chapters. 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 34, 35, 36, 54. Recop. Lib. 11. 10, 11, 12. Solorzani de Indiar. Gubernat., Lib. in, cap. xxiv, n. 11. 2 In the chapter of Santiago de Chile, one of the canons, Francisco Navarro, soon after the arrival of the royal order suppressing a prebend, withdrew to the convent of San Francisco. It was claimed that his retirement vacated the benefice; the matter was referred to the king who decided, by a decree of August 31, The canons adopted the favorite device of obeying 1635, that this was the case. without executing and were supported by the Audiencia, much to the disgust of the Dean, Tomas de Santiago, who was commissioner of the Inquisition. Meanwhile another of the canons, Ger6nimo Salvatierra, died and the question was finally settled by a royal order of April 6, 1638, pronouncing the vacated prebend to be that of Salvatierra. Commissioner Santiago had become violently inimical to some of the canons in the course of this dispute and undertook to gratify his revenge, when Manuel Bautista P6rez of Lima was burnt and his property was confiscated. One of his debtors to the amount of 2000 pesos was a prominent merchant of Santiago, Pedro Martinez Gago, whose property was seized by Santiago; some of the canons were indebted to him for trifling amounts and Santiago persecuted them. The quarrel assumed portentous dimensions through the violence of his proceedings and liberal use of excommunication, when a new bishop Fray Gaspar de Villaroel, made his appearance, and undertook to reduce Santiago to submisIn this he disregarded all the immunities of the Inquisition and, being supsion. ported by the civil power and the judiciary, he vindicated his episcopal supremacy by arresting the contumacious commissioner and imprisoning him in chains. Santiago boldly strove to make head against the united secular and ecclesiastical power of the province, but was finally forced to submit, Villaroel does not seem i, Tit. xix, FINANCES virtually completed in 1635, when 347 Philip wrote to the treasury September 26th, that the senior Inquisitor, Juan de Manozca, had advised him that the suppression of the prebends The orders with for the payment of salaries had been effected. officials, regard to this are to be executed and, as he supposes that the arrearages of salaries have been paid, he writes to Manozca that in future the prebends are to be applied to the salaries as the treasury is in urgent need of relief which shows that up to that time the king had continued to pay them and even to make good 1 The the arrearages, in spite of the decisive provisions of 1629. in in the cathedrals obtained were thus number, eight prebends of Lima, Quito, and Santiago de Trugillo, Chile. Arequipa, Paz, Chuquisaca we have seen, eleven Cuzco, produced, as They thus more than thousand pesos a year, replacing the subvention. Further documents fail us here but, from the experience of Mexico and Cartagena, it is fairly to be assumed that, in spite of the pre- bends and of the large confiscations now coming in, the tribunal managed to continue drawing the subvention and, in 1677, there was discussion of the subject. still The 2 had come when the finances time, in fact, were to be placed on an enduring foundation. after the details of the complicidad grande, of the tribunal We shall see herewhen nearly all the leading merchants in Lima, of Portuguese extraction, were arrested on charges of Judaism and their property was sequestrated. Arrests had minated in the great commenced in 1634 and the tragedy culWhat was the 1639. auto of January 23, tribunal can never be known, but popular as a million of pesos, and we have seen that amount acquired by the report estimated it Viceroy Chinchon reported that it virtually disappeared without any one knowing where it went. Philip IV, whose necessities to have suffered for his audacity. In 1651 he was transferred to the see of Arequipa and in 1658 he became Archbishop of la Plata. When he died there, in 1665, his whole fortune was found to consist of six reales. Mackenna, La Revista de Buenos Aires, Mayo, 1870, p. 102. 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 40, fol. 46. 2 Ibidem, fol. 54. 348 were daily becoming greater, was led by the report of the enormous sequestrations to seek an explanation of the Suprema, which replied to him, December 19, 1636, that the sequestrations had been large but they shrank to almost nothing from the claims 1 of creditors, some of which came from Spain. Disappointed he wrote, March 30, 1637, congratulating the inquisitors on their zeal and suggesting that it appeared to him just that out of them the fisc should be reimbursed for its outlays on their in this and that enough should be salaries, set aside to provide for the future in case the prebends did not suffice. The inquisitors with outward demonstrations of respect, that they would to the Suprema to which the funds belonged; that as report yet there had only been sequestrations, while innumerable claims replied, on the property had been presented, and that many prisoners had been found innocent and their estates had been restored to them to five of these, Sotelo, Antonio de los Pedro de Soria, Andres Mufloz, Francisco Santos and Jorje Danila there had thus hundred and seventy-four thousand pesos. Philip made an attempt to investigate the matter by appointing, in 1643, with the assent of the Suprema, Dr. Martin Real as visibeen returned a tador to examine into the finances of the tribunals of we Lima and he was baffled in Cartagena and, after stormy experiences, returned to Spain without reaching Lima. 2 Repulsed thus at every point, Philip resorted to somewhat Cartagena, but, as shall see, In 1644 we find the Suprema complaining of the seizure at Seville of two or three large sequestrations sent arbitrary measures. there from Lima thousand ducats' worth of Cardosso What & and again of twenty wool taken by him, of which Alfonso for settlement with creditors, 3 demanding the surrender as owners. the spoils the Suprema obtained it would be Co. were share of impossible to say. We happen to hear, in 1640, of twelve thouit from Lima by Juan de Arostegui, which sand pesos brought to is doubtless only a portion of the amount doled out to 1 * Archive de Simancas Inq., Libro 21, fol. 72. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 36, J fol. Medina, Lima, 74. it II, by the 165-66. FINANCES tribunal. 1 The latter, in fact, in its reports habitually belittled the results obtained or anticipated; treated the king. the Suprema was careful it 349 it treated the In reporting the Suprema as arrests, in 1636, to point out that, although the prisoners were was a deception, for in reality they were trading on borrowed money and had little of their own. This was a repetition of what it had said in 1631, when persecution of the Portuguese had already reputed to be wealthy and lived with ostentation, it been going on for pome years the sequestrations made much show but with slender results; the real estate of the accused was held in order to gain the reputation of wealth, while in reality it was so encumbered as to be valueless, and the personal property was so concealed as to be undiscoverable. 2 There were other productive sources of income besides the One of these which was especially profitable was confiscations. the "quebrantamientos de escrituras de juego." Gambling was almost universal and disgusted gamesters would frequently swear off under a penalty, attested by a notarial act; the pledge would inevitably be broken and the forfeit was usually contributed to the pious uses of the Inquisition. A statement of the deposits in the area de tres Haves, or money-chest of the tribunal, from May 4, 1630, to August 31, 1634, shows 1449 pesos from fines, 4909 from donations and 35,829 from the quebrantamientos, or in all 42,187, representing an annual income of nearly nine thou3 sand pesos from these sources alone. confiscations, the prebends When to this we add the and the constantly increasing returns from accumulating investments, it will be seen that the tribunal was rapidly growing in wealth and how factitious were the pleas on which it maintained its grip on the royal subvention. When, in 1631, the office of alguazil was made saleable considersums were collected from this source. In 1641 the position able Santiago de Chile a purely ornamental unsalaried but with contingent privileges was bid up to of alguazil office, 1 3 mayor of Archive de Simancas Inquisicion, Libro 21, Medina, Lima, II, 48, 167. fol. 261. s Ibidem, 166. PERU 350 6500 pesos. 1 As these commissions, however, were inquisitor-general Indeed, this way it is issued by the probable that they were duly accounted for. we have seen (p. 224) that the Suprema endeavored in to explain the remittances which it could not conceal. Increasing wealth naturally led to multiplication of offices and In 1674 the receiver or treasurer generally careless expenditure. lamented that he had striven tribunal to order. in vain to reduce the affairs of the The revenues had the expenses exceeded them. considerable remittances to the roll, the income could be Still, and he held that, in spite of the Suprema and the overgrown pay- made expenditures of the inquisitors fallen to 35,951 pesos to suffice on if it their houses were not for the and their frequent elevation to bishoprics, after which they persisted in drawing their salaries. 2 1 Medina, Lima, II, 167. Ibidem, 251. A statement of expenses for 1681 shows: Salaries of fourteen officials 2 Yearly remittance to the Suprema " " to its Secretary " " to two other secretaries and two clerks at 275 pesos 23,528.0 9,926.3 496.2 1,100.0 11,522.5 Maintenance of poor prisoners Extraordinary expenses Expenses of the camara del secreto 850.0 2,800.0 250.0 38,950.5 7,000.0 Spent in seven years on the houses of inquisitors In giving this Medina (pp. 252-3) calls attention to the fact that in this enumeration are not included the salaries of a number of other officials mentioned by the receiver, as follows : A third secretary Notario del juzgado 1000 1400 Contador Juez de los bienes confiscados 200 1000 200 Advocate of prisoners Steward Solicitador Barber ; 300 100 100 4300 There is significance in the annual payments to the secretaries of the Suprema whose good will might at any moment be useful. FINANCES The investments of the tribunal were principally When rent-charges on real estate. property was put up and sold 351 these into arrears the fell at auction, apparently to the rent, the arrearages being collected in censos still subject from the purchase- money, and the numerous references to these transactions show that they were by no means infrequent. Still, the Inquisition was an indulgent creditor. When, about 1705, several successive bad harvests had rendered the farmers unable assumed that to it their rents, they petitioned the viceroy for a reduction pay In transmitting of the principal. this request to the king, the viceroy asked the opinion of the various tribunals, to which the Inquisition replied that the principal should remain intact as the deficient harvests were temporary and the land retained value: that it was different in Chile, its where the censos on urban property were reduced in principal after the earthquake which ruined the buildings. The tribunal therefore recommended a postponement of arrears and reduction of interest until the bad season should pass; this was what it had done with its debtors; it had not thrown them in prison or put up the farms at auction, even though the arrears were large, proceeding with benignity 1 and equity and treating each case on its merits. Under a succession of venal and unprincipled finances of the tribunal became involved inquisitors, the in confusion and the magnitude of the amounts at stake shows how successful it had been in accumulation. In 1733 the two inquisitors were Caspar Ibariez de Peralta was old and and Christobal Sanchez Calderon. failing and the latter The former was engaged, under the name of his chaplain, in mercantile operations with the funds of the tribunal with such success that, in 1739, he remitted eighty thousand pesos to Spain and had purchased a valuable property near Lima. He also spent five thousand in decorating his house, and when the security of the temporary receiver Juan Este*ban heavy loss when Manuel de Ilarduy Pefia expired he opposed its renewal, resulting in Pena became bankrupt. 1 MSS. of The new receiver, White Library, Cornell University, n. 616, fol. 65. PERU 352 speedily into default for fell more than two hundred and thirty thousand pesos and there were other deficiencies. In 1735 Diego de Unda was sent from Spain as fiscal with special orders In 1736 he reported that he found to investigate the finances. everything right except that when Calderon insisted that Ilarduy should render his accounts and deposit all funds in the chest and on the receiver's refusal, had embargoed his property, Ibanez verbally suspended the embargo, so that when, on the next day, the embargo was renewed, it was found that large amounts of silver a and merchandise had been removed and there only remained dish and some vessels in his oratory. Still Ilarduy little silver was forced to pay fifty thousand pesos and furnish amounting to a hundred and ten thousand more. It seemed impossible to secure honest officials. securities Unda had brought with him as secretary of the tribunal Ignacio de Irazdbal, who was made auditor. He was detected in passing false accounts and was dismissed, as likewise was another secretary, Geronimo de la Torre. The struggle between Calderon and Ilar- for Ilarduy duy became mortal, and the amounts at stake must have been large for the latter sent emissaries to Spain with a hundred thou- sand pesos with which to bribe the Suprema to dismiss the inquisiHe succeeded in having a visitador sent with full powers tor. to investigate and punish, with results that we shall see hereafter. It is only necessary here to property was sequestrated, the Suprema. in A new say that Calderon's and Unda's to be released in 1747 factor by orders of had appeared on the scene when, 1737, Mateo de Amusqulbar came as fiscal, long afterwards promoted to the inquisitorship. to be not He formed an were both Biscayans and the Biscayan faction became supreme. Unda died, May 27, 1748, and Calderon was living in retirement on his plantation. The vacancy alliance with Ilarduy; they was filled, in 1751 by Diego Rodriguez Delgado who came with He promptly reported special orders to investigate the finances. that it was impossible to examine the accounts of the receiver, which were in a state too confused to admit of verification. He FINANCES had learned that the amount to 353 cost of maintaining the prisoners did not more than a thousand pesos per annum, while charged at four thousand. it was There were seventy thousand due on by the reduction amount when collected could readily a hundred thousand, more than enough to rebuild the rents of farms and fruits of prebends and, of exorbitant salaries this be increased to the inquisition and its chapel, which had lain in ruins since the earthquake of 1746. Under the preceding receiver, the confiscation of Pedro Uban, condemned in 1736, had amounted to more than sixty thousand pesos, but no trace could be found of No reform however the existence or the expenditure of this sum. was possible in view of the alliance between Amusquibar and No reform, in fact, followed, although after all the actors had passed away, Calderon's property was seized to make Ilarduy. good the deficit of Antonio Morante, an administrador whom he had appointed and kept in office without requiring security and, in 1773, a suit was in progress with the executor of his estate for over thirty thousand pesos, the outcome of which the records fail to inform us. Altogether, through these quarrels we obtain and corruption which probably were not confined to this period. In 1751 we learn that Amusquibar, on entering office in 1744, had remitted nineteen thousand pesos an inside view of venality Suprema, since when nothing had been sent. The income had fallen to thirty thousand and there was little more than to the forty thousand in the chest. The 1 inevitable results of dishonesty and disorder were height- ened by external causes and, in 1777, we find the resources of the After the earthquake of 1746 the tribunal materially reduced. rate of interest on the censos had been lowered from cent, to three. There were few profitable confiscations to make five per 1 Medina, Chile, II, 396; Lima, II, 315-19, 326, 331, 352-3. Archive nacional de Lima, Protocolo 225, Exp te 5278. Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 490. A salutary regulation required each viceroy, at the expiration of his term, to draw up an account of his experience and of the condition of affairs for the benefit of his successor. These, so far as recovered, were printed at Lima in 1859, under the title of 23 Memorias de los Vireyes. PERU 354 good the deficit, their collection the fruits of the prebends were falling off and was becoming In 1777 that of Quito difficult. owed about ten thousand pesos, that of Trujillo eleven thousand, that of Arequipa, owing to the decline in prices was greatly diminished in value. Salaries were in arrears to the extent of twenty thousand pesos and the efforts of the receiver to make collections were fruitless. The houses of the inquisitors were unfinished and Inquisitor Lopez Grillo was obliged to rent one, at the distance of a block from the tribunal. In 1784 the earth- quake Cuzco caused a further decline in in the canonries of la Paz, Arequipa and Cuzco; an urgent request was made for the suppression of the office of the third inquisitor, and authority was asked to sell property in order to pay salaries. 1 All this betokens real distress and yet, although the administration of affairs can scarce be thought to have improved in the following years, when, in 1813, the decree of suppression was received in Lima and the property of the tribunal was inventoried for the benefit of the royal treasury, there were found in its chests ready money to the pesos of amount of 68,834 pesos, 3 reales, besides 2400 Unda and 2500, the From the statement of jewels confiscated on Inquisitor valuation of the furniture of the chapel. the auditor it appeared that the capital of the censos and value of the plantations belonging to the tribunal pesos. A portion of this, however, amounted was not its to 1,508,518 property but was money on hand, 47,433 pesos were funds of the tribunal, while 13,325 pesos, 2 reales appertained to the Colegio de Santa Cruz, founded by Mateo held in trust for special purposes. Of the Pastor de Velasco and Bernardino Olave for female foundlings, and placed under the charge of the Inquisition, also 8076 pesos, 1} reales was the balance on hand of a foundation known as of Zelayeta and Nunez de Santiago. The capital of the Colegio de Santa Cruz amounted to 394,502 pesos, 6 reales; that of the other foundation is not stated but, assuming them together to be Medina, Lima, II, 382-3. ABUSES 500,000 pesos, it 355 would leave about a million tions of the tribunal. for the accumula- 1 The men who were at the head of the tribunal, whatever may home, were not, as a rule, able to the demoralizing influences around them, intensified by have been resist their reputation at the irresponsible autocratic power conferred by their position. effective control possible to the Suprema lay in the The only appointment of a visitador or inspector, clothed with superior authority, and this was an expedient rarely resorted to, especially as the inspector was exposed to the same temptations and was apt The Suprema was not kept in ignorance of the to yield to them. worked them and they derelictions of its appointees, for the inquisitors rarely in harmony. Deadly quarrels arose between abused each other without stint in their communications to head- quarters, while their subordinates were equally free in exposing The publication the malfeasance of their superiors. of this parties secret correspondence by Senor Medina thus and of complaints much gives us an exceptional opportunity an insight into the interior use of the enormous power which to gain life its it We of of aggrieved have seen that the second of a tribunal and into enjoyed. inquisitor, Bustamente, died at Panam&, and that Cerezuela was opening the tribunal. The fiscal, Alcedo, and the notary, Arrieta, were quarrelling mortally with each other, and both were writing to the Suprema, alone in criticizing Cerezuela's inexperience and lack of self-assertion, and asking that the new inquisitor to be sent should be a man of Their wishes were gratified when Antonio Gutiergreater force. rez de Ulloa arrived, his arbitrary those March 31, 1571. It was not long before and scandalous conduct aroused indignation, but to complain were made to suffer. Secret infor- who dared mation, however, was conveyed to the Suprema and the viceroy, the Count del Villar, was unreserved in his communications to the king, representing that Ulloa kept spies in the viceregal palace, who carried off papers and documents and that he had 1 Mackenna, p. 116. Medina, Lima, II, 392. Memorias de los Vireyes, VI, 51. 356 indirectly large farmed the quicksilver mines sums of Guancavelica, to the detriment of the royal interests. named Caspar Zapata de Mendoza, as making A cleric representative of the clergy of Peru, after several vain attempts, managed to escape to Brazil; he was captured by the French and carried to Dieppe, whence he made his way to Spain, but it was not until 1592 that he was able to present in Toledo a memorial to Inquisitor-general Quiroga in which the conduct of Ulloa was set forth in detail. His promiscuous amours with maids and married women were notorious; he publicly kept as a concubine Catalina More j on, a married woman, who used and modify sentences her influence to dictate appointments after repeated efforts, Villar suc- until, ceeded in banishing her. On one occasion a husband found him bed with his wife; "Ulloa threatened him as inquisitor and he in slunk away; another husband was less timid, he killed the wife and chased the adulterer through the streets. He was in the habit of walking the streets at night dressed as a cavalier, brawling and fighting, and on one Holy Thursday he supped with a the Dominican Provincial, Fray He and number of strumpets. Francisco de Valderrama, each had as mistress a relative of the other; when the three years of the provincialate ended, Valderrama aspired to be prior new of the Lima convent, but the Provincial, Agustin Montes, refused to appoint him because he was a bastard, whereupon Ulloa went to the convent, thrust a dagger to the provincial's breast and swore he would kill him, when Montes yielded. He was with the judges and royal ceremony or involved in perpetual contests officials, justice, interfering whom he treated without with their functions, of which a number of cases were given which, if not exaggerated, show that the land was at the mercy of the inquisitorial officials, who murdered, robbed and took women at their pleasure, and any who complained were fined or kept chained in prison. of the fuero the ministers of the The limitations Office enjoyed by Holy 1 disregarded and no one could obtain justice against them. 1 Medina, Lima, I, 44, 47, 204, 223. were ABUSES 357 Before this black catalogue of crime reached the Suprema, the complaints had and it shown that some interference was necessary, had sent as visitador Juan Ruiz de Prado, who reached He had full authority to prosecute 11, 1587. Lima February any members of the tribunal and to send them with the evidence who anticipated relief were to Spain for judgement, but those As disappointed. Ulloa, and Villar writes, he took up his residence with were lodged with those of the tribunal, who made much of them. He made no secret that he came to his officials complainants were frightened off. Villar had his special grievances which show how impossible was efficient government, when a power existed within the state take care of Ulloa's honor, so that superior to the state had itself. all News was received that two ships from England for the Pacific; two Englishmen, John Drake, cousin of the famous Sir Francis, and Richard Farrel, who had been wrecked in the River Plate, had been sent to the sailed Inquisition, as was the fashion with heretic prisoners; the viceroy them to learn, if possible, something about the threatened corsairs and he asked the inquisitors to send the men to him or, if that was not possible, to allow one of his officers to examine them, or again, if that was impossible, to examine them themselves and communicate to him what they could learn; Ulloa was willing but Prado refused, saying that he would comdesired to examine municate with the Suprema who could inform the king, thus postponing for a year the information wanted at the moment. Then and there came an alarm about some English ships on the Villar ordered all who were in readiness to defend Callao. their officials coast, liable to military service to be Ulloa and Prado assumed that and familiars would fulfil their duty by guarding the buildings of the Inquisition, and gave instructions not to obey the viceroy's orders, who vainly pointed out to them that, in defending the city, their men would be defending the Inquisition. At the auto of 1587 they virtually took possession of the city, treated the viceroy as a private person subject to their orders, and grossly humiliated him, to all of which he submitted PERU 353 for the sake of peace. their unlimited to resist power of They meddled excommunication and They summoned them. in everything, fines, and with no one dared his secretaries before them and them to reveal everything, even of the most confidential character, and to produce official papers, of which they retained forced They appointed royal officials as familiars, thus releasing them from all responsibility to the viceroy, to the courts and to copies. Villar declared himself their superiors. this unless the king The memorial of would interfere. Mendoza tells between the visitador and the helpless to remedy all 1 the same story of the alliance inquisitor, and mentions a case of a priest named Hernan Gutierrez de Ulloa, who had lent a consum to Inquisitor Ulloa and being unable to obtain siderable repayment had procured a papal brief against him. Prado took the brief from him, fined him heavily, suspended him for a year from his benefice and sentenced him to four years' reclusion, the he died under the persecution. 2 friendship between these men did not result being that The evil last in January, 1588, Prado commenced the He overhauled the proceedings of the tribunal since tion, all long and, real duties of his office. its founda- examining 1265 documents, his notes on which covered 1650 pages and fully substantiated his conclusions as to cruel delays, and its irregular methods, public penances for matters not of faith and beyond its jurisdiction. He reported that he had drawn up 216 charges against Ulloa, many of them its applicable also to Cerezuela. its inflicting There were six about his relations with women, involving much publicity and scandal, and there would have been more had he cared to investigate further in this direction. He said sums which he sent that Ulloa had accumulated considerable to Spain; he was virtually the farmer of the 1 Medina, Lima, I, 223-47, 251. After Villar's term was ended, in 1590, the inquisitors prosecuted his secretary, Juan Bello, because, when some one insisted on having certain papers, Bello exclaimed impatiently that he could not have them even if God wished it, and also because he had said that he would rather have to do with demons than with the frailes. Ibidem, p. 258. Ibidem, p, 217 CHARACTER OF INQUISITORS quicksilver mines of Guancavelica, for when 359 bids were invited he frightened off all bidders except his brother and an accomplice, who obtained the contract for twenty or thirty thousand pesos less than others were ready to offer. He kept around him a band of disreputable creatures, who ministered to his vices and were above the law. No one could collect debts of them, for when was brought he would order it discontinued and he When he was sole inquisitor he used to go hunting suit was obeyed. for a fortnight at a time, leaving the accused in prison ing their cases. and delay- Sometimes he took with him a certain mestizo who had a quarrel with another mestizo and was prosecuted in Ulloa demanded the case, claiming that the the royal court. defendant was his servant; the court demurred as the man was not de familia but only an occasional employee, whereupon he excommunicated the judge and all the alcaldes; they surrendered the case which was settled before him for eight pesos. 1 When Prado presented the 216 charges, Ulloa quietly allowed a year to elapse before undertaking to answer them. Prado seems to have been in no hurry. Four years had been spent in the visit and the Suprema had repeatedly ordered his return, which he answered by alleging Ulloa's repeated absences, sometimes for months together, during which he could not leave the tribunal; then he gave sickness as an excuse, or that he had not a real with which to pay for the voyage. Finally he sent the papers by the secretary, Martinez de Marcolaeta, who started May 6, 1592, and reached Spain the same year. After no longer kept terms with him and ordered him to leave the tribunal, which he refused to do. Ulloa then denounced from Callao this Ulloa him Suprema, pointing out that he could have sailed at any departure of the fleets but that he desired to remain because he was in partnership with an Augustinian fraile, Francisco de to the Figueroa, whom he appointed commissioner at Trujillo and then where they made twenty-five thousand pesos. Ulloa publicly spoke of him in terms too opprobrious for any lackey at Potosi, 1 Medina, Lima, I, 262, 264, 274, 277-80, 282. PERU 360 to endure, and the fiscal, Arpide, joined in accusing him ful gains, in granting licences to leave the country, tecting unworthy persons by appointing them as of and unlawof pro- familiars. The attributed the quarrel to the close friendship which Suprema Prado had formed for a Dr. Salinas, a man of notoriously bad whom he had made advocate of prisoners and then character, of the fisc, in which capacity he had his suits brought before the tribunal, to the wronging of third parties. Finally the orders of the 1 Suprema became so pressing that Prado was obliged to leave Lima, April 14, 1594, Ulloa managing From Havana he so that he received no salary for his return. sent a report of his visit, which was approved, not without some Of the 216 charges against Ulloa, 118 were accepted of December 15, 1594, he was suspended for five sentence and, by years, fined and ordered to present himself before the inquisitor- rebuke. a sentence suggestive of the customary indulgence shown to official malfeasance. Prado also proposed thirty-one articles of reform, the most important of which was general for reprimand the deprivation of the fuero, in criminal cases, of familiars and servants of commissioners; subordinates of the tribunal were to have regular salaries so as to remove the temptation of accepting bribes, and there were many other suggestions for improving the operation of the tribunal, diminishing injustice and relieving The Suprema approved of the people from abusive extortions. all this and directed Prado to return to Lima and put the reform into execution, but, when had he did not get back to Lima until 1596, by sailed for Spain; these orders reached which time Ulloa had escaped Havana, Prado by dying and there is 2 little trace of any reform by Prado, who died January 18, 1599. Meanwhile the vacant inquisitorship had been filled by the his sentence 1594, of the Licentiate Antonio Ord6nez arrival, February F16res. Ulloa at once announced his intention of visiting the which he carried out in spite of his colleague's protest district, to 1 4, y delay until he should have familiarized himself with the busiMedina, Lima, I, 283-6, l Ibidem, pp. 327-8, CHARACTER OF INQUISITORS ness of the tribunal. wherever he went by 361 Ulloa traversed the land spreading terror the indulgence of his passions. A memorial to the inquisitor-general, from a gentleman named Diego Vanegas, son of a judge of the Contratacion of Seville, affords an illustration When of the reckless abuses possible under such institutions. Ulloa, on his way to Charcas, stopped at Cuzco and lodged in the house of Francisco de Loaysa, a servant of the latter came where Vanegas and some friends were talking in the public square, and began boasting of the powers of the inquisitor which were the greatest on earth; there was, he said, the Licentiate Parra who had some words with a servant of Ulloa, in consequence which he was arrested; Ulloa called him a dog of a Jew, an ensambenitado, with other insults and threw him in prison. Vaneof gas remarked that they did not wish to hear anything more about before Ulloa who called it, and for this he was seized and carried him a scoundrel, an Indian, a dog and other opprobrious epithets. Then summoning his servants, about twenty persons rushed in whom he told to kill the rascal. One of them gave him a severe cut on the head while the rest pummelled him. Dona Mariana, wife of the host, entered and interceded for him; Ulloa declared that he was going to give him five hundred lashes, but on her entreaty he diminished it to three hundred, then to two hundred and finally consented to send him to the corregidor with orders to Cuzco the next day but, hearing on the road that Vanegas had said that he would go to Spain to complain, he sent back orders to seize him. Vanegas was taken from his banish him. Ulloa left bed where he was recovering from his wounds, was thrown in prison in chains and the next day was carried to Siguana where Ulloa swore him on the cross, made him sign a paper without reading prison it for and carried him four months. where he lay chained in Thence he was sent two hundred to Potosi, condemned to Then he serve for three years on the frontier or in the galleys. was returned in chains through Potosi to Misque, being wounded leagues to Santa Cruz de la Sierra, as a soldier in an attempt to escape. Carried fifty leagues farther, still in PERU 362 chains, he effected his escape and, after many in four perils hundred leagues of travel, he reached Lima, where he reported to the viceroy and with his permission and that of Ordonez he to sail for Spain to present his complaint. 1 was allowed Ulloa continued his so-called visitation in this fashion until orders came Cepeda, President of the Audiencia of la Plata, to notify him that his commission would terminate in four months. He appealed to the viceroy who told in October, 1596, him that he must obey PotosL He to and Cepeda ordered him to leave it, refused, alleging his health, but the corregidor, Alonso Osorio, communicated to him a further order of the Audiencia, requiring him to do so sickness, but Osorio arrested three days, ejected in ten days. him and him from the still pleaded servants and, after all his He city. He reached Lima, July 7, days later at the age of 63. He attributed his disgrace to the report of a visitador of the Audiencia of Lima that he and his brother, whom he had made alguazil of the 1597, and tribunal, died six had embezzled some three hundred thousand 2 pesos. were even partial truth in the statement the plea the poverty of the tribunal can be understood. If there Meanwhile Ordonez had commenced be it known that all who had by letting claims to collect within the district them and they would diThis was an open invitation to the commis- of the Inquisition could assign vide the proceeds. his official career of to him, sion of fraud, resulting, as the secretary reported, in converting the Holy Office into a business office. He also took money from the chest at one time as much as ten thousand pesos he confided to a merchant to trade for him in Mexico. which Before the year was out, the receiver and the secretary were making bitter complaints of him to the Suprema he was young, inexperienced, violent Those who came tempered and abusive. voluntarily to the tribunal to discharge their consciences were so ill-treated that they declared they would rather go to hell. He would order the secretary to 1 Medina, Lima, I, 301, 313-17, alter the evidence and, l if a witness Ibidem, pp. 317-18, CHARACTER OF INQUISITORS remonstrated, he would be abused and 863 On threatened. his part he wrote equally unfavorable accounts of his subordinates; he knew that they assailed him but he ascribed this to the friends of Ulloa . and Prado. 1 Whether the Suprema believed these accusations or not, Ord6nez was not disturbed and continued to be sole inquisitor, with the exception of the brief second term of Prado from 1596 to 1599, until the arrival of Francisco the close of 1601. He was a Verdugo, a new inquisitor, towards of different type, who had been man advocate in the tribunal of Seville and fiscal in that of Murcia. While a strenuous persecutor of heresy, he was not inclined to abuse his office and he shortly reported to the Suprema that they had suspended a hundred informaciones cases in preparation which were without sufficient proof or were matters that did not concern the Holy Office. Ordonez continued in office until 1612, when he became Archbishop of the Nuevo Reino de Granada, a promotion that was not to his taste, as he complained that the revenues of the see were insufficient for his decent support. 2 Doubtless it afforded fewer opportunities than the inquisitorship. His successor, Andre's Juan Gaitan reached Lima, October 12, 1611; he had been fiscal of the tribunals of Cuenca and Seville and was therefore experienced in the work. About the same time Panamd, New Granada and the Antilles were detached from the tribunal of Lima on October, 1623, Verdugo 3 the founding of that of Cartagena. left Lima to occupy the see of In Guamanga, which he had been promoted. For several years he and Gaitan had been on such bad terms that they would not speak to each other, and Gaitan had moreover quarrelled with the Viceroy to Guadalcazar, who had resumed a certain repartimiento of Indians that he had granted to the inquisitor. His enforcement, moreover, about the payment of salaries was bitterly The resented by the officials and intensified the embroilment. vacancy left by Verdugo was soon filled by Juan de Manozca who, of the royal orders after founding the tribunal of Cartagena, 1 Medina, Lima, I, 301-3. 2 Ibidem, I, was sent as 329, 348. visitador Ibidem, II, 5. PE&U 364 of the Audiencia of Quito and, in place of going there directly, Lima and occupied came to much to Gaitan's disgust. the position of inquisitor ad interim He reported to the Suprema that the condition of the tribunal was deplorable; unless some action was taken there w ould be no Inquisition, but only a gang of men r obeying a will the most obdurate and most terrible that he had ever met, under which the tribunal was diverted from its proper functions to serve Gaitan's interest or caprices, for good or for There was nothing with which he did not ill. that with such violence that he offended his own The faction followed fiscal all interfere, and good men, and even him rather through force than willingly. it was a pity to pay their salaries for was a coward; 1 they did nothing but impair the authority of the Holy Office. In October, 1625, Juan Gutierrez Flores arrived to take Verdugo's place. In consequence of Manozca's representations he make a secret report, which was equally unfavorable. Gaitan, he said, controlled the tribunal absolutely and supported all the claims of the officials without regard to justice. was ordered to This was thoroughly understood by the people, and we can readily imagine the oppression and terrorism which afflicted the com- munity. F16res died, September 22, 1631; and the tribunal was reinforced by the appointment of Juan de Manozca and Antonio de Castro y del some Castillo. Gaitan continued to serve for years, though infirm with age and sickness, accused to the last of 2 abusing his position for gain. Portuguese complicidad grande, of There soon followed the which more hereafter, and this, with the complications of the resultant confiscations, for years afforded the tribunal abundant occupation With many more or less legitimate. consequent enrichment there came torpidity and for years it did little work and its annals are bare. In June, its came as inquisitor Francisco de Valera, transferred from the tribunal of Cartagena, in order to restore peace to that 1688, there city, disturbed, as we shall see hereafter, by a prolonged between him and the bishop, Benavides y Piedrola. 1 Medina, Lima, II, 14-15. conflict This transfer Ibidem, p. 16, 76-8. CHARACTER OF INQUISITOES 365 he had delayed obedience, awaiting the arrival of a successor and, on reaching Lima, he was met with a command from the Suprema to return to Spain, which had been arranged for 1685, but he evaded on the ground that this would leave but a single inquisitor. He paid no attention to a royal cedula of April 1, 1691, him at once to Spain without to be expected, for royal comwas but this listening to excuses, mands were not obeyed by inquisitors unless they were transmitted by the Suprema. Finally the latter ordered his jubilation ordering Viceroy Monclova to send or retirement on half-pay the usual punishment of inquisitors This reached were too whose offences flagrant to be overlooked. Lima in 1703, when the tribunal submissively answered that would obey the command with due exactitude, but that Valera 1 had died on the previous second day of August. it Valera had imparted some vigor to the tribunal and had held public autos in 1693 and 1694, but there was not another until His death had seriously crippled the tribunal, for his colleague Burrelo had died in 1701, the third inquisitor Suarez 1733. and disabled by asthma, and the Ponte y Andrade, was old was so prostrated with gout that, for twenty-two fiscal, months prior November, 1704, he could not venture out of doors. By this time the civil business of the tribunal was greater than that of to the royal Audiencia and it necessarily fell into confusion, while matters of faith were neglected. Suarez asked the Suprema for help and it was rendered after the customary fashion, for the fiscal Ponte was appointed inquisitor and an old professor of law, who had sought the priesthood, Caspar Ibanez, was made fiscal. Quarrels arose immediately, for Ibanez received his commission by private hand and was sworn in immediately, while that of Ponte came by the galleons. Sudrez, who was a friend of Ibanez, endeavored to enforce the it latter's seniority, considerable emoluments, By and this and this was which carried with resisted by Ponte. time there was no distinction of grade between inquisitor fiscal; the latter had the 1 Medina, Lima, II, title of inquisitor-fiscal, 253; Cartagena, pp. 343-44. and the PERU 366 functions were interchangeable, although no one could perform both that is of prosecutor and judge in any given case. Ponte, in 1707, exhaled his griefs to the Suprema; his colleagues, he said, acted irregularly; Ibanez assumed to be both fiscal and inquisitor in the same case the situation was desperate and the civil business ; was at a standstill. 1 For more than a quarter ment. of a century there was no improveSlender as was the business of the tribunal in matters of was greatly in arrears. inquisitor, was sometimes unable Holidays, beyond those on the faith, it amounted to half the Ibafiez, who had become to sit for three register, in the year. months senior at a time. were taken until they Gutierrez de Cevallos, days one of the inquisitors, on being made Bishop of Tucuman, in 1730, reported to the Suprema that he had been unable to expedite matters; there were prisoners who had been confined for thirteen years, of which eleven had passed since he had, as fiscal, presented the formal accusations and we shall see that six more were to elapse before these dreary trials came to an end in the quemadero? Sanchez Calderon had become Ibafiez finally fell into dotage. and Diego de Unda came as fiscal in 1735, to be rated as inquisitor when Mateo de Amusquibar, in 1737, assumed the his colleague former position, to be in turn had attained the age office. inquisitor, in 1744, which was the minimum made above of the finances whom Amusquibar the of thirty, Allusion has been mismanagement made formed an Suprema most damaging by when he for that to the quarrels over the the receiver Ilarduy, with alliance. Amusquibar wrote to reports as to his colleagues; the heresy and the monstrous contradictions in civil cases. Unda, he said, acceded to all that Calderon did, and Calderon followed his own whims in irregularities committed in serious for trials opposition to the precise orders of the Suprema, while the same was shown appointments and in disThere had, indeed, been gross irregularities missals from office. in the trial culminating in the great auto of December 23, 1736, disregard of instructions 1 Medina, Lima, II, 212-14. in 3 Ibidem, pp. 283, 285. CHARACTER OF INQUISITORS in which a effigies had died made woman and two was that in effigies of a Jesuit Padre, 367 had been relaxed. One of the Juan Francisco de Ulloa, who 1710 with a reputation of sanctity; the Jesuits had and were deeply incensed at the great efforts to avert it disgrace on the Society. inflicted This may perhaps aid to explain why, when Calderon and Unda sent their official relation of the cases, the Suprema had replied that it felt the greatest sorrow and scandal in seeing how the affairs of religion were treated, in offence both of religion and justice, and of the honor Holy Office, with the threat that, if in future the laws were not observed, the inquisitors would be dismissed. Calderon of the and Unda, moreover, were greatly discredited by their amours. They kept as concubines two sisters, Magdalena and Bartola Homo, had the daughters of the alcaide of the prison. Magdalena whom Calderon educated in the monastery three daughters of las Catalinas, where they were known as las inquisidoras. but when Calderon and Unda Homo was an accomplice of Ilarduy, dismissed others who were compromised, they account of their relations with his daughters. retained him on 1 These scandals and Calderon's commercial enterprises were weapons used by Ilarduy who, as we have seen, sent to Spain emissaries with a hundred thousand pesos to accomplish One Cal- de Altolaguirre, Ilarduy's son-in-law, before his departure, openly boasted that he would not return without securing Calderon's dismissal, and after he came deron's downfall. of these, Felipe back he publicly spoke of having bribed the inquisitor-general and Suprema, while Ilarduy said that it had cost him forty thousand 2 pesos. What was attained was the appointment of a visitador, The person selected was Pedro armed with supreme powers. Antonio de Arenaza, inquisitor of Valencia, who was promised a salary of fourteen thousand pesos and perquisites. If Calderon is to be believed, Altolaguirre, the envoy of Ilarduy, told him that there 1 Medina, Lima, II, 311-14, 317. Joseph Bermudez de la Torre y Solier, Triunfos del S. Oficio Peruano, Lima, 1737. Palma, p. 107. 3 Medina, Lima, II, 318-19. PERU 368 were rich pickings to be had from the fines to be imposed on the inquisitors; that he could make large profits from merchandise which he could carry with him; that he would have the appointment of corregidores in Piura and el Cercado, yielding him thirtythousand pesos; that his travelling expenses would be paid and that, on his return to Spain, he could not get a seat in the Suprema six him a hundred thousand pesos. 1 His expeMadrid had evidently familiarized him with the depth of unless he took with rience in corruption existing there. The impression conveyed by cial confirmed by the commeraspect of the visitador's voyage, strangely at variance with this is To escape the risk of English cruisers, Altolaguirre and Arenaza sailed from Lisbon to Rio, the its object of reforming abuses. him a large assortment of goods and some negro slaves for sale. Rio was reached in the middle of 1744 and Buenos Ayres in November, whence they passed to Santiago and On March 15th Arenaza arrived in Lima early in March, 1745. visitador taking with presented his credentials and at once examined the funds in the Two weeks later, when Unda went to the chapel as usual chest. to hear mass, Arenaza's notary told him to go to Amusquibar's As he was about to enter, the notary made him get into a carriage standing at the door, when, accompanied by a secretary, he was carried to the Franciscan convent in the neighboring house. Magdalena, with orders to speak to no one. His property was at once embargoed, his house locked up and placed under guard. village of la Calderon was arrested in even more unceremonious fashion. He had been sick in bed for three days when Yrazabal, the alguazil mayor, who had been reinstated, penetrated to his apartments. His physician and chaplain, who were with him, were dismissed and an order was read suspending him from office, embargoing his property and ordering his departure for Limatamba. Yrazabal collected all the keys, and at once commenced an inventory Calderon remained in bed under which consumed two days. 1 Medina, Lima, II, 319. CHARACTER OF INQUISITORS 369 guard, with orders to speak to no one and no one was allowed to The next day he was sent, in Amusquibar's leave the premises. coach, to Limatamba, where two Dominicans were ready to guard him and, on May 3, he was carried to Guaura. For a month Calderon there was busy search for the sequestrated property. it consisted mostly of deposits confided to him, and he says that he was offered reinstatement and the withdrawal of the visitation, if he would give security for fifty thousand declared that 1 twenty thousand. Meanwhile Arenaza was openly retailing his negroes and his goods, through his secretary Gabiria, in rooms obligingly placed pesos and Unda for by the Jesuits in their college. Ilarduy collected him the proceeds and the traffic was so successful that Arenaza was speedily able to remit to Spain forty thousand four hundred The friendly assistance of the Jesuits was due not only pesos. at his disposal for Calderon, but also to their desire to members, whose arrest had been ordered to their rancor against shield one of then* and evaded by hurrying him away and procuring the arrest They were Arenaza's advisers and Calderon's transfer to the secret prison had been determined of another party in his place. The the aspect of affairs. de died Lara, January 10, 1746, and Inquisitor-general, Manrique was succeeded, July 26th, by Pardo y Cuesta. Calderon received when an unlooked-for event changed the news by way of Potosi expired with the grantor. and claimed that Arenaza's commission He hastened to Lima where he recused Arenaza as his judge, threatened to shoot him and asked the Count of Superunda, then viceroy, to give him no support. Superunda was strongly in favor of Arenaza and ordered Calderon to leave the city within ten hours, nor does it need Calderon's accusation that he was bribed to this by the Jesuits. Arenaza, in a letter to his brother, asserts that Calderon attempted to off him threatened when this failed, him, but he would buy and, gain nothing by this "for I am resolved rather to be fried in a 2 frying-pan in the public plaza." 1 Medina, Lima, 24 II, 320-22. * Ibidem, pp. 322-26. PERU 370 Calderon's faction in the city had been active in discrediting Arenaza with pamphlets, lampoons and caricatures. The vice- roy stood by him, holding that his commission emanated from the Suprema and had not lapsed, but still he sought to effect a settlement. At one time it was agreed that the inquisitors should resume their offices and the sequestrations be their giving security in fifty to the charges but, Then came lifted, on thousand pesos to answer judicially from some cause, the arrangement fell through. the great earthquake of October 28, 1746, followed by pestilence, which, for a time, suspended all action. Calderon had his agents at work with the Suprema, which resolved, in April, 1747, that the inquisitors should be restored and the seques- tration be lifted; that Arenaza's functions should be limited to the subordinate officials, and that the viceroy should select some one to replace him as respected the inquisitors. It was nearly a year before these orders reached Peru, but, on March 4, 1748, Calderon and Unda entered the city triumphantly, in coaches by a crowd of negroes and mulattos, with bands of music and scattering of flowers, while the bells of the convents of which they were patrons sounded a joyous peal, the demonstration escorted continuing for two days. Arenaza was humiliated and, when Superunda received a commission in blank for a new visitador, the warning was quite sufficient to deter ilous position. any competent person from accepting the perwhom it was offered declined, pointing out All to the fate of Arenaza and the danger of arousing enmities that would blast honor and reputation. Superunda therefore brought Arenaza and the inquisitors together and, after a long conference, it was agreed that the sequestration should be lifted their and that they would sit with Arenaza in the tribunal, but they failed to comply with their promise and the business was carried on by Arenaza and Amusquibar. Unda died, May 27, 1748, of apoplexy following a visit paid to a house where he had illicit rela- His funeral was dismal, even Calderon refusing to be present, saying that he had died as he had lived. tions with the daughters. CHARACTER OF INQUISITORS 371 Superunda reported to the inquisitor-general that affairs were beyond remedy by a continuance of the visitation, and Arenaza was ordered to return to Spain. This order reached Lima at the close of 1750 and he sailed from Callao August 11, 1751, complaining bitterly that his salary of fourteen thousand pesos had been cut down to fifty-nine hundred. Amusquibar, however, states that he was paid in addition eighteen thousand five hundred outward expenses and living and eight thousand for those return, which conflicts with the statement of Viceroy Super- for his of his unda that he embarked wholly destitute of money. He died on the passage at Cartagena, but his secretary went on to Spain with the papers of the visitation. The decision of the Suprema had suspended Calderon until he should answer judicially the charges made against him, and he consequently lived in retirement, while the tribunal was carried on by Amusquibar and Rodriguez Delgado, who had been sent out to replace Unda. As usual they quarrelled and, in 1754, Amusquibar formally demanded that his colleague should beremoved by promotion to the episcopate, for he was inquisitor Rodonly in name, being utterly inefficient and incapable. riguez, on his side, described Amusquibar as arbitrary and impenetrably obstinate; a case had been ready for final sentence for a year, yet he could not be brought to agree as to its settlement. The sudden death of possession, so that Amusquibar remained Rodriguez, however, October 31, 1756, restored peace and Jose de Salazar y Cevallos, who was appointed in his place, died in November, 1757, before he could assume sole paid so little attention to his duties that in five inquisitor. He months he was only three times in the audience-chamber and, on the plea of illness, he absented himself from Lima and appointed as his representative the excited much fiscal, Bartolome* Lopez Grille, an act which adverse comment. Meanwhile nothing was heard as to the dealings of the Suprema with the papers of the visitation. They seem to have been gone over with even more than customary deliberation and we chance PERU 372 to learn that, in 1762, Calderon was charged with improper conduct of the cases of Bartolome* Cortez de Umansoro and Andre's de Muguruza. In 1763 the Suprema adopted the expe- dient of sending to the Viceroy Armat y Yuniant blank commissions by which to appoint two competent ecclesiastics who with Amusquibar should form the court to try the charges. The instructions reached Lima in 1764, by which time both Calderon and Amusquibar had passed away and thus, some twenty years after its inception, the visitation died a natural death, every one 1 having passed to a higher jurisdiction. A paralysis had fallen on the tribunal and from this time its functions almost ceased, although its organization was kept com- concerned in and plete its it pay-roll suffered no diminution. One of its last autos was held in 1773, in which only eight penitents appeared. Possibly this torpidity only rendered its official positions more came to be a matter of almost open bargain In 1789, Cristobal de Cos, chief clerk in the secre- attractive, for they and sale. Suprema, commenced to traffic in them through his Fernando agent, Pielago, one of the secretaries of the Lima tariat of the To save the expense of transportation, the Suprema some time adopted the practice of appointing natives or residents of Peru, which may have given rise to the sale of offices tribunal. had for may, perhaps, only have rendered it notorious, for Cos could not have transacted the business without the connivance and or participation of his superiors. Pie*lago himself had paid three thousand pesos for his position, and Manuel de Vado Calderon the same, for the office of secretary of sequestrations. Narciso de Aragon gave six hundred for a minor position and three cases sums were paid for jubilation, or retire- are mentioned in which ment on half-pay, with the privilege of appointing a successor. The culmination was reached in the career of Pedro Zalduegui, 1 Medina, Lima, II, 326-8, 331, 353-6. Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 69-72, Archive nacional de Lima, Protocol 225, Exp tM 5276, 5278. It is to the credit of Arenaza that, in the earthquake of 1746, which ruined the buildings of the Inquisition, the prisoners were rescued by his efforts, he himself sustaining injury and one of his servants being killed. Medina, II, 331. 490-91. CHARACTER OF INQUISITORS who commenced tribunal. and sacristan as sweeper He was wholly illiterate, 373 of the chapel of the but he was a shrewd trader thousand pesos Finally, through Pielago and Cos, and he paid the capellan mayor to surrender his place to him. of the tribunal a he bought the position of inquisitor for the sum of fourteen thousand ducats; there was little concealment in the transaction and The Suprema was obliged the scandal was great. investigation which Matienzo. In a it to order an confided to the Inquisitors Abarca and November 8, 1794, they confirmed the letter of reports as to the sale of offices and the incompetence of those who defended himself, Against by asserting that the trouble arose from his refusal to join with bought them. his colleagues this Zalduegui, in 1796, in tribunal for their mismanagement of the affairs of the At length he manifested private interests. their his gross ignorance in a controversy with Bartolome' Guerrero on the intricate question of sanctifying grace; they obliged him to on the strength of the doctrinal error define his position and, him and suspended him from office. That the Suprema restored him is fairly suggestive of another 1 payment and he retained his office till the last. involved, they prosecuted Inquisitors of the character thus indicated, owning no superior save the distant inquisitor-general and Suprema, armed with the terrible power of excommunication which none but themselves could remove, judging all and judged by none, could not to be a disturbing element in the colonial administration. fail They were at the head of a body of officials and over the land, who enjoyed exemption from 1 familiars, scattered all other jurisdiction, II, 384-6, 398. B. Stevenson, Secretary to Lord Cochrane, who was brought before the tribunal in 1813, shortly before the decree of suppression was received, gives a Medina, Lima, W. vivid description of Zalduegui I had seen what at other times "I knew the inquisitors but how changed from The pursy swarthy Abarca, in the centre, them ! the fat monster Zalduegui on his left, his corpulent paunch being oppressed by the arms of his chair, and blowing through the fiscal. Sobrino, on his right, knitting his nostrils like an over-fed porpoise his black eye-brows and striving to produce in his unmeaning face the semblance scarcely half filling his chair of state of wisdom." Twenty Years' Residence in South America, I, 264 (London, 1825). PERU 374 secular and ecclesiastical, and who were they might Even servants and slaves had the their whatever crimes sure, and mercy commit, to find protection in the tribunal. benefit of this fuero and formed a peculiarly obnoxious class in the community. The maintenance and extension of these privileges involved the tribunal in constant strife with the authorities, lay and spiritual, quarrels which were carried on with a violence frequently destructive to the public peace. The governmental officials, however highplaced, who sought to curb inquisitorial arrogance, could slender hope of support from their royal master. have As we have seen in the chapter on Mexico, there was preserved in the Madrid archives the formula of a letter addressed to viceroys, insisting on This in 1603 was duly sent to the Marquis of Monterey, Viceroy of Peru. 1 How often this was repeated it would be impossible to say, but in 1655, at least, it was sent to the Count of Alba by Philip IV, as a warntheir subservience to the Inquisition. ing in consequence of some squabbles involved with the tribunal. founded, Philip inquisitors and II, all When 2 in which he came to be the colonial Inquisitions were by a cedula of August 16, 1570, took the the officials under the royal protection and decreed that any one, no matter of what rank, who disturbed or injured them should incur the penalty of violating the safe3 guard, and this was repeated by Philip III in 1610. Francisco de Toledo, the first viceroy who had to deal with the Inquisition, was a the purse-strings, who was for man of decided character managed to keep of a yielding disposition. who, by holding within bounds Cerezuela, There was dissension however, which Alonso de Arceo, canon of la Plata, decried him as a and a forger, whom the tribunal dared not accuse, but heretic when Toledo asked it to prosecute him, it evaded the request. The next viceroy, the Count del Villar, was weaker, while Ulloa, as we have seen, enforced the prerogatives of the Holy Office 4 1 1 Hoyo, Relacion del auto de fe de 20 Die. de 1694 (Lima, 1695). Medina, Lima, II, 183-5. Recop. de las Indias, Lib. i, Tit. xix, ley 2. Medina, Lima, I, 181. TROUBLES OF VICEROYS with a masterful hand. an end to put tor Ulloa; this ill-feeling may a way obedience to some excuse to abase thoroughly the that Villar banished Catalina to the scandal of her relations with Inquisi- have been either the cause or a between them, but motives when lacking, in We have seen vice-regal authority. Morejon The quarrels which arose were long and and were conducted intricate 375 result of the for dissension could not be the domineering spirit of the tribunal refused all constituted authority, and could always frame for asserting its superior jurisdiction. May 30, 1587, the English made a descent on Payta, where they burnt some churches and convents and desecrated some images. They had been by Geronimo de Rivas, an had they captured at sea and who piloted into the port inhabitant of Payta, whom The deputy corregidor natuhim to be sent by land to remained after their departure. him and rally arrested Lima for examination. Villar ordered In some way the inquisitorial commis- sioner, the Mercenarian Fray Pedro Martinez, was interested in him and to save him claimed and obtained him from the corregidor by the Inquisition. He was forwarded by sea to Lima and was withheld from the viceroy. In August Fray Martinez came to Lima to attend a chapter of his Order, which made him comendador of his ruined convent as a fautor of heretics, justiciable who Fray Thomas de so that he could rebuild it. Villar, felt much aggrieved, forbade the Provincial, Valdez, to issue the but the tribunal and commission, interposed by threats of excommunication compelled its delivery. Soon after this, at the auto of November 30, 1587, there arose a quarrel, distribution of seats, of the viceroy, which resulted who was compelled in probably about the the excommunication to seek absolution. Villar sustained an even more humiliating defeat in another encounter which exhibits the elasticity of inquisitorial jurisdicA young man named Antonio de Arpide y Ulloa (possibly tion. of kin to Inquisitor Ulloa) him to a came to "lance" in the lancers of ingly done. Ulloa appointed him Lima, with orders to admit the guard, which was accord- fiscal of the tribunal, although, PERU 376 according to the Visitador Prado, he was naturally ill-conditioned, a youth in all things, careless in his office, and it was a scandal to see a fiscal wearing the garments of a layman. Villar thereupon discharged him from the guard, replacing him with Don Luis de Nevares, for the sufficient reason that the two positions were incompatible and that no one could enjoy two salaries. Arpide petitioned the tribunal for relief; as its nal confirmed this view; the viceroy he was entitled to had no The tribu- right to dismiss him, ordered, under a penalty of a thousand pesos, the officers the guard to strike from the rolls the name of Nevares and and of its official fuero and the viceroy had no authority over him. it whom the salary must be paid. The officers represented that they were under the viceroy's orders, when they were told that they had thus incurred excommunireplace that of Arpide, to cation suit The and the penalty. affair between Arpide and Nevares, in was put into the shape of a which the tribunal of course gave a decision in favor of the former and, when the latter appealed the Suprema, it refused to allow the appeal. There was another source of trouble in the case of Dr. Salinas, a man of evil reputation, who was appointed advocate of prison- ers. Previous to this appointment he had uttered disparaging remarks about the viceroy, and had a quarrel with his secretary Juan Bello. Villar procured the assent of Ruiz de Prado and arrested Salinas, prosecuted torture in the course of the and Villar surrendered him and subjected him Then the tribunal trial. him and all the papers. to severe interfered This did not and Prado, who forgot their mutual strife and united to give the viceroy a final blow, as his five years' term satisfy Ulloa was drawing to an end. Formal proceedings were him. against September 26, 1589, Arpide as fiscal presented his clamosa or indictment, representing that Villar had of service commenced always been disaffected to the Inquisition, had talked against it, had impeded it and had diminished its authority as far as he In the case of his secretary, Juan Bello, he had sent a threatening message; at the auto of November 30, 1587, he had could. TROUBLES OF VICEROYS invented means to deprive as Dr. Salinas received it 377 of the services of its officials ; as soon an appointment, he had prosecuted him words uttered long before; in the case of Gabriel Martinez de Esquivel, familiar in Huanuco, he had ordered him for trifling to report forthwith in Spain to the Council of Indies and, when asked by the tribunal for his reasons, he had made an offensive reply; he had even made investigations against the persons and From all this, which reputations of the inquisitors themselves. he the pains and it followed had incurred that was notorious, censures provided 1, 1569), against by the all bull Si de protegendis of Pius who V (April offend or despise the officials of the Inquisition, wherefore the tribunal was asked to declare have incurred these censures, notwithstanding him to any absolution ad cautelam which he might have obtained, so that he might serve as an example to all Christian people of their obligation to respect and reverence everything connected with the Holy Without going through the prescribed formalities Office. of submitting the matter to calificadores and assembling consultores and, without hearing the accused, the tribunal that same morning decreed that Villar had incurred the censures of the bull of Pius V, while for the other penalties prescribed in Suprema. To it this the viceroy replied, he was remitted to the October 3d, that he had only sought to perform the duties of his office, but seeing that they had declared him to be under the excommunication of the bull, as an obedient son of the Church he begged for absolution and asked that Spain. it be speedy, as he was under orders to sail for this he waited until the 16th, when he For an answer to sent a judge and alcalde de corte, both consul tors of the InquiThere was sition, to the tribunal to enquire about his petition. read to them a reply, dated on the 14th, to the effect that the inquisitors had repeatedly intimated to him that he had incurred these censures and, in fact, could have known it, it for every was so self-evident that every one one knows that all incur them who impede the Inquisition directly or indirectly, or who ill-treat, in word or deed, the inquisitors or officials to the injury of their PERU 378 reputation and authority, and that good intentions are powerThe viceroy's acts had been so notorious that less to avert it. it was needless to recite them and, before absolution could be must be rendered for them, espe- granted, condign satisfaction Diego de Salinas, while, as regarded the injuries to Holy Office, he was referred to the Suprema. As it had long been evident that he was under these censures, without seeking cially to Dr. the their removal, and as he was about perilous voyage, the inquisitors to bring him to undertake a long and had been moved by loving charity to a recognition of the condition of his soul. They were ready to absolve him as soon as he should do what was requisite and, in consideration of his station, he should be spared the solemnities required by law. After some parleying this portentous document was delivered to Villar on the 19th and on the 27th he replied at much length. He had never been told that he was under excommunication, or he would at once have applied for absolution. He had always favored and enriched the Inquisition he had not proceeded against Dr. Salinas till assured by Prado that he could do so, and he had ; surrendered him and the papers, January 11, 1589, as soon as he was summoned. Then Prado, after consulting Ulloa, had given to Fray Pedro de Molina a commission to absolve him ad cautelam, in case he had incurred excommunication for that or anything and he had received the absolution with great but the certificate had been withdrawn more than else, satisfaction, a month ago, and since then he had abstained from hearing mass or taking the sacraments, except on the feast of San Francisco (October 4th) when he had special licence from the inquisitors. He did not know how he was to give satisfaction to Dr. Salinas, as the matter had been remitted to the Suprema which, with the king, would do as they might see man and an humble and fit. Meanwhile, as a gentleobedient son of the Church, he again prayed for absolution. The victory were complete. of the tribunal When and the humiliation of the viceroy the inquisitors read his petition, October TROUBLES OF VICEROYS 379 27th, they issued to Antonio de Balcazar, provisor of the arch- commission to absolve him, at the same time admonish- diocese, a ing him to present himself to the also They by Dr. gave him the papers Salinas, in order to enable the Suprema. and Suprema of the suit him to as early as possible. brought against him make his defence before Villar received the absolution with satisfaction, as a great favor from the 28th the provisor was summoned, much inquisitors, humility and on the who solemnly absolved him in 1 the chapel of the palace. Yet Villar was so little reassured that, on his voyage home, he wrote from Havana to implore the protection of the king from He the enmity of Salinas. to the rehearsed the services of his ancestors monarchy, while of his children five sons had been killed and one crippled in the king's wars with heretics and two more were then serving and two were in training for infidels, service, while two had died in the priesthood. His fears were probably for the in to a letter Prado, blamed him for groundless Suprema, the dissensions in the tribunal which for Salinas, a man of such evil life it attributed to his favor and tortuous methods that he alone would throw any republic into discord. Apparently it did not as yet know that the secret of the influence of Salinas was the relations of his sister-in-law with Prado, a scandal which continued until Prado's It has recall. 2 seemed worth while to give somewhat in detail particulars of this obscure quarrel to illustrate the position by the tribunal towards the highest authorities, its the adopted arrogant assumption of superiority, and the readiness with which its jurisdiction could be extended in any desired direction. It can easily be perceived an how difficult was the task of the viceroys to main- government, and to keep the peace with so and so independent unruly a factor in the land. But few of them tain escaped efficient collisions, although sequent case the quarrel 1 2 it does not appear that in any subfar as the institution of a formal went so Archive national de Lima, Protocolo 228, Medina, Lima, I, 263, 285-G, 290-2. te Exp 5287 (see Appendix). 380 prosecution against the personal representative of the king. It not surprising therefore that, however pious were the viceroys, they were almost unanimous in deprecating the acts and the is influence of the Holy Office. The Count del Villar naturally exhaled his woes in long and lugubrious epistles to the king. His successor, the Count of Canete, as early in his term as 1589, com- plained bitterly of the exemptions through which all connected with the Holy Office admitted responsibility to no one. This gave rise to endless trouble, for every one who was summoned examined, or who refused to pay his dues to the royal treasury, procured a familiarship or some office and with it secured exemption. Even Alvaro Ruiz de Navamuel, to have his accounts the government secretary, had himself made a familiar and audiThe tor, and assumed that he was not subject to investigation. one of them at Arequipa, when 1 called upon for his accounts, refused because he was a familiar. Government conducted after this fashion seems like opera royal officials were familiars bouffe. In like manner the Viceroy Luis de Velasco, in 1604, repre- sented strongly to Philip III the intrusion of the tribunal on other jurisdictions and its overbearing methods, so that the superior royal officials, on whom rested the peace and quiet of the land, had to abandon As their rights to avoid scandals. for himself, sometimes he temporized, sometimes he yielded, and sometimes he pretended not to see, in order to avoid dissension, for, when the tribunal was opposed, it made public demonstrations, which degraded the authority of the vice-regal office and of the Royal So, in 1609, the Viceroy Marquis of Montesclaros, Audiencia. some scandalous in representing ill-treatment of the alcaldes of the city, declared that the inquisitors were arbitrary and assumed that there was no power superior to resist them. 2 It them to restrain or even to was probably representations such as these which and 1633. In these some of the led to the concordias of 1610 more 1 flagrant usurpations of authority were forbidden, but the Medina, Lima, II, 444. 2 Ibidem, 444, 449. TROUBLES OF VICEROYS 381 underlying principles were unchanged and we have seen how, in Mexico, the attempted reform was frustrated. The Viceroy Count of Alba de Aliste was involved in many encounters with the tribunal, for which, as noted above, in 1655, Philip IV sent him a copy of the circular letter of 1603 commanding respect and obedience. This did not prevent him, in 1657, from writing that the reiteration and multiplication of jurisdiction might render altogether, as the only Government. 1 it of necessary for him of its excesses to break with way With the advent Bourbon dynasty, the Spain, and the resolute of the consequent infusion of Gallicanism in assertion of the regalias, the authority of the viceroj^s fully recognized, and we hear their struggles to maintain it less, in it was more the eighteenth century, of against the tribunal. did not cease to assert the superiority of extend it maintaining the authority of the its Yet the jurisdiction latter and to as far as possible, giving rise to a perpetual succession of embittered contests with the other judicial organizations, to the detriment of the public peace and the weakening of the functions of government. Even after its decadence had fairly set in, Manuel Amat y Yunient writes that the Inquisition, so necessary for the purity of the faith, would be more useful and respected if it would confine itself to its proper as late as 1773, the Viceroy functions, for its cognizance of civil cases has always led to with the royal courts, which are particularly prejudicial at this distance from the king and, though there have been concollisions cordias and royal cedulas to prevent them, there are never lacking occasions to revive the contention to the great disquiet of the 2 people. The eighteenth century, series of quarrels of with all in fact, presents an almost continuous the different jurisdictions, the existence which so greatly weakened the organization of the Spanish and these quarrels were fought out with a per- colonial system, sometimes degenerating into violence, which taxed to the utmost the efforts of the viceroys as peacemakers. sistent bitterness, 1 Medina, Lima, II, 454. ' Memorias de loa Vireyes, IV, 487. PERU 382 Into the trivial details of these dreary conflicts it is not worth while to enter at length, but a single case may be briefly described, to illustrate the ferocity displayed by all parties and the confusion from the complexity of the multiplied judicial systems which influenced Spanish development so unfortunately. On November 11, 1723, two brothers, the Licentiates Juan arising and Martin Lobaton, presented themselves before the tribunal to claim its protection. Juan was cura or parish priest of Soras and commissioner of the Inquisition in Guancabelica; Martin " was cura of Vifiao and persona honesta" or cleric called in to be present when witnesses ratified their evidence. Both parishes were in the see of Guamanga, then sede vacante and governed by the chapter, which had required Juan to account for the property of an Indian woman, a parishioner who had died some two years had ordered him not to leave Guamanga, under penalty of excommunication, whereupon he had promptly fled In his case, the fiscal reported that the matter did not to Lima. previous, and it concern the Inquisition and the papers were returned to the Martin had assisted his brother's flight episcopal Ordinary. and for this he was confined to his house by the episcopal authori- and a coadjutor appointed, to the great scandal and destrucIn this case the tribunal assumed tion, we are told, of the parish. it ordered June jurisdiction; him, 2, 1724, to be restored and his ties property released, on his giving security, and the chapter was ordered to prosecute before the Inquisition whatever charges it had to bring against him. Martin meanwhile had the town of Guamanga as a prison. On the afternoon of April 30th, as he was standing in the street, the dean of the chapter, who was also commissioner of the Inquisition, passed in his carriage, then got out and scolded him roundly for not taking off his hat. Martin withdrew, but the dean, still unsatisfied, went to his house with the alcalde, broke open the door and embargoed all his goods even to his clothes and breviary then summoned excommunicated and the chapter and by 5 o'clock had him twenty pesos, as the papers stated, for fined CONFLICTING JURISDICTIONS 383 not removing his hat to the dean an hour before, and notices of the excommunication were duly affixed to the doors of the churches. When the inquisitorial sentence of June 2d was served upon the had but when hia chapter nothing against Martin, embargoed property came to be restored much of it was found to have been stolen by the depositaries to whom it had been it confided. said that The tribunal held the chapter responsible made the loss to be The chapter it replied, September 29th, that the case belonged to the bishop and chapter and Then Fray Luis de Cabrera, Augustinian convent, to as executor, previous surrender of the papers its had been without prejudice. of the whom of prior the sentence had been sent excommunicated the chapter. Commissioner and ordered good, under threat of excommunication. The archdeacon as the Cruzada, .declared the excommunication and replaced them with others excommunicating Cabrera as a disturber of the Bull of the void, ordered the notices to be removed, Cruzada. Cabrera responded by excommunicating the alguazil and notary of the Cruzada and, on October 2d, the archdeacon pronounced these excommunications to be null. When the tribunal heard of this, by orders of October 18th and 27th it declared the excommunications on both sides to be null; put the matter of the chapter in the hands of Luis de Mendoza, it rector of the Jesuit college, and ordered Cabrera to push the restitution of Martin's property, but not to employ censures without instructions. This was the situation when the new it bishop, Alfonso Roldan, arrived at Lima and, on its being stated Then Martin came to him, he expressed himself as satisfied. before the tribunal asserting that one of the depositaries, Juan Joseph Lasco, who had stolen most of the goods, had pawned some silverware of his with a merchant named Joseph de Villaand nueva, asking their restoration on his proving property. Consequently on March 14, 1725, orders were sent to Cabrera the silver were proved to be Martin's, it should be deposited in safe hands. This was done on April 5th, when Villanueva that, if PERU 384 deposed that Lasco had pawned with him ninety-three marks He was ordered to deposit it and promised to do so but, on the 7th, he testified that the day before the bishop had ordered him not to surrender the silver but to tell Cabrera of silver plate. throw up the commission of the Inquisition and any other that he might hold. This was followed by the archdeacon notifying to Martin to go to his parish in sixteen hours and, on his representing the impossibility of this, as he had been a prisoner for a year and he was posted as an excommuniAfter considerable delay he was absolved and was told was deprived cate. of his property, to stay in the city, but on falling sick and unable to assist in the church, he was excommunicated again and recluded in his house. All this is the Suprema. a one-sided relation, furnished by the tribunal to It evidently omits much that would show the tribunal in a less favorable light, as the it there is for in nothing to justify the intervention of the viceroy Audiencia. arbitrarily who outcome indicates, and Yet we learn from another source that Cabrera had excommunicated and fined the alcalde of complained to the Audiencia, and on October Guamanga 30, 1724, the viceroy notified the tribunal that the Audiencia, after considering the evidence, had resolved that the Inquisition should restrain A correspondence ensued, continued until the sumits officials. mer which the tribunal complained that the viceroy and Audiencia were assuming to be the superiors of the Inquiof 1725, in laws and the royal cedulas. The affair finally took the shape of a competencia referred for settlement to the Suprema and the Council of Indies. The Suprema took sition, in violation of the high ground; it alone could review the acts of the tribunal or entertain appeals, and no other authority had power to intervene. This might have answered under Philip IV, but times had changed. decree of Philip V, February 1, 1729, ordered it to correct the A excesses of the tribunal and to this it by such means replied, April 16th, that it as it deemed requisite, had revoked the acts of the tribunal in the affair of Martin Lobaton, ordering the sur- CONFLICTING JURISDICTIONS papers to the Ordinary and judge of Cruzada before he must plead; that it had entirely disapproved the pro- render of whom 385 all ceedings of the tribunal and that it had instructed the inquisitors 1 hereafter to observe the provisions of the law. The Cruzada jurisdiction which emerges of the subdivisions of judicial authority, plicated the administration of justice in and furnished an abundant source known as in this case was another which so fatally comthe Spanish dominions of quarrels. The indulgence the Santa Cruzada supplied a large revenue to the crown and the organization a chief commissioner for its sale who was elaborate. At its held exclusive jurisdiction, head was civil and was by law it we as have was, yet just seen, 2 While the case just every way. criminal, over his subordinates and, although this confined to their official acts, extended to protect them in mentioned was in progress, another prolonged quarrel arose, Don Antonio de Marsimilarly involving all three jurisdictions. categui, the priest of Quiquixana, Inquisition. was also a commissioner of the As such he was already engaged in a contest with the episcopal provisor of Cuzco, in which the Supre-ma decided against him and ordered all his acts to be revoked. While this was pending he celebrated mass in the chapter's chapel of the Virgin, on a feast-day, without first settling with the Cruzada for by the worshippers under some old For this Don Juan de Ugarte, commissioner of concessions. the Cruzada in Cuzco, on January 8, 1724, notified him that he was fined in three hundred pesos, and also excommunicated him the indulgences gained there Marcategui went to Cuzco and laid the matter before Bishop Arregui, who sided with Ugarte. After some without trial. further trouble the corregidor was sent to trate his property; he gathered together arrest him and seques- some Indians and Spanit and escaped to Lima iards for resistance but thought better of when, on appealing to the Inquisition, it declared all the pro- 1 Archive de Bibl. nacional de Madrid, Section de MSS., R, 102, fol. 169. Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 27, fol. 90, 106. Memorias de los Vireyes, III, 85. * Nueva 25 Recopilacion, Lib. I, Tit. x, ley 10, n. 5. PERU 386 ceedings to be invalid and ordered the surrender to The bishop however papers. Ugarte his to the Cruzada it of all the papers to the viceroy and tribunal of Lima. The inquisitors sent his demanded the former from the viceroy and asked him to compel the Cruzada to surrender the latter, but the viceroy refused, alleging that what he held concerned the royal patronato and that he had no control over the Cruzada, whose jurisdiction was eccleTo a second demand, he siastical, exempt and privileged. expressed the wise determination not to get entangled in ecclematters and jurisdictions, and he further claimed cog- siastical nizance of the case of the corregidor, whom the Inquisition was and attemptHe stubbornly rejected repeated requests and prosecuting for sequestrating Marcategui's property ing his arrest. he finally ordered the tribunal to to appear before it. The suspend its summons to Ugarte case was carried to Spain to vex the Suprema, the Council of Indies and the Commissioner the Cruzada. In 1729 the king decided against the Inquisition souls of the of and ordered the case to be surrendered to the Cruzada and the episcopal court, but it still dragged on and, in 1733, a royal decree ordered the Inquisition to obey the Concordias and the laws, but even this was not the end, how it was finally settled matters only interest lies in illustrating the hopelessly impracticable character of Spanish colonial organization and adminis- little; its tration. 1 These defeats of the Inquisition were followed soon afterwards by a still greater invasion of the privileges of the inquisitorial employees. A citizen of Lima pursued a slave into the house of a salaried arrest. official, whereupon the tribunal forthwith ordered The royal Audiencia intervened, representing to his the viceroy, the Marquis of Castel-Fuerte, that the officials enjoyed only the passive and not the active fuero; that the pretensions of the Inquisition, if admitted, would destroy the royal jurisdiction, and that an order should be issued requiring the aggrieved party 1 Bibl. national de Madrid, MSS., R, 102. MSS. of Archive national de Lima, Legajo 225, Expediente 5278. Memoriae de los Vireyes del Peru, III, 86-93. EXEMPTIONS ABOLISHED 387 This opinion the viceroy sent to the it should abstain. It replied that to plead in the Audiencia. tribunal with a request that the official gies made had withdrawn his complaint on account of the apolo- to him, but that the tribunal could not assent to the position of the Audiencia without committing the grave fault of crippling its powers. A considerable correspondence ensued in which the Audiencia asserted decisively that, in matters not connected with faith, the officials of the Inquisition did not enjoy the f uero and much less the active f uero that there were no laws ; or customs to contravene the settled principle that the plaintiff or prosecutor must seek the court of the defendant. To this the tribunal replied that the Audiencia had no authority to frame general rules in contravention of laws and customs, and that Castel-Fuerte the matter must be settled by the Suprema. rejoined that the competence of the royal court was not to be Suprema had cognizance only of matters of admit the contrary was to place the whole impugned, that the faith and that to 1 administration of justice at the mercy of the tribunal. These were brave words which a century earlier would have consigned the utterer to disgrace. They were the denial of the and exemptions which the Inquisition had enjoyed for centuries and a half, and their significance lies in two nearly In time those their expression of the tendencies of the period. privileges tendencies brought about their inevitable development. In 1744 there was a contest over the will of D. Felix Antonio de Vargas, in the consulado or commercial court. A secretary of the tri- bunal claimed to have an interest in the estate, and it consequently This was resisted asserted jurisdiction over the whole affair. by the consulado, and Viceroy Villagarcia ordered a sola de com- between the conflicting claims, according to The tribunal refused, on the ground that its established rule. were too clear to be called in question. While this was rights petencia to decide pending, Superunda succeeded to Villagarcia and, after no little trouble, he induced the visitador Arenaza to agree to a sala 1 Memorias de los Vireyes, III, 94-100. PERU 388 reflexdj to Then determine whether a sala de competencia should be held. there came fresh trouble on the side of the senior judge of the Consulado, but finally the decision was reached that the officials of the Inquisition were entitled to the active f uero. When Superunda reported the matter to Fernando VI there resulted the royal ce*dula of June 20, 1751, declaring that the officials should enjoy only the passive fuero, and this in both civil cases and those criminal ones not excepted by the concordias, while their servants and the familiars were wholly deprived of it. In the case in question, the papers were to be surrendered to the Con- sulado; in future no sala reflexa was to be held and, when matter was so clear as in this one, the viceroy should decide the it, was manifestly an assault on the regalias. time this Arenaza had departed and the inquisitors were By Amusquibar and Rodriguez. The latter was disposed to accept as the effort the royal obey cdula without on the ground that it dispute, but it Amusquibar refused to had not come with the confirmation A long wrangle ensued, but at length another cedula of February 29, 1760, was received, ordering the observance of the previous one, and this time it was accompanied by a corof the Suprema. responding decree of the Suprema. to the March These were communicated which, seeing that further resistance was useless, promptly promised obedience. This was followed by a demand for the papers of the estate of Vargas, which, after tribunal, an interval for adjudication. 24, 1761, of seventeen years, was at length placed in train 1 This settled the question as to the civil jurisdiction of the and simultaneously another case put an end to conflicts tribunal A negro slave of the alguazil mayor had been arrested for some offence; the tribunal demanded the prisoner with its customary threats of fines and excommunications. The over criminal matters. affair was pending when the ce*dula of 1760 was received; the Audiencia thereupon served on the tribunal an inhibition to issue letters of excommunication and 1 Memorias de fine against the alcaldes del los Vireyes, IV, 73-6, 300. QUARRELS WITH THE ARCHBISHOP crimen and proceeded to try the slave. all 339 The cedula was sent to the judicial officers of the vice-royalty and they were ordered to defend the royal jurisdiction in all cases covered the arrogant temper of Amusquibar by it. To this limitation of the tra- ditional jurisdiction of the Inquisition must have been gall and wormwood, but it was worth much to the peace of the land. In 1796, the Viceroy, Frey Francisco Gil de Taboado y Lemos, tells us that it had put an end to the former conflicts between the jurisdictions. 1 We have seen how neglectful was Amusquibar of the real duties found time and energy to keep Barroeta y Angel, the Archbishop of Lima, in a condition of exasperation for years, and in this he seems to have had the support not only of of his office, but he the Suprema but of dissension between Fernando VI. What was the origin of the them does not appear, but Barroeta lost no opportunity of exercising his authority for Amusquibar's annoyauce and always to his own discomfiture. The rupture must already have been pronounced when, October 4, 1752, Barroeta wrote calling his attention to the fact that his licence as confessor had not been renewed, while in spite of this he continued his visits to the nunneries of the Recollects, which was and was prohibited; his ceasing these visits Archbishop from further proceedings. This unfitting his position would relieve the provocation was disarmed by cool insolence. Amusquibar delayed a reply until November 14th, when he simply said that he had postponed acknowledging the note in order to sharp be temperate, and he fail in now omitted answering it in order not to own office and the dignity of the the respect due to his archbishop. Suprema Barroeta transmitted the correspondence to the and obtained none. Amusquibar, however, for redress ceased his visits but kept up a correspondence. 1756, when Barroeta for a statement of So it was, in upon Amusquibar and Rodriguez settlements with creditors and sales of farms called belonging to chaplaincies, in order that he might see that the 1 Memorias de los Vireyes, IV, 300-2; V, 50. 390 souls of the founders were reaping the benefits designed in the The foundations. on his asking inquisitors replied that why, replied that it it was impossible and, was on account of the mode of demand; the archbishop could send his fiscal and any special question about any special foundation would be answered. Again he forwarded the letters to the Suprema but its only action was He had equal ill-luck in all the questions to file them away. his that he raised. In 1751 the Suprema sent to Amusquibar its of the king, as to his conduct in an encounter approval and that with Barroeta over jubilee faculties for absolving for heresy. Then Barroeta claimed that the inquisitors should submit to him their licences to celebrate and hear confessions, but the king decided against him. Barroeta transferred the delegation of his inquisitorial jurisdiction from his Ordinary to another person; the tribunal disputed it and the king decided in its favor. He undertook to deprive the inquisitors of their faculties as confessors, and only provoked fresh rebukes from Spain. He issued an edict on fasting which the tribunal prohibited; then he printed it at the end of his Synodal Constitutions only to have the prohibition confirmed and the decision approved by the Suprema. There was a question about the notary of the episcopal court going to the tribunal to report certain acts, in which the Suprema sustained action, and the visits of ceremony between them was a fruitful its source of 1 controversy. Barroeta died, December 10, 1757, whole episcopate marred with these little squabbles. It is all very petty, but it illustrates how the relations of the Inquisition with the spiritual authorities were as unfriendly as with his the temporal. Thus far we have considered matters foreign to its the activity of the tribunal in original purpose, which, indeed, most important portion of its record. As regards function, that of maintaining the purity of the faith, 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Sala Lima, Protocolo 225, Expedt* 5278. 39, Legajo 52. were the its proper its chief Archive national de BIGAMY, BLASPHEMY, SORCERY business in Peru, as in Spain, was with a 391 class of cases which could only by forced construction be considered as heretical. Bigamists furnished a large proportion of penitents the adventurer who left a wife in Andalusian Cordoba was apt to take a new one Cordova de Tucuman and chance might at any time bring detection, while, even in Peru itself, distances were so great and in intercommunication so tempted easily of matrimony. difficult, that the seeker after fortune was wanderings to duplicate the sacrament Blasphemy was another prolific source of pro- in his secution, for the gambling habit was universal and lost none of provocative character in crossing the ocean. Sorcery moreover, including the innumerable superstitions for creating love its or hatred, curing or causing disease, bringing fortune or averting misfortune, and foretelling the future, which were technically held to include implicit or explicit pact with the demon, brought an ample store To of culprits before the tribunal. superstitious beliefs carried the mass of from home by the Spaniards were wise-women and a sprink- speedily superadded those of the native ling taught among by Guinea negro slaves. We find but these offenders, but every other caste is few whites represented negro, mulatto, quadroon, mestizo and sambo and sometimes Indian, for in this crime the jurisdiction of the Inquisition over One feature of Indian the Indians seems to have been admitted. sorcery which constantly meets us owing is the use of the drug coca, to the marvellous properties attributed to peyote which, in Mexico, and revelations. Both it, akin to the was employed to produce fatidical dreams were strictly prohibited by the of these 1 respective Inquisitions. No specific cases of witchcraft occur in the autos de fe, but, Faith directed against the occult arts and sorcery was published, enumerating all the forbidden practices in minute detail and forming a curious body of superstitions in 1629, a special Edict of 1 For the large part played in South American sorcery by coca see Granada, Resefta de antiguas y modernas Supersticiones del Rio de la Plata, pp. 26, 30, 201, 208-9, 498, 501, 578 (Montevideo, 1896). PERU 392 and folk-lore, much more issued in Spain. tions, It extensive than anything of the kind brought in, we are told, numerous denuncia- but the practices were ineradicable and continued to flourish until the end. The virtual paralysis of the tribunal in the later years of Amusqufbar caused many was one from C6rdova de Tucuman complaints, that, in the interior provinces, sorcery no case of sickness that among which to the Suprema, representing was universal; there was was not attributed to it, but denunciations and testimony sent to the tribunal received no attention and, as the civil magistrates were precluded from acting, it flourished 1 unrepressed. Propositions, which furnished so large a portion of the work Spanish tribunals, afforded a much smaller percentage This is probably attributable to lack of intellectual of the in Peru. activity, for some of the cases tried indicate that the suscepti- bility of the Inquisition there was as was the same readiness or ill-sounding remark uttered delicate as in Spain, to denounce any and that careless speech in vexation or anger. Thus, in 1592, Felipe de Lujan was tried because, when looking at a picture of the Last Judgement, he said it was not well painted, for Christ was not with the Apostles. Juan de Arianza had the indelible disgrace of appearing in the auto of because, when reading February 27, 1631, the Scriptures, he exclaimed "Ea! there nothing but living and dying," which sounded ill to those who heard it. A case, which came near to ending in tragedy, was that is Antonio de Campos who, for uttering certain heretical propositions and adhering to them pertinaciously, was condemned to of Fortunately for him the expense of a public auto was too great to be incurred for him and the Suprema was con- relaxation. sulted, in 1672. During the delay thus caused it was found that name was Fray Teodoro de Ribera and that his brain had been turned by a potion given to him by a woman. This his real afforded a solution and he was handed over as insane to his Provincial. A case in 1721 1 is noteworthy as Medina, Lima, II. illustrating the dangers 35-41, 357 SOLICITATION which environed 393 speculations connected with the Church. all A Frenchman, known as Juan de Ullos, was denounced for saying the that neither pope nor a general council was the head of the In due course this proposition was submitted to two calificadores, Padre Luis de Andrade, S. J., and the Mercenarian Church. Fray Francisco Galiano. It was probably through some vague reference to Gallicanism that they reported that the qualification was difficult because the accused was a Frenchman, and for this 1 tliey were imprisoned, with sequestration of their property. As we have already seen in Mexico (p. 241), one of the most frequent offences, not strictly heretical, with which the Inqui- had sition tion of to deal, was that women by priests of so-called solicitation in the confessional, the seduc- but as these offenders never appear in the relations of the autos, they are only to be gathered from more or less imperfect records. Prior to 1578 there had been various Hernandez de cases, about one of which, that of Antonio it could not Villaroel, the tribunal reported that the penalty of perpetual deprivation of confessing this had been ordered by the Suprema in the because women, case of Rodrigo de Arcos, and this was construed as a general diminish about 1580, we find Juan de Alarcon deprived for only three years. In a collection of cases between 1578 and 1581 there are seven of solicitation and between law. If so, it was not long in force for, 1581 and 1585 there are eight. ing and, in 1595, we Thus they are constantly appear- are told that there were twenty-four priests one of whom, Juan de Figueroa, was by forty-three women. In 1597 seven priests were prosecuted from the province of Tucuman alone, where, among the Indian converts, few confessors seem to have had in prison awaiting sentence, testified against 2 scruples. In view of the heinousness of the offence the treatment of culprits in Spain was remarkably lenient, but the tenderness 1 1 shown to them in Peru. this was surpassed by fraile from Another Medina, La Plata, pp. 129-37; Lima, I, 311; II, 45, 225, 273. Medina, Lima, I, 139, 147, 188-95; La Plata, 122. Palma, Afiales, p. 51. PERU 394 Tucuman, the Dominican Francisco Vdzquez, was sentenced, in 1599, for this and for twenty-four scandalous propositions, but for this cumulation of offences he escaped with deprivation of confessing the women and reclusion for a year in a convent. same time the Franciscan Bartolome" de whom the convent at Santiago de Estero, against was deprived penances. Fray Andres testified, of la Cruz, fifteen had some confessing and Corral, Guardian Guardian of the At of women spiritual convent at las Juntas, testified against by twenty-eight women, had aggravated the offence by committing rape in the church and for this he was banished from Tucuman and subjected to a discipline. On the other hand Rodrigo Ortiz Melgarejo, the only priest in Asuncion, denounced himself to the commissioner in 1594, to the delegate Asuncion and to the tribunal in with seven He was obliged to go to Lima, where he presented himHe was regarded as excessively scrupulous, he had women. self in in 1596, for guilt 1600. performed a journey of over a thousand miles and this seems to have been thought an ample punishment. The fact that there was no evidence against him shows that the commissioner and his delegate regarded the matter as too trivial to gather testimony about 1 it. In some of these cases the customary reading of the sentences before colleagues of the culprits was omitted because, as the tribunal explained, there were so many of them of various Orders that the omission seemed best to spare the honor of the religious bodies; the character of the Indian female witnesses was doubtful, but experience showed that they spoke truth, for most of the accused confessed and this was confirmed by the evil lives and example of all the frailes led the tribunal to deprive summoned from Tucuman. them perpetually This had of confessing women, even when the witnesses were Indians and few in number, especially as all those priests and frailes were very ignorant and 2 profligate. Inquisitor Ordonez, as 1 we have Medina, La Plata, pp. 122-5. seen, was not especially sensitive 2 Ibidem, pp. 125-6. SOLICITATION 395 or straight-laced, but he felt compelled, in a letter of April 20, 1599, to call the attention of the Suprema to the frequency of solicitation, especially in that sin some of them as he said, Tucuman, where, there was scarce a priest not guilty of told the Indian it, women when committed with them, and He churches. it appeared that and the worst feature was that the sin was no was consummated it in the therefore asked authority to increase the punish- ment indicated in the Instructions and the Suprema accordingly gave permission to add service in the galleys a permission, however, of which the tribunal seems never to have availed itself. So far from there being an improvement, the tribunal was led to issue, in 1630, a special edict to the effect that, notwithstanding the clauses in the annual Edict of Faith, the crime continued to prevail; that confessors ignored that it was strictly reserved to the Inquisition, and absolved the guilty as well as the penitents, without requiring the latter to denounce their seducers as pre- by the papal decrees; further, that learned persons when consulted furnished opinions that these cases did not come within inquisitorial jurisdiction; wherefore all persons were required, within six days after notice, to denounce these offenders under scribed 1 pain of excommunication latce sententice. It was all in vain and solicitation continued until the end to furnish a notable portion of the dwindling business of the tribunal. As late as 1806 the fiscal Sobrino reported to the Suprema that the worst criminals were to be found in the vice-royalty of Buenos Ayres, which was hastening to ligious propositions and its ruin, solicitation. especially through irre- Possibly wholesome severity might have placed some check on the persistency of the crime, but the same inexplicable tenderness continued to be shown to culprits. In 1737, Pedro de Zubieta, canon of Lima, denounced Dona Lorenza de Fuentes, a nun in the himself for soliciting convent of some la extent. Concepcion a confession which she confirmed to Then Sor Eugenia Evangelista, of the convent del Prado, denounced him with details of the 1 Medina, Lima, I, 313; II, filthiest 474-8. and most cor- PERU 396 rupting talk. As, however, he was a person of consideration, the tribunal, before taking action, consulted the Suprema, with the result that, in 1743, he was merely reprimanded and advised to give up hearing confessions. in 1793, to the priest Almost equal leniency was shown, Fermin de Aguirre, whose sentence was read in the presence of twelve priests, and had some when he abjured de levi 1 spiritual penances. More nearly akin to the real business of the Inquisition was dealing with the class known as beatas revelanderas women professing a holy life, specially favored by heaven with trances, revelations and visions, and gifted with spiritual attributes and its Popular superstition rendered this a profitable trade where the Holy Office was perpetually engaged in expos- powers. in Spain, ing and punishing their impostures; Peru was equally indeed, the boldness and grossness of their afflicted; demands upon the credulity of the people exceeded even that displayed in the mother country. Almost the first occupation of the new tribunal was a case of this About 1568, in Lima, a young endemoniada, named Maria kind. Pizarro, had visitations from the angel Gabriel, in which many things were revealed to her, including the Immaculate Conception. She was exorcised by numerous frailes, who accepted these revelations and carried them out spicuous Ruiz among Con- these were the Padres Luis L6pez and Geronimo two Portillo, to their ultimate conclusions. of the three Jesuits selected by S. Francisco de Borja as the first missionaries of the Society sent to Peru, where they were received as angels of light. There were also several Dominicans and a man Fray Francisco de la Cruz, professor of theology such high repute that the Archbishop of Lima had proposed him as coadjutor Fray Pedro de Toro, Fray Alonso Gasco, prior of the convent of Quito, and others of minor of Early in 1571 Gasco denounced himself to the Quito and surrendered sundry objects which had been importance. Bishop of 1 Medina, La Plata, p. 266; Lima, II, 307, 381. MYSTIC IMPOSTORS 397 blessed by the demon, among them a copy-book of blank paper, two pens and a cloth. The paper had the faculty that whatever was written on it was true, even in doubtful matters, and the The bishop sent Gasco to the tricloth was a cure for disease. bunal, where he was imprisoned, May 8, 1572; the others and Maria Pizarro were arrested at different times. None of them seem to have denied their belief in the revelations. making a full confession, in which she accused herself of having served as a succubus to the demon, and Padre Luis Lopez of having corrupted her, of which she gave full details. Marfa fell sick, after She was several times thought to be dying, when her confessions were read over to her, which she altered several times, finally disculpating Lopez and asserting herself to be a virgin which was disproved. She died, December 11, 1573, all of and was secretly interred in the convent of la Merced. The most conspicuous was Francisco de la that the revelations came figure in the affair Cruz; he stoutly maintained his belief from the angel, and he persistently asserted the doctrines deduced from them. The calificadores pronounced them to be heretical in the highest degree and him to be a heretic more dangerous than Luther, for under his teachings priests would be permitted to marry, laymen to practise polygamy, confession would be abolished and excommunication be disregarded, duels be allowed permitted to enslave the Indians. Such a man teaching such principles could cause a revolution and overthrow the Spanish sovereignty. Moreover, by Dona Leonor de Valen- and soldiers woman, he had a child named Gravelico who Job and John the Baptist; he was now beginning to talk and to say that God was his father and the Virgin He was too dangerous an imp to be at large; the his mother. tribunal prudently seized him, secretly shipped him to Panama" and had him forwarded to Trujillo and placed with Don Juan de Sandoval. The fraile himself on trial was stubbornly pertinazuela, a married was to be another cious; his advocate and a patron theoldgico abandoned his defence, whereat he expressed his satisfaction; his sanity was called in PERU 398 question, but he defended his opinions with such dexterity that this excuse was abandoned; four theologians were let loose upon him to strive for his conversion, but his convictions were unalter- able. There was no alternative but to condemn him to relaxation and impenitent heretic, which was duly agreed 1576, after his trial had lasted for nearly five years. as a pertinacious to, July 14, Then, on May 18, 1577, he was tortured without success to dis- cover his intention in his heresies, and he waited for nearly a year more until the final act of the tragedy in the auto of April As he was said to have repented at the last, he was 1, 1578. probably strangled before burning. The trial of Fray Pedro de Toro was approaching its conclusion, after more than three years of incarceration, when, in September, A sentence of recon1575, he was reported to be dangerously ill. was adopted and he was allowed to be sacramentally absolved. Early in January, 1576, he was near ing his end and ciliation on the 13th he was transferred he died on the 16th. He was to the house of a familiar, where secretly buried in the church of San Domingo and was reconciled in effigy in the auto of 1578. Fray Alonso Gasco, although self-denounced, was moderately tortured on intention. He was sentenced to appear in the auto, to abjure de vehementi, to six years' reclusion in a monastery, he was deprived of celebrating for one year and perpetually of active and passive voice, teaching, preaching and confessing, and was to be sent to Spain to perform his penance. After the auto he was duly shipped by the fleet, April 20th, but on the voyage he talked about his case, which was forbidden by the Inquisition, and the tribunal asked the Suprema to prosecute him again. His place of reclusion was the convent of Jerez de la Frontera. The Mercenarian, Fray Caspar de la Huerta, was the profeta and was mixed up in the affair; besides, oculto of the revelations, he had administered sacraments without being in full orders and had managed communications in prison between the accomplices. He appeared in the auto, was degraded from his orders, received two hundred lashes and was sent to the galleys for life. MYSTIC IMPOSTORS 399 was a poor man named Diego Vaca, who could who had some dreams which Cruz and Toro regarded as revelations. He was put on trial, but acknowledged his errors and the case was dropped. The Domini- Then there neither read nor write, but can Provincial, Fray Andres Velez, was brought into the affair because the prisoners had written to him and he had replied that efforts were making in Spain, with influence and money, to obtain from the tyranny relief of the inquisitors. Proceedings were commenced against him but he got wind of them and escaped The tribunal asked the Suprema to to Spain early in 1575. have him returned but he succeeded in averting this. In all this affair who escaped some mysterious influence protected the Jesuits, prosecution with their accomplices. After the auto, however, Padre Lopez was imprudent enough to say that Cruz had been insane, in spite of which the inquisitors had made a him and that he would not wish to have Cerezuela's The tribunal thereupon referred to its records conscience. which proved him to have been the principal exerciser of Maria heretic of Pizarro and to have corrupted her. It further gathered testimony showing him to be an habitual solicitor in confession and among his papers was found a tract impugning the rightful possession of Peru by Philip II a document so treasonable that the viceroy of it to the sent a copy king, for such action as he might deem fit, seeing that Lopez was one of the most prominent and influential of the Jesuits. On Lopez admitted the evidence as to solicitation and confessed to other cases, although he argued that his trial, they were not technically in actu confessionis. He was spared appearance in an auto. His sentence was privately read in presence of eight Jesuit confessors and then again in the Jesuit college in presence of all the Jesuits, where a discipline was administered lasting the space of two Misereres. It bore that he was to be sent to Spain by the first fleet, being strictly, during the interval, confined in the college, incomunicado. In Spain he was to be recluded for two years in the Jesuit house of Triguera, after which for four years he was to be confined in some designated place and 400 women he was deprived perpetually of confessing and for two years of confessing men. He was duly for- warded in the ten leagues around Dona Luisa it; next fleet. 1 Melgarejo was a bolder practitioner than Maria of Dr. Juan de Soto, who She had been the mistress Pizarro. had been compelled to marry her. For twelve years she carried on a profitable trade in ecstasies, revelations and other manifesand was largely consulted about marriages, undertaking voyages, obtaining positions and other similar matters, which tations, brought in corresponding fees. Unbelievers compared her to the image of a saint and Dr. Soto to the basin under it for receiving offerings. When she was arrested, November 14, 1623, her cuademos, were seized in the hands of two Jesuits, Padres Contreras and Torres, and were found to be full of alterations and erasures by them to eliminate writings, consisting of fifty-seven numerous heresies. Apparently the collusion of Jesuits indicated and caution, Inquisitor Gait an, May 1, 1624, reported the matter to the Suprema and asked for instructions, with what result the records fail to inform December who had traded on 21, 1625, in us. 2 She did not appear in the auto of which there figured four similar embusteras, ecstasies and Three of revelations. these, Maria de Santo Domingo of Trujillo, Isabel de Ormaza and Isabel de Jesus of Lima, had given proof of exuberant imagina3 upon the inexhaustible appetite for marvels. In the auto of March 16, 1693, there appeared Angela de Olivitos y Esquivel as an embustera hipocrita. She was a sempstress by trade and had not lived a moral life, as she had borne a child tions in speculating to one of her devotees. She was sentenced to reclusion for five years in a designated place and not to talk or write about revela4 tions. She was probably an humble imitator of the queen of impostors, Angela Carranza. in 1 1 4 Tucuman about 1638. This remarkable woman was born In 1665 she came to Lima and com- Medina, Lima, I, 57-117. Ibidem, pp. 27, 28, 30. Hoyo, Relation del Auto de Fe de 20 Diz. 1694, l fol. Ibidem, II, 54 (Lima, 1695). 34-6. MYSTIC IMPOSTORS menced to mostly in the churches. 401 have trances which she took care to be in public and In 1673 she began to write out her and learned men became her amanuenses till the to fifteen volumes of a thousand pages each, amounted product in a small and close handwriting. Her only qualifications were revelations, an exhaustless imagination and amazing audacity. In her youth her unchastity had been notorious and she confessed it in her she was self-indulgent in eating and sleeping, foul and indecent in her talk and had no shame in exposing her person. Such was the impostor who for fifteen years, by mere dint of selftrial; assertion, made and revered not only in Lima As Inquisitor Valera says, in his report "She, who was the common sewer of errors, was herself feared but throughout Peru. of the case, regarded as a paradise of perfections. In the mistaken apprehensions of men she was the saint of the age, the wonder of the world, the mistress of mysticism, the advocate of the people; so frequent were the accepted miracles, ecstasies, trances, intelligences and revelations that heaven was regarded as condensed in Rosaries and beads were taken to her house not one by her one but in whole chests and they passed to Spain and even to Rome with her renown .... In the common belief of the kingdom, naught was lacking to her but canonization and the altar. Fragments of what she had touched were cherished with the belief that they would soon become relics. . . .She deceived the human race in this kingdom viceroys, archbishops, bishops and prelates." She threatened and prophesied death to those who displeased her, and few there were who could that came over them when she uttered her evil forecasts. who did not believe in her she maligned, and we are told that resist the superstitious terror Those greatly injured their prospects on account of her repute, not only among the vulgar but among the learned and wise, who it regarded her words as oracles from heaven. The profound faith which she inspired is illustrated by the incident that when, after the earthquake of 1687, there was an inundation, and at night the report was spread that the sea 26 was engulfing the land, 402 there was a panic A man which in all who could fled to the mountains. which her writings were kept assistant that there was no danger of the sea rising to in charge of the chest in said to his the writings of the angel, even if it covered the whole earth, so the two mounted the chest and stood there until the terror 1 passed. It argues a surprisingly low level of intelligence that men of the and Church, of presumable culture in the and of common-sense in the business walks highest station in State learned professions, of life, should have accepted without question the vulgar absurdities, poured forth in a constant stream, which reduced the awful mysteries of the spiritual world to the basest condition of common life, and represented the vituperative, coarse, grasping, self-indul- gent woman, whom they saw leading an animal existence, as the one human being selected by God to be the repository of his powers over heaven, purgatory and hell, so that the Holy Ghost had told her that she was the daughter of the Father, the mother Holy Ghost and the sagrario of the once, in presence of the Trinity, the Son made her of the Son, the spouse of the Trinity, and take his seat for he wished her to form the Trinity with the Father and Holy Ghost. She threatened that she would wake up the pope and cardinals and knock them on the head to make them define the mystery of the Immaculate Conception. Once on entering the church of the Incarnation she met the Virgin, who on sucking she complained that the milk was salt, and the Virgin replied that it had become so in waiting for her. Christ, with the Virgin, angels and saints, once offered her the breast; entered her chamber; he asked for a chair and wanted to whether he had to sit on the bench with the rest, after know which the bench was greatly prized by her devotees as a relic. It would be endless to repeat all these absurdities which met with such devout credence and a single one of her stories will suffice. In a field of straw she saw Christ walking hand in hand with a young girl Filled with jealousy she set fire to the straw dressed as a beata. 1 Hoyo, Relation, fol. 2, 3, 34, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 45, 48. Medina, Lima, II, 258. MYSTIC IMPOSTORS 403 Christ burning, and when the angels remonstrated she was going to purgatory to release souls and then to hell to do the same. She went to purgatory and released many souls, but some would not go, among them her father, who said that and left said she his time would not come until she was dead, when she replied that he would have to wait, for she was She did a thriving business in still many a young ways. 1 girl. She carried to heaven beads, rosaries, candles, bells, swords and rosemary, which were blessed on various saints' days and possessed special They were brought virtues accordingly. by the basketful and, on one said ' ' This is to her for the purpose occasion, Christ was vexed and When she was condemned and a huckster business." they were brought in they filled a room in the Inquisition. Once she lent her shoes to the Virgin, whereupon Christ gave to her shoes the same virtue as that of the rosaries, which made a great This kept her in foot-gear, for new shoes were constantly brought to exchange for her old ones. Her intervention was continually invoked in cases of sickness and demand for her old shoes. and her prophetic power was sought in marriages, voyages and enterprises of all kinds. These she sold at a round price and she had a cashier who kept an itemized account of her difficulty, receipts much so much for a case of mumps, so much for fever, so and some of the entries were for the miracle of the ingots one and two thousand pesos. 2 of After fifteen years of success, there would seem no reason why this career might not have continued until her death, to be followed with a demand for her canonization supported by ample Possibly there may be truth in the story that, on a rainy day in the calle del Rastro, she disputed the sidewalk with a Franciscan fraile, who rudely elbowed her into the mud. store of miracles. This caused such indignation that the offender expiated his clownishness with two months in the convent prison, when, to watch on her and obtained proof whereupon he denounced her to the Inqui- satisfy his rancor, he kept close that she was a sinner, 1 Hoyo, fol. 16, 27, 28, 40, 42. Ibidem, fol. 17, 18, 39. PERU 404 sition. 1 If so, in spite of the the denunciation came to one ready to act shock given to public opinion. upon it Inquisitor Valera, whose resolute aggressiveness had rendered his career in Cartagena one of perpetual turbulence, had just been transferred to Lima, and doubtless eagerly seized the occasion to make an impression new post. Angela de Dios, as she called herself, was arrested December 21, 1688. The trial lasted for six years, owing doubtless to the immense mass of her writings to be examined, and her numerous heresies to be characterized and condemned, for she in his had ventured upon dangerous theological ground and had constructed a grotesque theogony to prove the Immaculate ConcepIn her prolonged incarceration she professed to be still tion. comforted by visits from Christ and the Virgin; she bore her confinement cheerfully, was eager for her three meals a day, and was generally found snoring when her cell was entered. 2 Her system of defence was shrewd. She denied having given assent or belief to what was expressed in her writings; she had merely recited what she had seen and heard in her trances and submitted it to the learned men who were her confessors. Finally on June 2, 1694, she asked for an audience in which she said that, enlightened by God through this holy tribunal, she had been illuminated to detest the doctrines and propositions in her which she now saw were heretical and blasphemous and defamatory. There had been, she said, no deception on her part writings, as to her visions, and whose virtue Under their com- to those them to counsel her. them to writing; she had wanted to burn but had been forbidden to do so and had never seen religion enabled mand she had reduced the writings, them and she had referred them after they left her hands. demned them Now that the tribunal had con- she asked pardon of God and of his judges and saw that she had been deceived. Nothing ministers, for she more could be required and her sentence soon followed, which bore that she was to appear in a public auto, to abjure de vehementi, to be confined in a monastery for four years, to be deprived 1 Palma, p. 67. l Hoyo, fol. 8, 9, 11, 49-50. MYSTIC IMPOSTORS of pen and ink, and never to treat of revelations, together with sundry spiritual exercises and ten years' Tucuman, 405 exile from Lima and while a public edict ordered the surrender of all beads, and other objects treasured as relics. 1 A public auto was arranged for December 20, 1694, but, so great was the popular revulsion of feeling against her, that it was not rosaries, nail-parings deemed safe to let her appear in the procession from the Inquisition She was secretly conveyed thither to the church of San Domingo. in a closed carriage two hours before day-break, and after the ceremonies she was not returned to the tribunal with the other She was kept until late in the afternoon and then, by a back door, was placed in the carriage with two persons of rank. In spite of these precautions some boys divined the truth penitents. and commenced stoning the carriage. Crowds gathered and a guard of soldiers was brought, but to little purpose, for the stones flew thicker injured and it and thicker; one of the occupants was seriously was as though by miracle that the carriage reached the Inquisition without being wrecked. Similar caution was observed in keeping her there for a month and conveying her to her place of reclusion. Meanwhile all over Lima boys were celebrating mock autos, carrying her effigies in procession and scourging and burning them. 2 It was probably the number and high station of her devotees that prevented a general prosecution, for only her three confessors, Ignacio Ixar, priest of San Marcelo, and the Augustinians, Fray Jose de Prado and Fray Agustin Roman, were Among arrested and tried. 3 her revelations were some concerning an Indian tailor, known as Nicolas de Dios, who died November Nicolds de Aillon 7, 1677, with the reputation of a servant of God, and was represented as having been carried immediately to heaven by Christ, taking with him a crowd of souls from purgatory. His widow sought to establish his sanctity and the Jesuit, Bernardo Sartolo, wrote a book, published in Madrid in 1684, in which he accepted Angela's story as true and praised without stint the tailor's 1 Hoyo, fol. 50-1. 2 Ibidem, fol. 51-3. ' Medina, Lima, II, 262. PERU 406 confessor, Fray Pedro de Avila Tamayo, who had been punished by the Inquisition as a scandalous corrupter of women in the When the book reached Lima it excited a lively confessional. and was prohibited by the tribunal. The efforts to canonize Aillon, however, were not relinquished, for, in 1711, papal letters were received by the archbishop, ordering him to discussion collect information as to the life What was done is and virtues not recorded, but of the candidate. we may assume that the 1 response caused the affair to be dropped. The popular detestation excited by Angela Carranza seems to have served as a deterrent on impostures of the kind, for no other cases are on record until about 1720, when a quadroon named Maria Josepha de la Encarnacion was prosecuted for visions and She was not treated as leniently as Angela for, although she was perfectly harmless and had attempted no speculations on her devotees, and although, during her trial, she revelations. was so ill that she had to be transferred to a hospital, she was visited with the cruel the streets of Lima. have 2 punishment If of two hundred lashes through subsequent cases occurred, their records failed to reach us. Mystic Illuminism and Quietism, which called for such energetic by the Spanish tribunals, seem to have had little currency in the more stagnant spiritual life of Peru. There is only repression one group of cases in the records, but these cast so much light on inquisitorial methods that they deserve treatment in some detail. In November, 1709, there died at Santiago de Chile the Jesuit Padre Francisco de Ulloa, a man of little education but of high spiritual gifts, nourished on the mysticism of Tauler. He had devoted himself to the direction of consciences and had a about thirty devotees, of many of circle them nuns, who reverenced Medina Lima, II, 262, 264. Index Prohib. et Expurg., 1747, I, 124. The of Sartolo's book was "Vida admirable y muerte prodigioso de Nicolas de Ayllon y con nombre mas que curioso Nicolas de Dios, natural de Clayo en las 1 title Indias del Peru." 2 Medina, Lima, Madrid, 1684. II, 241. QUIETISM him On as a saint. his 407 death-bed he committed his flock to another Jesuit, Padre Manuel de Ovalle, who found on assuming charge that, although they confessed freely, he could not penetrate into the spiritual recesses of their souls. Suspecting that there lay concealed the doctrines forbidden in Molinos, Madame Guyon and Fenelon, he pretended to be himself in search of the higher spiritual experiences; he drew up a series of propositions, among which were some of those condemned, and submitted it to a few who accepted thus committing themselves to the dangerous doctrines of the absolute abandonment of the soul to God, the non-resistance to temptation, the idleness of of the leading spirits it, and the impeccability of the confirmed After six months adept. spent in this pious treachery, and having secured written evidence of these heresies as entertained exterior observances, by Jose Solis and Pedro Ubau, he denounced them, June 14, 1710, Lima, with all others whose names he had ascer- to the tribunal of tained. He admitted that Solis and Ubau, Dona Petronilla Covarnibias, Jose Gonzalez, Dona Josef a Maturano and others, who were leaders among them, were persons of pure life, and that some whose careers had been evil, after practising the exercises became virtuous and deeply religious, but their heresy. At Concepcion there was another proselyte, Fray Felipe Chavarri, whose errors were shown by a letter which he enclosed. Still another leading spirit was Juan Francisco Velazco, an expelled Jesuit, who resisted prescribed this by Ulloa, had no bearing on Ovalle's advances. Some extravagances on public attention and finally his part attracted became so marked that he was con- fined in the public prison. Anything akin to Molinism was regarded as dangerous highest degree, but the Lima tribunal was so inert that in the it was not until December 10, 1712, that the Commissioner Manuel de Barona summoned Ovalle to confirm his denunciation. On this same December 10th, another Jesuit, Antonio Marfa Fanelli, wrote to the tribunal enclosing some writings of Solis and reciting the obstructions placed in the way of his attempts to have the 408 where were connected by interThe writings of Solis were submitted affair investigated at Santiago, all marriages and friendships. to a calificador, Maestro Dionisio Granado, who reported, December 22d, that they contained the heresies of Molinos, Luther and After this there was a pause until February, 1714, when Commissioner Barona received further denunciations of Solis Calvin. from the Jesuit Claudio Cruzat and the Mercenarian Nicolas These were soon followed by a deposition of Mariana Gonzalez showing that Solis's teachings were pure Illuminism Nolasco. of the Quietist school. She had been under Ulloa's direction for and he taught the same doctrines. her was of the most damaging character, testimony Altogether and she added the names of eighteen of Ulloa's disciples. Stirred by this Barona procured evidence from others of the group and two years before his death, sent the whole to the tribunal. On the strength of it the fiscal, August 27th, presented a clamosa against Solis as a follower of Molinos and demanded his arrest with sequestration. Ibanez, who was sole inquisitor at the time, on September 1st signed a decree for the prosecution of all the disciples of Ulloa, but on November 9th, in view of the importance of the case, he ordered a fresh calificacion and inquiries to be made as to the standing of Ovalle. Fray Antonio Urraca was sent as a special commissioner ad hoc to Santiago to verify the evidence and gather fresh testimony. Urraca lost no time in proceeding to Santiago where he remained until 1718 employed on the work, and it was not until February 10, 1719, that he presented himself to the tribunal to report. Solis, Ubau and Velazco had November, 1718. already been received as prisoners in In sending them, Commissioner Barona stated that Solis, through poverty, had gone to the mines, where he had been arrested. Velazco had been crazy for two years and was found on a ranch with no property but a poor bed. Ubau had four thousand pesos in his possession; his arrest had caused great excitement, for he was accountant for nuns and frailes, for the cabildo of the city and for merchants, universally respected for uprightness and punctual in his religious duties. QUIETISM Thus 409 although dilatory in action, the proceedings of the Molinism was an aberration tribunal had been unexceptionable. far, much abhorrence that had excited too sation of it to be neglected. All any substantial accureasonable effort had been made for and to verify evidence; there seems to have been no to persecute the bulk of the disciples of Ulloa and attention to obtain desire was concentrated on three who were regarded as leaders and dogmatizers. After prosecutions. began this, however, there is much to criticize in the Ubau, who was perfectly sane when incarcerated, symptoms of mental alienation which developed to manifest into complete insanity. In February, 1733, he was transferred to the convent of the Recollects and finally to the insane depart- ment Velazco pleaded that he of the hospital of San Andres. for nine with insane lucid been had years, intervals; his health in set and he was transferred, broke down, consumption speedily March 15, 1719, to the hospital of the 19th and his San Andres where he died on body was returned to the tribunal to be thrust Proceedings were continued against his memory and fame, the advocate of prisoners arguing that irresponsibility precluded his condemnation for formal heresy. As for Solis, into the ground. the accusation against him consisted of eighty articles and assumed that he was wholly an apostate from the faith. He protested that he had persuaded himself that God had revealed to him the spiritual way; this had been his fault, for which he begged mercy and was ready to accept any penance that might be imposed. His advocate defended him by pointing out the deceitful way in which Ovalle had beguiled him into error, by submitting to him propositions of Molinos which he had admitted He had never even heard the name of Miguel de Molinos, so he could not be termed his disciple and, if he had erred, it had been in following under examination that he did not understand. his confessor Ulloa. As for Ulloa, the prosecution of his memory and fame was carried through its regular course. The accusation represented him as a dogmatizer of the heresies of Luther, Calvin, Molinos and Ubicler (Wickliffe). There were a hundred and PERU 410 sixty articles and twenty witnesses defender was called for, to prove them. by command of When a the Jesuit Provincial the procurador-general of the province of Chile presented himself and the most strenuous efforts were made to protect the honor of Padre Firmin de Irisarri, who conducted the defence, the Society. says that there was no proof that Ulloa had ever taught the worst of the propositions ascribed to him, and he throws the whole blame on the artifice of Ovalle betraying three unlettered laymen which they were led to believe were entertained by him to whom the dying Ulloa had entrusted into accepting doctrines them. As were concerned, the cases were concluded Then ensued an inexplicable far as the living and ready for sentence in 1725. when Calderon and Unda were in control of the The last auto general celebrated in Peru was announced December 23d and was solemnized in the public plaza, with delay until 1736, tribunal. for exceptionally imposing ceremonies, in the presence of the viceroy, the Marquis of Villagarcla, and of all the magnates. The effigies Ulloa and Velazco were brought forward, condemned and of burnt; that of Solis was reconciled in view of his submission. The unfortunate Ubau, in spite of his insanity, had been condemned, December 1st, to be relaxed as an impenitent heretic who and, as his mental condition would have precluded repentance, he would have been burnt alive, but for some reason he was not brought forward and was allowed to linger in the hospi- denied his tal until guilt, The sentence, however, confiscated his we have seen (p. 353) amounted to more than he died in 1747. property which, as sixty thousand pesos and disappeared without leaving a trace. injustice to Calderon and Unda to sug- would scarce be doing It gest that the taking up of these cases, after ten years' interval, 1 may have been to conceal the abstraction of the sequestration. When the Visitador Arenaza and the Inquisitor Amusqufbar, in 1746, arraigned their predecessors they laid special stress 1 Medina, Chile, II, 276-356, 450. Oficjo Peruano, Lima, 1737, Bermudez de la Torre, Triunfos del on Santo QUIETISM 411 the irregularities and excesses which characterized the conduct In that of Ulloa, the consulta de fe voted in dis- of these cases. cordia; another consulta was called, from which the two consultors who had voted in favor of the accused were excluded; another Ordinary, who had as consultor condemned Ulloa's papers, was substituted for the previous one, and two new consultors were summoned, who were only allowed a morning in which to examine the voluminous documents, and the consulta was held on a feast- day when Ibafiez refused to act. Even before this, however, the Suprema had commenced action. The Jesuits had been profoundly stirred by the condemnation of Ulloa and the suspension in the churches of the sanbenito of a member of their Order. It was doubtless owing to their influence March 10, 1738, ordered all the papers in the be sent to Spain and the sanbenitos of Ulloa to be removed from the churches of Lima and Santiago. that the Suprema, case of the Molinists to This last command was unwillingly obeyed and, in reporting its execution, January 10, 1739, the tribunal remonstrated bitterly as to the disastrous results to the authority of the Inquisition and The papers were duly forwarded, but were detained in Panama" until 1746, when they were despatched by way of Brazil. to the faith. It was not, however, until 1762 that the judgement. It called attention to the Suprema many delivered irregularities its and inexcusable delays in the case of Solis, but did not modify the judgement. In that of Velazco, it revoked the sentence as unjust, absolved his memory and fame, ordered his property to be restored to his heirs, less the expenses of maintenance, and that a certificate them be given and the sanbenitos be removed from The review of the trial of Ulloa was long and minute, pointing out its innumerable irregularities and denials of justice; there was no proof that he ever held the doctrines imputed to him and no effort to ascertain the truth; a false and imperfect report of the case, moreover, had been made to the rehabilitating the churches. 1 Suprema. 1 Medina, Chile, II, 388-91, 442-8. 412 There were six other disciples of Ulloa Two who were treated in the them had appeared before the Santiago commissioner, in 1710 and 1718. Nothing more was done with them until the affair was revived for the auto of 1736, when they were arrested and brought to Lima and tried. same inexcusable fashion. It is scarce worth while to that two of them died of the cases the tifiable. detail the cases. in consequence, Suprema, The auto or three of It suffices to say and that in at least two in 1762, set aside the sentences as unjus- of 1736 had not escaped severe criticism in Lima, which the tribunal repressed by trying two of the critics and fining them in five hundred pesos each. A third was a Jesuit, Padre Gabriel de Ordufia, whom Calderon and Unda apparently were afraid to handle. The evidence was sent to the Suprema, which replied that Ibanez should summon him and warn him to This became known in treat the Holy Office with due respect. Lima to the mortification of the inquisitors who suspended In the chief matter for which the tribunal was founded the the from the presumable missionary efforts found little to do. No case of proselytism protection of the colony of the Protestants it the records thus far and those of voluntary Protestant residents are few and far between. The archbishop, has been found as we have among seen, had disposed of Jan Miller in 1548, and in the fe, in 1573, there appeared Joan Bautista and Mateo In 1581 there was a courageous martyr in the person of Jan Bernal, a Flemish tailor who had been arrested and forfirst auto de Salado. warded by the Commissioner of Panama. At first he professed conversion and begged mercy, but he regained his fortitude and declared that it was better to burn in this world than the next. To this He was he adhered in spite of strenuous efforts to convert him. tortured in caput alienum without success and was sent- He was enced to relaxation. pertinacious to the last and must In the auto of therefore undoubtedly have been burnt alive. 1 Medina, Chile, II, 450-61. PROTESTANTS November 30, 1587, there 413 appeared Miguel del Pilar, a Fleming, whose constancy was punished by relaxation and burning. 1 Then a long interval occurs until 1625, when a man called Adrian Rodriguez of Leyden was induced to profess conversion and was reconciled with eight years of galleys and a sanbenito in 1730, there was an for autillo for life. A Robert century elapses when, Shaw, a Nova Scotian, who deserted from Clipperton's expedition and penetrated to Cuzco, where he was arrested as a heretic and He professed readiness for conversion and was confided for instruction to Dr. Thomas Correy but soon ran away, sent to Lima. carrying with him 160 pesos and some jewels. He took service with a butcher in Puno, was discovered and taken back to Lima, where he escaped with some spiritual penances. About ten years James Haden of Boston was prosecuted as a heretic and was converted. 2 The extreme sensitiveness which would not later, be polluted by a Protestant foot is seen in the case of Pierre Fos, a French Protestant of Protestant descent, who was cook to Viceroy Superunda. He attended mass and permit Spanish soil to passed for a Catholic, but betrayed himself and was arrested He confessed at once and said he would become a in 1758. Catholic days if he could obtain his parents' consent; then, after three announced his conversion to save his soul. of prison, he Instructors were given to cumbrous forms all its him and his trial until his sentence dragged on through in an auto was read May 18, 1763. It condemned him to abjure de vehementi, to be paraded in virgilenza through the streets, to confiscation of half of his property, reclusion for instruction during two years, after which he was to be shipped to Spain, consigned to the commissioner at Cadiz. The last papers in the case are the receipt for by the captain of the good ship los Placeres, Callao, 1765, and the receipt from the receiver, April 22d, for the his person April 2, documents concerning his property. It was doubtless his pre- tended Catholicism that justified this severity. 3 1 1 Medina, Lima, I, 150-6, 257. Archive national de Lima. Ibidem, II, 29, 287, 310, 375. PERU 414 It is a curious illustration of the Spanish theories concerning heresy and its cognizance by the Inquisition that even heretics, whose presence was involuntary as prisoners of war, were held come within its jurisdiction, and the Lima tribunal had much more to do with such subjects than with those who ventured to intentionally within its stantino, its commissioner at English corsairs In 1578 grasp. it Panamd, that who appeared wrote to Juan Con- it understood that the there were heretics and that it would proceed as such against any who were captured. They robbed the commissioner and left him in his shirt, they broke the chalice and patena and cast into the sea the altar and missal. The commissioner on his part denounced the General of the armada del Mar de Norte for keeping in his service two or three Englishmen as trumpeters and an artilleryman, whom he ought 1 to have delivered to the Inquisition of Seville. Sometimes the secular authorities maintained a cumulative jurisdiction with a result grotesquely horrible. Thus, in 1581 there were four English prisoners surrendered to the tribunal which tortured them " severely for intention and sentenced John Oxenham, captain of the robbers at Ballano," to reconciliation, confiscation and the galleys for life; Thomas Xervel (Harvey to reconciliation, ten years of galleys prison; John master of the ship, and subsequent perpetual and Butler, pilot of the ship, to abjure de vehementi six years of galleys; the fourth, of the last, ?), was not Henry sounds Butler, a young brother a ghastly jest to learn that the alcaldes had already sentenced the first three to be hanged and the last one to perpetual galleys; they were all returned to the secular court they had evidently tried. It like and the sentences were duly executed. As been converted, the tribunal at least had all the pious satisfaction of saving their souls. 2 About 1585 there a brief entry of a dozen or so of Englishmen captured at GuayaThe Viceroy Count del Villar asked them quil and taken to Lima. is whether they were baptized and on learning that they were thus answerable to the Inquisition, he handed them over to the tri1 Medina, Chile, I, 363. ' Medina, Lima, I, 157; Chile, I, 359. PROTESTANTS What were bunal. their sentences 415 and whether the secular court 1 reclaimed them does not appear. The next adventurers who suffered appeared in the auto of November 30, 1587. John Drake, a cousin of Sir Francis, passed Thirthe Straits of Magellan and was lost on the Pacific coast. teen of the crew saved themselves and fell among cannibal Indians with fled whom they lived for about a year. Drake and two others in a canoe down the River Plate to Buenos Ayres, one of them being lost in the Paraguay. Drake and his comrade Rich- ard Ferrel were seized, sent across the continent to Arica and thence to Lima, where they were tried by the tribunal. They professed conversion; Drake was sentenced to reconciliation and seclusion for three years in a monastery with prohibition to leave the country. Ferrel must have been somewhat more stubborn, he was tortured and condemned to reconciliation, four years for of galleys and perpetual The auto prisoners. 2 prison. was graced with two groups of English these had been captured on the island of of April 5, 1592, Four Puna and had of The secular lain in prison for five years. authorities left them have abandoned jurisdiction by wholly to the Inquisition. Walter and Edward Tillert, brothers, were relaxed as persistent heretics, but weakened at the last seem this to moment and were strangled before burning. was pertinacious to the Andrew Marie (Morley end and was burnt time and Henry Axli (Oxley ?) The fourth, alive. a youth of eighteen, professed conversion and was reconciled, with two years reclusion among the Jesuits for instruction. ?), 3 The other group consisted of three " pirates," from the expedition of Thomas Cavendish, who sailed from Plymouth July 21, He reached the Straits of Magellan January 3, 1587, emerged March 15th and on April 9th anchored in the roadstead At Santiago a force of Quintero, a little north of Valparaiso. 1586. had been 1 2 raised in anticipation of their coming, Archive nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Medina, La Plata, pp. 117-19. Exp* and when the 5287. " Medina, Lima, I, 296-8. 416 English, in need of wood and water, had landed a party, they surrounded twelve men, who had straggled to a ravine, and carried them to Santiago. There nine of them were summarily hanged, to the great benefit of their souls, for they professed conversion. The other sition three were shipped to Lima, and delivered to the Inqui- where their trials lasted for three years. Of these William Stephens said his parents were both Catholics, and his mother had died in gaol for possessing beads and images; he had observed the religion of his country but was in heart a Catholic; he was and sanbenito. Thomas Lucas reconciled with four years prison had a Protestant father and Catholic mother; he had always been a Protestant but was now a Catholic; he was reconciled, with four years of galleys, six years of prison and sanbenito, and was never to leave Lima. William Hilles was but 17 years old; he had been a Protestant but was now a Catholic; he was recon1 ciled, with six years of galleys and perpetual prison and sanbenito. Cavendish, it may be added, captured a treasure-ship, imitated Drake and was knighted by Queen in circumnavigating the globe Elizabeth. More disastrous was the expedition under Richard Hawkins, which sailed from Plymouth in July, 1593, with three vessels, of which one was wrecked and one returned. Hawkins cast anchor at Valparaiso, April 24, 1594, where he captured four little vessels and ransomed a larger one. When he sailed, the corregidor manned one of the abandoned barks and despatched it to Callao with news of the corsairs. It made the voyage in fifteen days, enabling the Viceroy, Hurtado de Mendoza, to fit out a squadron under his nephew Beltran de Castro, who encountered Hawkins, Atacames, near Quito. After a desperate fight, Hawkins surrendered under promise of treatment as prisoners of war, and the extraordinary rejoicings with which the news July 2, in the Bay of of the victory were received in excited by these dauntless Lima are a measure of the terror sea-rovers. The terms of capitulation were scandalously violated; of the seventy-five prisoners taken, 1 Medina, Chile, I, 371-80. PROTESTANTS 417 sixty-two were sent to the galleys at Cartagena, and thirteen were brought to Lima, where the Inquisition claimed them, on information that they were heretics, and they entered the secret Possibly it may have been the irreguprison, December 4, 1594. larity attaching to the infraction of the terms of surrender that hastened the trials, for eight of the prisoners appeared in the auto of December 17, 1595, together with seven other Englishmen, captured at la Yaguana and forwarded from Santo Domingo. There were no martyrs among them. All professed conversion and were reconciled with various terms of reclusion except one, William Leigh, who was sentenced to six years of galleys and perpetual irremissible prison. 1 Richard Hawkins, whose trial ended July' 17, 1595, was too and was transferred to the Jesuit college. sick to appear in the auto His chivalrous bearing won for him general good will, and on his recovery he was placed at the disposition of the viceroy who was earnestly desirous that the terms of surrender should be observed. There was correspondence on the subject. The Suprema wrote, October 5, 1595, to suspend the sequestrations of the Englishmen, and in future not to sequestrate in such cases, for soldiers ought not to be deprived of the spoils won from their enemies. The tribunal, it said, was not to interfere in the cases of those sent to the galleys at Cartagena, but, as to Hawkins and his comrades, they were to be delivered to the viceroy, without proceeding further in their cases and, the faith, it was to do and fully instructed in justice, proceeding in their cases care and consideration. late, when they were with much These instructions were of course too asked whether their sanbenitos in reply the tribunal should be removed from the churches and whether, in case they The conclusion relapsed, they should be subject to relaxation. reached was that the sanbenitos were to be removed, the reclusion revoked, the sequestrations restored and that they were not sub- The succeeding Spain, but this was ject to the penalties of relapse for reincidence. viceroy, Velasco, desired to send 1 27 Medina, Chile, I, them all to 381; Lima, I, 305-7. PERU 418 opposed by the tribunal because their penances had not been completed Hawkins ought also to be kept on account of his knowledge ; of the navigation of those seas. them occurs in a letter of the The last information concerning Royal Audiencia, May 21, 1607, showing that they had passed out of the hands of the tribunal. It says that the Viceroys Canete and Velasco had sent to Spain all those captured in 1594 except Richard Hawkins, Captain Ellis, Hugh Carnix (Charnock ?) and Richard Davis, who were kept because they were experienced seamen and Davis was useful in the position assigned to him. Now permission has John been given to them to sail in the outgoing fleet, consigned to the 1 We know that Hawkins eventually Contratacion of Seville. reached England and was knighted. In time there came a recognition of the rights of prisoners of war, even though they were heretics and were claimed by the In the auto of December 21, 1625, there appeared who had been captured and condemned to Inquisition. Pieter Jan of Delft, death as a pirate, though the sentence was not executed. He refused to be converted and was sent to the galleys, but was subsequently liberated under a royal cdula as a prisoner of war. Fanaticism, however, was difficult to extinguish. When, about Dutch endeavored to establish themselves at Valdivia, sent a well-equipped fleet and army to drive Mancera Viceroy them out. The captain of the first vessel that reached there, on learning that the Dutch commander had died and been buried, 1650, the caused the corpse to be dug up and burnt. From the absence in the subsequent records of cases of prisoners of war, however, it is safe to assume that by this time the barbarity of giving them the alternative of conversion or the stake had been abandoned. There was, of the 1 it is true, Dutch ship Medina, Chile, I, an intervention St. Louis, of the tribunal in the case captured at Coquimbo in 1725, but 385-90. The question as to the ownership of confiscations made on heretic prisoners was a nice one. When some Englishmen were captured in Vallano the tribunal How the dispute was settled laid claim to the gold that was taken with them. does not appear. Archive nacional de Lima, Protocolo 223, Exp" 5270. JUDAISM 419 The was not unreasonable. fiscal Calderon, learning that the there were French Huguenots and Dutch among prisoners heretics and Jews, and that the Viceroy Castelfuerte thought of it utilizing the sailors on his own ships, represented to the tribunal the grave dangers of such a course, when the Inquisitor Gutierrez de Cevallos, induced the viceroy to abandon the plan and to bring 1 to Lima about a hundred who had been left sick at Coquimbo. As none of them appeared in the succeeding auto it is inferable that they were not subjected to prosecution for heresy. The most serious business of the tribunal, in the line of its proper functions, was with the apostasy of the Jewish New ChrisFrom the very foundation of the colonies, as we have seen tians. in the preceding chapter, restrictions were laid on the emigration Converses and a law of 1543, preserved in the Recopilacion, orders that search be made for all descendants of Jews who were of 2 In however, of the jealous care observed to preserve the colonies from all danger of Jewish infection, the commercial attractions were so powerful that the New to be rigorously expelled. spite, all precautions. At first, however, they occuof the It is small but a energies of the tribunal. portion pied true that among the earliest denunciations received, in 1570, were Christians eluded those of the Licenciate Juan Alvarez, a physician, and of his brother-in-law Alonso Alvarez with his wife, children and servants, Judaism, but as their names are absent from the subsequent 3 The first auto it is presumable that they were found innocent. for appearance of Jews is in the auto of October 29, 1581, when Manuel Lopez, a Portuguese, was reconciled with confiscation and perpetual prison, and Diego de la Rosa, described as a native of Quito, was required to abjure de levi and was exiled showing 4 After this that the evidence against him was very dubious. there are none until the great auto of April 5, 1592, in which there were two, Nicholas Morin, a Frenchman, and Francisco Diaz, 1 1 Medina, Lima, II, 33; Chile Medina, Lima, I, 29. I, 366, 369. * Ibidem, 2 Recop., Lib. vn, Tit. v, ley 29. p. 157. Palma, Afiales, p. 21. 420 a Portuguese, the former required to abjure de reconciled. levi and the latter 1 The conquest tion to Castile, Judaizer, and of Portugal, in 1580, had led to a large emigra- where Portuguese soon became synonymous with was beginning to make itself manifest in the this The auto of December 17, 1595, gave impressive eviFive Portuguese Juan Mendez, Antonio Nunez, Juan Lopez, Francisco Baez and Manuel Rodriguez were recon- colonies. dence of this. Another, Herman Jorje, had died during trial and his memory was not prosecuted. There were also four martyrs. Jorje Nunez denied until he was tied upon the rack; he then conciled. fessed and refused to be converted, but after his sentence of relaxa- was read he weakened and was strangled before burning. Francisco Rodriguez endured torture without confessing; when tion threatened with repetition he endeavored unsuccessfully to commit suicide; he was voted to relaxation with torture in caput alienum, and under it He was ratification. he accused several persons but revoked at pertinacious to the last and was burnt Juan Ferndndez was relaxed, although insane the Suprema expressed doubts whether he had intelligence enough to render alive. him ; responsible. Pedro de Contreras had been tortured for con- and again in caput alienum; he denied Judaism throughout and was relaxed as a negative; at the auto he manifested great fession devotion to a crucifix and presumably was strangled in 2 bility he was really a Christian. ; all proba- This bloody work affords a foretaste of what was to come. At the auto of December 10, 1600, there were fourteen Portuguese Twelve Judaizers. of them had professed conversion and were reconciled; with two, convictions were too strong and they were Duarte Nunez de Cea and Baltasar Lucena, whose words were that he denied Christ. 8 The auto of March 13, burnt alive last 1605, exhibited sixteen Judaizers reconciled in person and one Six in effigy. 1 1 Medina, Lima, Ibidem, I, who had I, 321-23. 297. fled Palma, were burnt in p. 49. effigy Medina, Lima, and three I, less 305, 307-10. JUDAISM fortunate were burnt in person. 421 Besides these was Antonio Correa who, during his trial, was converted by the inspiration of God; he was reconciled with three years in prison, which he served in the convent of la Merced and then was sent to Spain, dying, in 1622, as a fraile in Ossuna, in the odor of sanctity, which has rendered him the subject of several biographies. 1 The auto June of 1, 1608, afforded but one case, and that an Domingo Lopez, tried for Judaism and acquitted. This may be explained by the fact that the Portuguese New unusual one had purchased, in 1604, a general pardon in Spain, which reached Peru in 1605 and for a time repressed inquisitorial Christians In 1610 there was a noteworthy case Manuel Ramos, one of the fugitives who had been burnt in He had been captured and on being tried was effigy in 1605. activity in this direction. of now 2 acquitted. In an auto of June reconciliations for Judaism. 3 From there were only scattering cases. 17, 1612, there were five this time for some years Possibly the terrible energy the tribunal had served as a deterrent and checked manifested by the Portuguese influx, but if so the impression was but tempoWe have seen (p. 337) the complaints that arose about this rary. time concerning the Portuguese immigration by way of Brazil and Buenos Ayres. This increased greatly when, in 1618, a Portuguese inquisitor came to Rio de Janeiro, published an Edict of Faith and then in a few days made many arrests and sequestrated property to the amount of more than 200,000 pesos. The frightened Judaizers sought refuge in Spanish territory and kept the commissioner at Buenos Ayres, Francisco de Trejo, in a state of continual anxiety. since the new He reported, January 15, 1619, that come the governor, Diego Martin, had navws had been interrupted and he asked visitas de for such positive instruc- It must be borne in mind in all these cases that Church entailed confiscation and was usually accompanied with other penalties more or less severe according to the record of the culprit and the readiness with which he had confessed and recanted as indicative of the sinThere might be prison and sanbenito for a term or for cerity of his conversion. 1 Medina, Lima, I, 337-9. "reconciliation" to the life, 2 scourging or the galleys. Ibidem, p. 341, 347. ' Palma, Anales, p. 31. PERU 422 tions that the authorities should understand that no foreigners could land until he had inspected the ship. His protests were By the middle of April there had arrived eight ships unavailing. bringing Portuguese passengers, who had paid Castilians to take them as servants so that they might enter. Governor Martin was alert and threw them many managed in prison, in order to send to get through. Some of them back, but them were married in Buenos Ayres women, so as to give them a standing in the community; others broke gaol and took refuge in convents, prison to when the frailes refused to surrender them, giving security to the governor that they would prove themselves to be not of the prohibited class, whereupon they scattered to the interior and the man who had furnished the security calmly paid the forfeit. them were was evidently impossible to exclude these proscribed and hunted beings who were so persistent and resourceful. The tribunal, in fact, was It is true that forty of sent back, but it apparently not averse to obtaining fresh material for condemnation and confiscation, for it did not authorize the commissioner to arrest suspects and send them back, but only information about them and forward it as to their destinations so that they could be seized when wanted. 1 The immigration continued and, in 1623, the tribunal attention of the Suprema to the increasing numbers guese, to compile to Lima, keeping advised who were spreading throughout called the of Portu- the interior provinces. This continued and, in 1635, the fiscal of the Audiencia of Charcas represented forcibly to the king the evil of the innumerable Jews 2 who had entered and were constantly coming. The tribunal resumed its labors and, by December 21, 1625, it was ready with an auto in which ten Judaizers were reconciled. Two had committed suicide in prison and were burnt with their Two more were relaxed Juan Acuna de Norofia, who bones. was described as impenitent and must have been burnt alive, and Diego de Andrada who gave signs of repentance at the last and was probably strangled before burning. 8 1 Medina, La Plata, 155-61. ' Ibidem, 164-66. Medina, Lima, II, 27-31. JUDAISM In 1626 there commenced a 423 which trial illustrates the inexorable discipline of the Church, rendering duty and destroy of the Christian to persecute all it forcibly the supreme Fran- heresy. Maldonado de Silva was a surgeon of high repute in Concepcion de Chile. He was of Portuguese descent. His father cisco had suffered in the Inquisition, his children, two up was a good Catholic girls had been reconciled and brought and a boy, as Christians. Francisco age of 18, he chanced to read Pablo de Santa Maria, Bishop until, at the the Scrutinium Scripturarum of Burgos a controversial work written for the conversion of 1 Jews. So far from confirming him in the faith it raised doubts of leading him to consult his father, and instructed him in the Law who told of Moses. him to study the Bible He became an ardent convert to Judaism, but kept his secret from his mother and two sisters and from his wife, for he was married and had a child, and was pregnant when he was arrested. During her absence, a year or two before, he had circumcised himself. At the age of his wife 35, considering that his sister Isabel who was about 33, was mature enough for religious independence, he revealed his secret to her and endeavored to convert her, but in vain, and he was impervious to her entreaties to abandon his faith. They seem to have been tenderly attached to each other; he was her sole support as well as that of her mother and sister, but she could not escape the necessity of communicating the facts in confession The prescriptions of the Church were absoto her confessor. lute; no family ties relieved one from the obligation of denounfor sacramental absolution cing heresy, and she could not hope without discharging the duty. We can picture to ourselves the torment of that agonized soul as she nerved herself to the awful duty which would cost her a lifetime of remorse and misery 1 Pablo de Santa Maria was originally the Rabbi Selemoh Ha-Levi, one of the of Jewish doctors. Converted in 1390, he rose to be regent of Spain in the minority of Juan II, papal legate a latere and bishop successively of Cartagena and Burgos. His book was regarded as convincing and was repeatedly Two editions appeared in Strassburg about 1471 and my copy is of printed. most learned Burgos, 1591, 424 when she obeyed her confessor's commands and denounced her brother to the Inquisition. The warrant for his arrest was issued December 12, 1626, and executed at Concepcion April 29, 1627. His friend, the Dominican Fray Diego de Ureiia, visited him in his place of confinement, and sought the faith in which May 2, to convert him, but his father had he was resolved to die in died. So when transferred to Santiago, the Augustinian Fray Alonso de Almeida made similar efforts with like ill-success; he knew that he should die for the he had never spoken to any one but faith, his sister and she had betrayed him. He was received in Lima July 23d and was admitted to an audience the same day. When required to swear on the cross he refused, saying that he was a Jew and would live and die as such; God if he had to swear of Israel. His trial would be by the living God, the went on through all the customary it protracted by the repeated conferences held with theologians who endeavored to convince him of his errors. Eleven of these were held without weakening his pertinacity formalities, until, on January demned him A 26, 1633, the consulta de fe unanimously con- to relaxation. long sickness followed, caused by a fast of eighty days which to a skeleton covered with sores. On had reduced him almost convalescing, he asked for another conference, to solve the doubts which he had drawn up in writing. and left him as pertinacious as ever. It was held June 26, 1634, Meanwhile the prison was a number had been discovered in with Judaizers, of whom Lima. He asked for maize husks in place of his ration of bread, and with them made a rope by which he escaped through a filling window and visited two neighboring cells, urging the prisoners to be steadfast in their law; they denounced him and he made no secret of it, confessing freely what he had done. It was a mercy God, we are told, that his prolonged fast had rendered him deaf, or he would have learned much from them of what had been of going on. The tribunal was so preoccupied, with the numerous trials JUDAISM 425 on foot at the time, that Maldonado was left undisturbed, awaiting the general auto that was to follow. We hear nothing more until, after an interval of four years, a thirteenth conference was held as its at his request, November predecessors and, at its 12, 1638. It was as conclusion, he produced fruitless two books more than a hundred leaves) made with marvellous ingenuity out of scraps of paper and written with ink made of charcoal and pens cut out of egg-shells with a knife fashioned from a nail, which he said he delivered up for the discharge Then on December 9th and 10th were held of his conscience. (each of them of , two more conferences in which his pertinacity remained unshaken. The long tragedy was now drawing to an end after an imprisonment which had lasted for nearly thirteen years. He was brought out in the great auto of January 23, 1639, where, when the sentences of relaxation were read, a sudden whirlwind tore the awning and, looking up, he exclaimed "The God away of Israel does upon me face to face!" He was unshrinking to the and was burnt alive a true martyr to his faith. His two this to look last paper books were hung around his neck to burn with him and 1 assist in burning him. This auto of 1639, the greatest that had as yet been held in the World, was the culmination of the "complicidad grande" New the name given by the inquisitors to a number of Judaizers whom they had discovered. As they described the situation, in a report of 1636, large numbers of Portuguese had entered the kingdom Granada and Puerto Bello, thus increasing the already numerous bands of their comThey became masters of the commerce of the kingpatriots. dom; from brocade to sack-cloth, from diamonds to cumin-seed, by way of Buenos Ayres, Brazil, Mexico, everything passed through their hands; the Castilian who had not a Portuguese partner could look for no success in trade. They would buy the cargoes of whole fleets with the fictitious credits 1 Medina, La Plata, pp. 172-97; Lima, II, 146. See also a paper by George Alexander Kohut in Publications of the Am. Jewish Historical Society, XI, 163 (1903). PERU 426 which they exchanged, thus rendering capital unnecessary, and would distribute the merchandise throughout the land by their agents, who were likewise Portuguese, and their capacity developed until, in 1634, they negotiated for the farming of the royal customs. In August, 1634, Joan de Salazar, a merchant, denounced to the Inquisition Antonio Cordero, clerk of a trader from Seville, because he refused to make a sale on a Saturday. On another on a Friday morning, he found Cordero breakfasting on a piece of bread and an apple and, on asking him whether he had not better take a rasher of bacon, occasion, going to his store Cordero replied "Must I eat what my father and grandfather never ate?" The evidence was weak and no immediate action was taken, but, in October, the commissioners secretly to ascertain and report the number of were instructed Portuguese in their rested and, as nothing new was the evidence against Cordero was laid developed, in March, 1635, before a consulta de fe and it was resolved to arrest him secretly, several districts. The matter without sequestration, so that the hand of the Inquisition might Bartolome de Larrea, a familiar, called on him, not be apparent. April 2d, under pretence of settling an account, and locked him room; a sedan-chair was brought, and he was conveyed to the secret prison. His disappearance excited much talk and he in a was supposed to have fled, for the supposition of arrest by the Inquisition was scouted, seeing that there had not been sequestration. Cordero confessed at once that he was a Jew and, under torture, implicated his employer and two others. These were arrested on May llth and the free employment of torture obtained the names of numerous accomplices. The prisons were full and to empty them an auto in the chapel was hurriedly arranged and preparations were made for the hasty construction of additional On August between 12.30 and 2 o'clock, seventeen arrests were made, so quietly and simultaneously that it was all effected before the people were conscious of it. These were among cells. llth, JUDAISM 427 the most prominent citizens and greatest merchants of Lima, and we are told that the impression produced on the community was like the methods elicited Day of Torture and inquisitorial Judgement. further information resulting in additional arrests; the affrighted Portuguese began to scatter and, at the request of the tribunal, the Viceroy Chinchon prohibited for a year any one to leave Peru without its licence. Up to May 16, 1636, the date of a report there had been eighty-one arrests; there made to the Suprema, was evidence against eighty more but, for lack of prison accommodation, their seizure was postponed. The old prison had sixteen cells, nineteen new ones had been constructed, then an adjoining house was bought This influx of wealthy prisoners put the fidelity of the gaolers to a strain which it could not stand. The old alcaide, Bartolome de Pradeda, excited sus- and seventeen more were picion fitted up by buying property beyond in it. means; he was favors to those under his his legitimate investigated and found to be selling charge, revealing secrets, permitting communications and the He deserved severe punishment but, in view of his twenty like. years of service, his seven children and his infirm health, he was allowed to ask permission to retire to his country place. He was replaced by Diego de Vargas, who soon had to be dismissed for the same reasons. Joseph Freile was appointed assistant, but was soon found guilty of similar offences and was sent to the His successor was Benito Rodriguez, who likewise succumbed to temptation, but he was a familiar and was only dropped. Another was Francisco Hurt ado de Valcdzar, who galleys. subsequently appeared in an auto for the same reasons. One matter which vexed the souls of the inquisitors was the effort made by the threatened Portuguese to hide their property from sequestration. A proclamation was issued, ordering all who knew of such matters to reveal them within nine days under pain of excommunication and other penalties. This was successsome extent, but the difficulties in the way were illustrated ful to in the case of Enrique de Paz, for whom Melchor de los Reies PERU 428 secreted much silver, jewels and merchandise. things he deposited with friend his Don Among other Dionisio Manrique, Knight of Santiago, senior alcalde de corte and a consultor of the tribunal, a quantity of silver and some fifty or sixty pieces of Manrique did not deny receiving them, but said that same night Melchor ordered them taken away by a young man who was a stranger to him. The inquisitors evidently disbelieved the story; they reported that they had unsuccessfully rich silks. the methods with Manrique and asked the Suprema tried friendly for instructions. The sequestration stand-still of so much property brought all trade to a and produced indescribable confusion, aggravated, 1635, by the consequent had nearly all the trade involved in an infinity sprang up on all sides. in failure of the bank. The men of the colony in their hands; they were of complicated arrested transactions and suits Creditors and suitors pressed their claims desperately, fearing that with delay witnesses might disappear, There were in the widening circle of arrests. many suits pending already in the Audiencia which were claimed by the tribunal and surrendered to it. It was puzzled by the new business thus thrown upon it; had to a suit there prisoners could not plead, so Alegre as their "defensor" to to be two parties, but the appointed Manuel de Monte appear for them, and it went on it hearing and deciding complicated civil suits while conducting the Mondays and Thursdays were assigned for civil business, and every afternoon, from 3 P.M. until dark, was devoted to examination of documents. The inquisitors claimed prosecutions for heresy. that they pushed forward strenuously in settling accounts and commerce would be destroyed to the Republic, which was already ex- paying debts, for otherwise the irreparable damage of all ways. This did not suit the Suprema, which, by letters of October 22d and November 9, 1635, forbade the surrender of any sequestrated or confiscated property, no matter hausted in so many what evidence was produced first consulting it. of ownership or claims, without This exacting payment of all debts and post- JUDAISM 429 poning payment of claims threatened general bankruptcy when the rich merchants were arrested, for their aggregate liabilities amounted to eight hundred thousand pesos, which was estimated To avert this, some as equal to the whole capital of Lima. payments were made, but only on the strength of competent security being furnished. In the excitement of the hour and the mad rush for arresting everybody who might be an apostate, much injustice was committed which aggravated the confusion. Thus on May 8, 1636, Santiago del Castillo, was arrested, a merchant whose licence to Spain was to be signed that afternoon. With him were seized fifty-five bars of silver and ten thousand pesos in coin; sail for he was administrator of customs and it was reckoned fortunate that over thirty thousand pesos belonging to the king had been handed over so that it could be sent by the fleet. He was receiver bankruptcy of Joan de la Queba, and as such held about seven thousand pesos which were given to Judge Martin de Arriola Castillo's to be apportioned among eight hundred creditors. in the estate was large but he was involved in suits, besides holding considerable property belonging to others, and claims began at once to be presented. All this was wholly superfluous, for on October 23, 1637, he was discharged as innocent and the seques- Alonso Sdnchez Chaparro was liberated, February 9, 1637, and more than sixty thousand pesos were returned to him. There were several other acquittals, and a tration was lifted. number of cases were suspended involving the sums which ought never to have been tied up. Meanwhile the trials of release of large the accused were pushed forward as rapidly as the perplexities of the situation admitted. Torture was not spared. Murcia de Luna, a woman of 27, died under it. Antonio de Acuna was subjected to it for three hours and, when he was carried out, Alcaide Pradeda described his arms as being Progress was impeded, however, by the devices of the prisoners, who were in hopes that influences at work in torn to pieces. Spain would secure a general pardon like that of 1604. With PERU 430 this object of they revoked their confessions and their accusations each other, giving rise to endless complications. Some of the however, were genuine and were adhered to, even through the torture which was freely used in these cases. Besides this, to cast doubt on the whole affair, they accused the latter revocations, innocent and even Old Christians, which accounts for the acquitThe inquisitors add that they abstained tals mentioned above. in many cases from making arrests, when the testimony was and the parties were not Portuguese. The tribunal was manned with four inquisitors, who struggled resolutely through this complicated mass of business, and at insufficient length were ready to make public the results of their labors in the auto of January 23, 1639. This was celebrated with unex- ampled pomp and ostentation, for now money was abundant and the opportunity of making an impression on the popular mind was not sentences were of During the previous night, when their to those who were to be relaxed, two to be lost. made known them, Enrique de Paz and Manuel de Espinosa, professed con- came and examined them, a consulta version; the inquisitors was assembled and they were admitted to reconciliation. There was great rivalry among men of position for the honor of accompanying the penitents and Don Salvadoro Velazquez, one of the principal Indians, sargento mayor of the Indian militia, begged to be allowed to carry one of the effigies, which he did in resplendent uniform. Conspicuous in a place of honor in the procession were the seven who had been acquitted, richly dressed, mounted on white horses and carrying palms of victory. Besides the Judaizers there were a bigamist and five penanced for sorcery. women There was also the alcaide's assistant who was deprived of his familiarship and was exiled Juan de Canelas years. Albarran, the occupant of a house adjoining the prison, who had permitted an opening through the walls for communications, received a hundred lashes and five years of exile, and Ana Maria Gonzalez, who was concerned Valcdzar, for four in the matter, had also a hundred lashes and four years of exile. JUDAISM 431 Of the Judaizers there were seven who escaped with abjuration de vehementi, various penalties and fines aggregating eight hundred pesos. There were forty-four reconciled with punishments varied according to their deserts. Those who had confessed readily as to themselves and others were let off with confiscation Those who prevaricated or gave trouOf these there ble had, in addition, lashes or galleys or both. were twenty-one, the aggregate lashes amounting to four thousand and deportation to Spain. and the years of galleys to a hundred and six, besides two condemnations for life. In addition to these were the mother of the Murcia de Luna who died under torture, Dona Mayor de Luna, a woman of high social position, and her daughter Dona Isabel de Luna, a girl of 18, who, for endeavoring to communicate with each other in prison, were sentenced to a hundred lashes through There was also one recon- the streets, naked from the waist up. ciliation in effigy of a culprit There were who had died in prison. eleven relaxations in person who had committed suicide during trial. and the effigy of one Of the eleven, seven are said to have died pertinacious and impenitent and therefore presumably were burnt alive, true martyrs to their belief. Of Maldonado whose case these there were two especially notable has been mentioned above, and Manuel Bautista Perez. The latter was the leader and chief among the Portuguese, who styled him the capitan grande. He was the greatest merchant in Lima and his fortune was popularly estimated at half a million pesos. was in his house that were held the secret meetings in which he joined in the learned theological discussions, but outwardly he was a zealous Christian and had priests to educate his children It ; he was greatly esteemed by the clergy who dedicated to him He their literary effusions in terms of the warmest adulation. owned mines in Huarochiri and two extensive plantations; his confiscated house has since been known as the casa de Pilatos, and his ostentatious mode of life may be judged by rich silver the fact that when his carriage thirty-four hundred pesos. was He had sold by the tribunal it fetched endeavored to commit suicide PERU 432 by stabbing himself, but he never faltered at the end. He list- ened proudly to his sentence and died impenitent, telling the There was one other prisoner who executioner to do his duty. did not appear. Enrique Jorje Tavares, a youth of 18, was among those arrested in August, 1635. He denied under torture and after various alternations became permanently insane, for which reason his case was suspended in 1639. The next day the mob of Lima enjoyed the further sensation of the scourging through the streets. These exhibitions always attracted a large crowd, in which there were many horsemen who thus had a better view, while boys commonly pelted the bigamists and sorceresses who were the usual patients. On this occasion the tribunal issued a proclamation forbidding horses or carriages through which the procession passed, and any pelting of the penitents under pain, for Spaniards, of banishment There to Chile, and for Indians and negroes, of a hundred lashes. in the streets were twenty-nine sufferers in ten, guarded by plied the scourges, soldiers they were marched in squads of familiars, while the executioners all and ; and the brutalizing spectacle passed off without disturbance, and with the pious wish of the tribunal that it 1 would please God to make it serve as a warning. The holocaust had been duly offered to a Savior of love and mercy; the martyrs had sealed in flame and torment their adherence to the Ancient Faith, and the mob had had its spectacle. Satisfied with the results of their pious labors for the greater glory of God, the inquisitors calmly went forward to gather in the gleanings from the ruined commerce and industry of the kingdom, to retain what they could for themselves and to account for as little as they might to their superiors. The process was long and complex and it was years before all the tangled skeins were ravelled out, and the clamorous creditors of the victims had their claims satisfied or rejected. 1 Medina, Lima, II, 47-168, 176. Medina prints the Relation of the auto by Fernando Montesinos. A brief abstract of it is given by Pellicer, Avisos hist6ricos, under date of Feb. 7, 1640 (Valladares, Semanario erudite, XXXI, 129). JUDAISM some remnants 433 hated Portuguese to be dealt with. After the auto, seven cases, which had been pending for three years or more, were suspended, followed, in 1639 and There were still of the fla 1640, by others of reconciliation or suspension. In 1641 there was an auto, November 17th, in which three Judaizers were reconciled and seven others sentenced to confiscation and a hundred lashes " complicidad grande" Manuel in had been arrested December, 1635, and had Hemiquez, who confessed under torture, after which he revoked, and several There apiece. still remained of the extravagances led to his being thought crazy, but in 1647 he was condemned to the stake. The tribunal however waited for other victims to justify the expense of an auto and, in 1656, he was still lingering in prison; he was not burnt until 1664 in company with the effigy of Murcia de Luna, the victim of torture. Inquisition, in fact, had passed as its wealth increased. In 1648 was Manuel Henrfquez, who sentence. its apogee and had become The inert reported that its only prisoner was awaiting the execution of his it 1 This was not because the Portuguese had been exterminated. They were still numerous, although the revolt of Portugal, in 1640, had rendered them, if not as yet foreigners, at least citizens whose loyalty might well be suspect. Political as well as religious may therefore be ascribed to the action of the Viceroy Pedro de Toledo, Marquis of Mancera, at the instance of the Audiencia, under impulsion of the tribunal, when, in 1646, he motives an issued edict that all Portuguese should present themselves with their arms and should leave the country. More than six thousand are said to have come forward and by payment of a large sum to have obtained a revocation of the measure a venal transaction which formed the basis of one of the accusations brought against Mancera in the residencies or customary investi2 gation at the close of his term of office. Either the tribunal had become too indolent for active work, 1 2 28 Medina, Lima, II, 169, 175, 177-8. Palma, Afiales, pp. 38-9. Palma, Afiales, p. 41. PERU 434 or the Portuguese population had been cowed into sincere accept- ance of Catholicism, for we hear little subsequently of Judaism. It was not that sensitiveness to Jewish observances had decreased, 1666 Juan Leon Cisneros was accused of buying scaleless on Fridays and of not sending his children to school on the for in fish Sabbath, for which suspicious actions he was sentenced to abju1 From that time there is a long interval and even the ration. ferocious recrudescence of persecution in Spain, during the third of the eighteenth century, The next two methods. fourteen About 1720 Alvaro Rodriguez in prison and his case was Judaism but died for never concluded. to feeble echo in Peru. cases that present themselves are highly signi- ficant of inquisitorial was prosecuted awoke but a first Still thousand his sequestrated property, amounting pesos, was remitted to the Suprema, although the Inquisition had no claim on it, for he had left no Peru and Philip V had ordered the seizure of all relatives in Portuguese property as a measure of retaliation in the relations between the two countries. The other case was that of Don Teodoro Candioti, a Levantine Christian, who had married in He was arrested, probably somewhat before 1722, on suspicion of Judaism arising from his keeping the day before Lima. according to the custom of his country. He had also said that St. Moses was a great saint and as such was Christmas as a fast, There was some talk of his being circumwas unfounded. He died in prison, May 19, 1726, venerated in his land. cised, but this making a most Christian end and saying that salvation was to be had by keeping the law of God, through the grace of Jesus His body was thrust into one of the graves of the tribunal but the Suprema ordered, November 24, 1728, that his bones Christ. should be secretly transferred and buried with Christian rites in the parish church and that an entry be made in the parish register day of his death, without stating that he and further that a certificate of no disability of his burial as of the had died in prison, be given to his widow and children, including capacity to hold 1 Medina, Lima, II, 189-90. JUDAISM offices in the Inquisition. 435 Evidently the falsification of church when the injustice of the InquiThe tribunal itself had still less records was a matter of course sition was to be concealed. It replied, scruple. December 26, 1729, that August it had already, on 23, 1727, reported the translation of the remains to the church of the Dominican college of St. Thomas; another exhumation seemed unnecessary, but it had had the required entry made in the parish register. The widow had presented the genealogies of her two sons, Don Antonio and Don Juan Candioti, asking that they be was much made familiars and, as the viceroy interested in the family, the request had been granted. 1 This case brings before us one of the deplorable results of the system of secrecy; a husband and father disappears into the prison; he and dies, his family only learn his fate after seven years of suspense. A more flagrant case was that of Dona Ana de Castro, a married but of dubious character, as she woman good was reported to have sold her favors to one of the viceroys and social position of to many Accused of the rich colonial nobles. of Judaism, she was reported to the been to voted relaxation she had with preliminary Suprema, torture, to which the Suprema replied, February 4, 1732, that if the torture and efforts of the theologians did not bring repentance, persistently denied; when, in 1731, her case the sentence was to be executed, but, signs of repentance, she was if she confessed and gave She was held until to be reconciled. the solemn public auto of December 23, 1736, when she was relaxed to the secular arm as a Judaizing Jew, convicted, negative and pertinacious. On her way to the brasero she is said to have but the alguazil mayor paid no attention to them and she was duly burnt probably without preliminary strangulation. All, apparently, was in accordance with routine proshed tears, cedure but, when the records came to be investigated in the visi- Amusquibar reported that the day before the auto she sought two audiences; no record was made of what tation of Arenaza, 1 Medina, Lima, II, 276-80. PERU 436 occurred, but there could be no doubt that she confessed to entitle her to reconciliation; even than enough entirely satisfy the evidence, poor woman laid for her if more she did not what more could be expected of a mind and ignorant of the trap in such agitation of by Calderon, who acted as fiscal? The printed official account of the auto rather superfluously recites how she was notified of her sentence at ten o'clock of December 21st, after which two theologians, relieved every hour until 6 A.M. of December 23d, labored vainly to induce her to confess and to return to Amusquibar, on the contrary, states that there was no record that she was notified of the sentence; that the book the faith. of votes did not contain such a sentence and that, even if there was it was invalid in consequence of the absence of the Ordinary; moreover that, in spite of her confessions, no new consulta de fe was summoned to consider them. Altogether, if Amusquibar one, to be believed, is like the it was a cold-blooded burning of Ulloa in judicial effigy, for murder contrived, the purpose of rendering more impressive the spectacle of the auto de fe. In the same auto there was a reconciliation in effigy of Pedro Nunez de la Haba, a Judaizer of Valdivia, who had escaped from prison after If recaptured he was to be confined in his case was finished. the castle of Chagre, until he could be sent to the penitential prison of Seville, and was to have two hundred lashes for his flight. A small auto particular followed, November 11, 1737, in which Juan Antonio Pereyra, a Portuguese, was sentenced to abjure de vehementi, two hundred lashes, ten years of presidio at Valdivia and half confiscation. 1 These are the only cases of Judaism recorded at the if number of Judaizers is so scanty this and not this period must be attributed to indifference of the tribunal. and to the lack How ready was to prosecute is exhibited in the next case, that of Don Juan de Loyola y Haro, a scion of the family of St. Ignatius and an He was arrested, July elderly gentleman of high consideration. it 1 Bermudez de 178. Palma, la Torre, Triunfos del Aftales, pp. 105-6. Santo Oficio Peruano, Medina, Lima, II, 312. fol. 59-60, 154-55, JUDAISM 437 1743, on a charge of Judaism based on the flimsiest testimony of a negro slave. Other evidence was gathered, but with it the 9, commissioner of lea wrote that the current belief regarded it as a conspiracy on the part of his slaves, and that this had been confessed by one of the witnesses when dying. In spite of this his trial continued, nor was he released when, the four false witnesses were arrested. He in February, 1745, fell sick; in July he was transferred to a convent, where he died, December 27th of the same year, and was secretly buried in the chapel of S. Maria Evidently his family were kept in ignorance until 19, 1749, when the witnesses were Magdalena. an auto was held October punished and a great parade was made of the equity of the tribuHis effigy was carried in procession, bearing in one hand a nal. palm-branch and in the other a gold baton symbolical of his His acquittal was read, military rank as maestre de campo. his brothers to carry the effigy empowering around the town on a white horse, to exhume the remains and bury them where he had indicated on his death-bed, and certificates were granted to them that On his the next imprisonment with inflicted day the procession much pomp and no disabilities on his kindred. of the white horse took place circumstance. The Suprema, on reviewing the report, pronounced the whole proceedings to be vicious from the start and destitute of all the safeguards provided against 1 injustice. It perhaps worth noting that most of it occurred and Unda had been superseded by Arenaza and With this the formal persecution of Judaism in is after Calderon Amusquibar. Peru comes to an end, except that, to the Suprema that the only for Judaizing, but that they With regard inflicted it to may in 1774, the tribunal wrote cases then pending were thirteen had no basis. 2 the general character of the punishments be remarked that they vary capriciously, in accordance doubtless with the temper of the inquisitors, whose discretion had few limits. In the earlier days there would seem 1 Medina, Lima, II, 336, 341-52. * Ibidem, p. 378. 438 to be a tendency to greater rigor than that In the auto of 1578 the sentences, as a When Judaism came have seen offence inflicted by the customary in Spain. rule, are exceedingly severe. to be conspicuous, the penalties 1 which we were very similar to those imposed for the same home tribunals. As the and were replaced by forced labor galleys went out of fashion in the presidios, the principal destination to which culprits were sent was Valdivia, though occasionally they were assigned to Callao, Chagre or other ports where fortifications were under construction. Scourging, as in We Spain, was a favorite resort, without distinction of sex. have seen how ruthlessly it was employed in the great auto of 1639 this continued as long as the tribunal was active. In the auto of 1736 there were sixteen sentences of two hundred lashes, half of them on women, for bigamy, sorcery and other similar and In that of 1737 there were only nine penitents, five them being women; all of them were sentenced to two hun- offences. of dred lashes apiece, but this was remitted in the case of one of the men. 2 In addition to the suffering, there was the severest of humiliations for those sensitive to shame. The so-called penitents were marched in procession through the streets, naked from the waist up, with insignia or inscriptions denoting their offences, while the executioner plied the lash. The assembled mob was in the habit of manifesting its piety by stoning the poor wretches, to repress which the tribunal occasionally issued a proclamation, such as we have seen in 1639. October Similarly, before the auto of forbade the throwing of stones, apples, 19, 1749, oranges or other missiles at the penitents, under pain of a hundred it pesos for Spaniards and ten pesos with four days of prison for 8 others. Although there are frequent sentences to imprisonment for longer or shorter terms, there is no allusion anywhere to a casa de la misericordia or de la penitencia, as it was called in Spain, in which the penitents could perform their penance. 1 J 1 Palma, Afiales, pp. 14-19. la Torre, Triunfos, pp. 136-57, 172-78. Bermudez de Palma, Afiales, p. 139. PUNISHMENTS 439 Occasional instances in which they are ordered to be shipped to the home country renders it probable that this was the usual Exile was a frequent penalty, sometimes recourse in such cases. more frequently from certain cities or districts, where the culprit had committed offences; when this happened to be his native home, where his trade or profession was established, it might be a most severe infliction, depriving to a designated place, but him of his means an old sorceress of livelihood it mattered ; when the culprit was a vagrant or little. The inexplicable inconsistency in the adjudgement of penalties, when gauged by any rational standard, can best be understood by the contrast in a few cases. The tenderness displayed towards the abuse of the confessional has already been alluded to. The same is seen in some of the sentences for crimes of a still more serious character. Thus in the auto of July 12, 1733, Sebastiana de Figueroa, a mestiza aged 60, for sorceries including adoration of the demon and causing sickness and deaths, offences for which would have been executed without mercy, yet escaped with abjuration de vehementi, half confiscation, two hundred lashes (which were remitted) and four years of exile in a secular tribunal she to a designated place. 1 Canga, a free negress, who had made In the auto of 1736, Maria Josepha her husband insane with and herbs, so as to have freedom for adultery, merely with in the hospital of San four service levi, years' Bartolome. In the same auto, Juan Gonzalez de Ribera, a sorceries abjured de mestizo, had gone to the Indians, adopted their ways, professed their religion and, worst of all, had induced several Spaniards do the same, in addition to which he had taken three wives. He was thus a dogmatizer and was condemned as a bigamist, to and and yet he merely abjured de vehementi and had three years hard labor on an island off Callao. 2 With this ill-judged mercy may be contrasted the case of idolater, sorcerer diviner, Frangois Moyen, a Frenchman of varied talents and wide culture, 1 1 Barnuevp de Bermudez de Peralta, Relacion del Auto de 1733, Lima, 1733. la Torre, Triunfos, fol. 146, 152. PERU 440 skilled as an artist and musician, whose the tender mercies of upon a somewhat adventurous is seen in a in a vow voyage a eiro, threw him Amusqufbar. Born in 1720, he led that he was a believing Catholic life; of pilgrimage to Compostela, made during danger vow which he duly performed residence in Lisbon. In 1746 he sailed with the Count de las Torres, in Chile. evil fortune in 1739, during a from there to Rio de Jan- who had important business At Buenos Ayres they parted, the count hastening Pampas, while Moyen tarried there for awhile, his his accomplishments rendering him a general favorite. and vivacity During his stay he again manifested his devoutness by performacross the About the middle of 1748, at the request of the count, who had gone to Lima, he started to rejoin him by way of Potosi, in company of a band of With light-hearted carelessness, he talked freely, in traders. the confidence of the road and the bivouac; as a Frenchman of the Gallican school and accustomed to the freedom of speech in Paris, he said much that he had better have left unsaid, with a ing the spiritual exercises of St. Ignatius. singular imprudence in view of his acquaintance with the methods of the Portuguese Inquisition, his criticism of which formed one of the counts in his indictment. He became an object of suspicion to his companions, especially Potosf was reached to a Gallego named Jose* Antonio Soto. March 27, 1749, where a considerable stay was made, during Two which Moyen expended four pesos in masses. arrival, Soto denounced him to the commissioner Jose* Beaumont y Navarra, who the other travel- secretly summoned days after de Ligaraza and muleteers, and gathered testimony swelling the sumaria some two hundred pages. It was loose and thoughtless talk lers to capable in the hands of the inquisitorial theologians of deductions most damaging predestination in its most absolute form, poly- marriage not a sacrament; masses, prayers and indulgences were useless to souls in purgatory; limbo and purgatory were doubtful; the pope was not the head of the Church and gamy justifiable, had no power to bind or to loose; councils were superior to popes; PUNISHMENTS it was wrong condemn people to of a carpenter, and much more 441 for lack of of the knowledge same kind. of the son The ingenuity of the calificadores, in fact, injected heresy into the simplest When he reproved a muleteer for abusing a mule and said that it was a creature of God, this was held to prove that he was a Manichean. One brilliant night, looking at the stars, remarks. he observed that their multitude was superfluous, thus assuming that God had erred in creation, which was heretical blasphemy, A criticism of the heretical blasphemer. a reference the with to luxury poverty of the Apostles, showed him to be a Wickliffite. constituting him an of the clergy, Commissioner Ligaraza assembled a consulta, which voted for the arrest of so dangerous a heretic. It was executed May 14th At he was kept incomunicado, but subsequently visitors were admitted who provoked him to risky discussions and then gave evidence against him, in and he was imprisoned which, in chains. first other matters, a debate on the Eucharist told among heavily against him. He became an epileptic and suffered frightThe commissioner fully from his chains and the cold climate. maintenance; he endeavored to support this was insufficient and his only solace, but himself by painting, his violin, was taken and sold, reducing him to such despair that had no funds for his he attempted suicide. The commissioner was in no haste and did not report the arrest until June 9th nor transmit the evidence until from December. it On May 9, 11 and 12, 1750, the tribunal extracted forty-four heretical propositions and ordered Moyen's transfer to Lima. This journey, which commenced July 12th, consumed two years. Moyen's health had been wrecked in his confinement and his epileptic fits recurred almost daily. Several times he nearly died at Chuquito he received the viaticum. It was not ; until April, was reached, when he chanced to interest a named Tomas de Lecaros, who entered security for him lawyer and carried him to Arequipa, in vain search for improvement. There he met an English hatter named William a good Catholic 1751, that Cuzco PERU 442 who attended mass about daily who counselled hypocrisy and silence religious matters in a land where there was an Inquisition. Moyen chanced to mention this in his examinations; the Englishman was arrested and ruined. On the return to Cuzco, a halt was made at Urcos, eight leagues Amusquibar, on September 14, 1751, called for his appearance within two months; the commissioner of Cuzco sent distant. when Moyen drew a dagger and attempted resistance but was overpowered. Some three months later Fray Juan de his notary, San Miguel wrote to the tribunal that Moyen was hardened in That place his heresies and scattered them freely around Cuzco. was January 29, 1752, fortunately prior to the reception of an order from Amusqufbar to forward him in chains. March left, 26th he was delivered to the tribunal, broken and prematurely old with the sufferings of these three preliminary years of his trial. Proceedings dragged on with the customary delays. The accusation, presented October 13th, represented him as a formal and pertinacious heretic and a follower of the sects of Luther, Calvin, Jansen, Quesnel, Manichee and Mahomet, besides being strongly suspect of Judaism. Discussion over these articles lasted until May 18, 1753, when he professed profound repentance for having discussed religious matters and begged for mercy. During the prolonged delays which ensued his sufferings in the prison were an excessive punishment for reckless speech. Besides his continual epileptic fits, his feet were eaten up by chiin themselves severe goes; his chains chafed his ankles into sores, which threatened gangrene of one leg, and when, to avert this, on November 13th, the alcaide was directed to remove one of the shackles, the other In spite of this he made several attempts to escape once by endeavoring to set fire to the door of his cell with the candle allowed to him at night, whereupon he was deprived was of left it. on. Again he succeeded in reaching the house of the Count of remanded, and on a third effort were betrayed by a prisoner in an adjoining cell. Two years were consumed in sending the evidence las Torres, only to be his plans to Potosf PUNISHMENTS for ratification been ratified and awaiting ad perpetuam. its It 443 return, although at first it had was not received until April, its publication was delayed until September 3d. After this followed the customary examinations on the evidence, which were prolonged until March 14, 1758 a delay largely 1755, and then caused by Moyen's constant epileptic attacks. His counsel did not present the defence until November 8, 1759, and then the consulta de fe was not assembled until January 15, 1761. considered the case until February 14th, when It the definitive vote was taken, under a protest that torture was not ordered in view of the weakened condition of the accused. The sentence was published in the auto of the following April 5th. It condemned him to abjure de vehemently to ten years' forced finally labor in an African presidio (Oran, Ceuta or Melilla), or in the penitential prison of Seville, as the inquisitor-general might prefer, and to two hundred lashes, which were commuted to vergiienza consideration of his infirmities. The humiliating parade in of the vergiienza through the streets of Lima was duly performed the next day; on the llth he was shipped in irons by the galleon San Juan Bautista, reaching Cadiz in November; in December he was sent to Seville to which the African presidio was commuted. No consideration seems to have been given to the sufferings of the thirteen years of imprisonment since his arrest, nor to the wreck of a joyous and promising life for a few inconsiderate utterances. Amusquibar sought by the quarrels in to justify the excessive delays of the trial which he was involved, by that of the accused, but the Suprema his own sickness and did not accept these excuses and replied that the ten years intervening between the receipt of the prisoner and the sentence was an excessive delay and There was in all this no special grave omission of the tribunal. 1 malignity; it was simply the habitual application of the system with callous indifference as to the results to the accused. 1 Mackenna, Francisco Moyen, passim. Lima, II, 374. Palma, Afiales, pp. 129-32. Medina, PJEJB 444 Not the U important function least censorship of the press. Although in of the Inquisition Spain this was the was reserved to the Suprema, and the tribunals could only refer to it books which they regarded as suspect, distance rendered independent action From an necessary in the colonies. early period the Lima tri- bunal examined books and prohibited such as it saw fit. The importation of printed matter was also, as in Spain, subject to its The supervision. original instructions, borne by Cerezuela, enjoined special watchfulness by the commissioners at the seaports, to prevent the introduction of all works that were on the To no books were admitted except through Callao, and the commissioner at Panama was required to keep a close watch on everything destined for that point. Nothing could be shipped from there without his licence, nor Index. insure this, at first could any package be opened except in his presence. The same vigilance was exercised at Callao, and all books were sent to Fray Juan de Almaraz, Prior of San Agustin, for examination. As the settlement and commerce of Buenos Ayres developed, similar precautions were observed there. There was always a haunting dread of the efforts attributed to the Protestants to smuggle heretic books into the land. In 1605 there was a scare of this kind, based on rumors that ships from Lisbon manned by Flem- ings were bringing such works in casks purporting to contain wine or salt, and special orders were issued to the commissioner to be doubly watchful. 1 As system was a serious impediment to trade, and led not infrequently to collisions with the secular authorities. It required that all ships on arrival in Spain, this should be visited by the commissioner before any passenger or merchandise was landed, and that the latter, when brought on shore, should be opened in his presence and be minutely inspected. Even so high an ecclesiastical dignitary as the Archbishop of Lima was not exempt from the censorship of the tribunal. We have seen how Amusqulbar used this power for the humiliation of Archbishop Barroeta, nor was 1 Medina, Lima, I, this the 5, 172, only instance. 330; II, 368. Juan de CENSORSHIP 445 Almoguera, who was archbishop from 1674 to 1676, while yet Bishop of Arequipa, had been strongly impressed with the dissolute lives of the priests among the Indians and, in 1671, he pub- which the inquisitors held to be not only defamatory to the priests, but to contain propositions adverse to the Holy See. The archbishop defended lished in himself Madrid a by series of Instructions, asserting that his doctrines were approved most learned men of Peru, and that the facts by the which he cited were perfectly true, for which he appealed to the testimony of the They admitted this, but nevertheless inquisitors themselves. 1 they caused the edict of prohibition to be published everywhere. The reformatory legislation of Carlos III, from 1762 to 1768, limiting the unrestricted control of the Inquisition over the prohibition of books, was long in reaching Peru. In 1773 Viceroy Amat y Yunient says that although he had not yet received the cedula of 1768 officially through the Council of Indies, yet he It put in force the Constitution defines its provisions as a guide. Benedict XIV, entitling authors to be heard in defence of their books; it prevented the prohibition of books Sollicita ac provida of ad interim until a final decision was reached where expurgations ; were ordered they were to be made known so that owners could delete the objectionable passages, and all edicts were to be sub2 The demand for literamitted to the viceroy before publication. ture must have been greater than would be anticipated, for, in 1772, there was a discussion between the viceroy and the tribuand examining 165 cases of nal over the proceedings in opening books. At 3 was exercised largely through the February 28, 1787, the Viceroy Count de Croix this period the censorship civil authorities. reported to the king the execution of his orders of 1785 in the suppression and burning of certain books, the seizure of all copies that could be traced to the possession of booksellers or of individuals, 1 8 and the issue of an edict prohibiting the printing Medina, Lima, II, 249. Archive national de Lima, Protocol 2 Memorias de 225, Exp te 5278. of anything los Vireyes, IV, 472. 446 without a licence, even the University not being permitted to publish the eulogies and addresses customary on the arrival of a viceroy, or the Latin orations with which the studies were annually opened. The Inquisition is only alluded to in connection with the examination of importations, none being delivered from the custom-house without preliminary inspection by the commissioner of the tribunal, in connection with an appointee of the govern- ment. 1 As in Spain, this censorship extended over morals as well as over religion and politics. commissioner at Buenos Ayres, was In 1796, Antonio Ortiz, the much exercised over certain wall-papers received from Barcelona. Some of them had mytho- logical figures, such as Hercules, Venus and the like, which he considered intolerable. There was another one representing the globe adorned with flowers and presided over by Cupid with a lighted torch, as though to burn it with his impure fires, all of which he was impelled to cut up into small pieces. 2 As we have seen in Mexico, even ill-advised symbols of devotion were pro- hibited. When, Inquisition at the suppression in 1813, the building of the was entered, Stevenson describes seeing there among the mass of prohibited books, a quantity of cotton handkerchiefs on which was printed a figure of Religion with a chalice in one hand and a cross in the other a device which the manufacturer had fondly believed would render them popular, without 3 upon the desecration inseparable from their use. From time the principal work of the tribunal was in the this enforcement reflecting of the prohibition of literature regarded as dangerous to State or Church. Camilo Henriquez, priest of the Padres Cruciferos de la Buena Muerte, was a prominent object of persecution. his cell In 1809 he was denounced for reading prohibited books; success, but the accuser insisted was searched without and on a more minute investigation his mattress stuffed with the dangerous material. 1810, 1 was banished Memoriaa de Stevenson, to Quito, in was found to be arrested and, in but instead of obeying he joined the los Vireyes, V, 85. Twenty Years He was South America, 2 I, Medina, La Plata, 269 II, 256. DECADENCE 447 insurgents of Chile and distinguished himself by supporting the revolution in La Aurora, the periodical which he founded. Under the Restoration, the tribunal had little real work to do except to issue edicts prohibiting European periodicals, political pamother and phlets productions in which it could discover opinions 1 inimical to the established order in politics and religion. In the turbulent atmosphere of the early nineteenth century, the authority of the Inquisition naturally declined, especially as the character of the inquisitors was so unfitted to inspire respect. Its suppression 1813, by the decree was evidently seen in of the Cortes of Cadiz, February 22, advance to be inevitable and was Shortly before that decree was received Stevenson relates that he was summoned before the tribunal, in fatal to its influence. consequence of a discussion in a coffee-house with a Fray Busta- mante, respecting the image of the Madonna of the Rosary. If believe his story of the audience, he treated the inquisi- we may tors with slender reverence and escaped with an admonition to avoid religious disputes, and to bear in mind that in the dominions 2 of his Catholic Majesty all men were subject to the Inquisition. When the decree of suppression was published, he had an opportunity of accompanying the first party that entered the building, an object of universal dread. The prison cells were all open and empty; he describes them as small but not uncomfortIn the audience-chamber, back of the judges' dais, there able. so long hung on high a life-sized image of Christ its head was so arranged movable by a person secreted behind, on a signal from the inquisitor, producing a profound impression on the awe; as to be struck culprit, who was denying his guilt. From his description of the torture-room it would seem that the tortures employed, though cruel enough, were less severe than those formerly in the cordeles and jarras de agua, the mancuerda, the trampazo and the garrucha. There was a rack on which the arms and legs use could be stretched; a kind of pillory for scourging with scourges, 1 2 Palma, Anales, Stevenson, p. 176, 210. Twenty Years in South America, I, 261-67. PERU 448 some of which were of wire chains with sharp points; " tormentors'' of netted wire with points, arranged to fit the wrists or waists, the legs or arms, and thumb-screws a grisly collection, but less and limb than the older atrocities. The likely to endanger life crowd which found admittance carried some off of these as mementos and also some of the records, but the archbishop the next day published an excommunication against all who should not return what they had taken, and most of the documents were restored. 1 We have seen that the money found in the chest was taken by the authorities and this of course was retained, but the salaries were continued. The suspension was short-lived, with the decree of July 21, 1814, re-establishing the ending of the officials Inquisition, when the three inquisitors, Abarca, Zalduegui and Sobrino, resumed their places, but the old awful authority could not be revived. They complained showed bitterly of the viceroy, who himself, they said, hostile to the re-establishment. He delayed issuing the decree, treated them with discourtesy and refused to refund the money. They depicted the deplorable means to pay salaries in had been resolved upon the suppression, while the buildings were dirty and out condition of the tribunal, destitute of arrears, or even to prior to arrests that We 2 can readily imagine that the progress of the of Independence left little leisure or disposition on the part of repair. War make of the authorities to listen to their complaints. How completely decadent was their authority, is seen in a letter from the Suprema ordering them to summon an Englishman named John Robinson and point out to him that he had been admitted to residence on condition of not talking about religion, or dogmatizing against Catholicism, and they were moreover to seek an interview with the viceroy, to ask his aid in restraining the the result. 3 inhumanly persecuted 1 2 man and to report Times had changed since Frangois Moyen was so Stevenson, op. Medina, Lima, tit., I, for his loquacity. 267-74. II, 400. Medina, Lima, II, 398. Palma, AHales, p. 211. RESTORATION 449 they were not without some remnants of authority. The University of Lima had sent an address to the Cortes of Cadiz, congratulating it on the decree of suppression. This was an Still, offence not to be overlooked and, April 7, 1815, the Suprema sent an order to dismiss all the signers of the paper who held office under the tribunal. Accordingly, on October 29th, Fray Josef Recalde was summoned to surrender his vestment and badge To this he replied, November 3d, with a supplias a calificador. cation not to expose him to such a dishonor; the paper had been presented to him for signature by the beadle of the University, saying that it was an act of obedience to the Cortes and he, being busy, had signed it without reading it, as he was accustomed to do with the numerous papers requiring his signature. On this Recalde only intensified his offence, and he proceeded to accuse the University of misInquisitor-fiscal Sobrino reported that them to read prohibited books, while Recalde's statement only showed how recklessly its members Both papers joined in anything resolved upon by the leaders. were forwarded, December 13th, to the Suprema for its judgement, but whether Recalde was reinstated does not appear from leading youth and allowing the documents at hand. 1 The officials continued to draw their salaries, but there trace of their activity. The latest indication I is little have met of their a letter from the Suprema, July 11, 1817, duty performance to the tribunal of Logrono, asking for information to guide the of tribunal of Lima is in a case of alleged Fernando Diaz, then bigamy on the part of Don 2 In that same year a a resident of Cuzco. " voluntary" subscription in aid of the government was organized, to which the contribution of Inquisitor-fiscal Sobrino was nig3 In 1819 gardly, leading to his being reprimanded from Madrid. The senior Abarca was was the tribunal inquisitor reorganized. dead and Zalduegui was dean; he and Sobrino were jubilated on one-quarter of their salaries and the tribunal consisted of Crist6val 1 2 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Legajo 1473. Ibidem, Libro 559. 29 Palma, Afiales, p. 213. 460 de Ortegon as senior, Anselmo Perez de Mariano de Larrea as fiscal. Their term of March 9, office was The short. la Canal as junior and Jos6 final decree of suppression, 1820, was long in reaching Peru, where it was not pro- mulgated September 9th, with orders to communicate it to all the archbishops of the district and to take the necessary steps until This was done decently and in order. On September 18th Viceroy Pezuela ordered the intendant of the province, in concert with the two regidores of for of the property. assuming possession Lima, to proceed in accordance with the decree of February 22, occupy the property, including its patronage and pious foundations, and to make an exact inventory. This was followed, 1813, to September 20th, with instructions that at 8.30 A.M. of Friday, September 22d, possession should be taken, and the ex-dean was notified to be ready in order that it should be executed with At nine o'clock on Saturday the intendant and made an inventory of all promptitude. the regidores met in the Inquisition and property found there. of 1813, the In pursuance of Article 10 of the decree of three, on September 28th, issued an commission order calling on the ex-receiver-general, Carlos Lizon, for an authentic list of all the officials with their salaries, so that the might be paid. This was superfluous; from time immemorial the custom had been to pay all salaries in advance, in instalments of four months. The inquisitors had providently taken care of themselves and their subordinates and, on August latter 29th and September the tercio adelantado, 1st, had issued orders on Receiver Lizon commencing September 1st, so that he able to exhibit the corresponding receipts, amounting for was to 9472 pesos and a fraction, indicating on annual pay-roll of 28,417 pesos. That the inventory only showed a few items of volumes of is testimony of the completeness with which everything had been appropriated. Although the work of the tribunal had records shrunk almost to nothingness, and the roster all was as complete as the offices had been kept it had been filled in the period of the EXTINCTION 451 1 It is presumable that, as and were provided for there. greatest activity. to Spain The total amount work accomplished of as three thousand cases tried, but this is in Mexico, they went estimated by Medina probably too liberal an is His exhaustive researches have resulted only in an enumeration of 1474 cases. allowance. These consist of 1126 180 Laymen Women Secular clergy Franciscans 1 . . . . 101 . 49 Dominicans 34 Mercenarians Augustinians 36 26 Jesuits 12 . . Archivo nacional de Lima, Inventarios Originales, No. 1. may be of interest to put on record the personnel of the tribunal and the It salaries at the Inquisidor moment of extinction : mas antiguo Crist6val de Ortegon Inquisidor Anselmo Pe"rez de la Canal (at J of salary as ordered by Suprema) Do. Jose Mariano de Larrea (Do. but with 148 additional as Juez de los bienes) Reales. 4962 9 30 3722 3 14 3870 1240 1240 1700 1700 1700 850 850 1000 3 6 6 16 6 16 5 14 fiscal . Jubilado " Mrs. Pesos. Dean Pedro Zalduegui . . . . (at i salary) Inquisidor Jose" Ruiz Sobrino Secretario del Secreto Do. Do. Do. Do. Do. ( ) Manuel de Arizcurrunaga co Fran de Echavarria Momediano . Ramon . . . . . del Valle Carlos Delgado Jubilado Pablo de la Torre Secretario de Secuestros Jacinto (at ( salary) Do. ) Jimeno Receptor-general Carlos Lizon, 1900, together with 250 for collecting rents Contador Ildefonso Gereda Abogado del Fisco Manuel de la Fuente y Chaves Procurador del Fisco Mariano Gonzalez Alcaide de Carceles J. Baut. de Barnechea Nuncio A. D. Eustaquio Portero de Camara Manuel Leon Ministro de vara Teodoro Marino . . . . 2150 500 350 300 900 830 500 50 28,417 In addition Teodoro Marino is ordered to receive 33 pesos 2 reales for four months' service as portero at the rate of 100 pesos per annum. Also there is a salary of forty reales per month as sweeper, divided between Fray Manuel Bahamonde and Fray Manuel Tinoco, who are each to receive five pesos for the months of July and August. The peso, or piece of eight reales, is the Spanish dollar. PERU 462 The offences prosecuted were Propositions Judaism Moors - .. Protestants Solicitation 140 243 5 65 109 Blasphemy Sexual errors Bigamy Sorcery Miscellaneous and not specified 97 40 297 172 306 For the 250 years of existence, the estimate of a total of 3000 cases would make 12 per annum, or 1 per month, but in the first 20 years of the tribunal the cases amounted to 1265, which would reduce the average of the other 230 years to about 7J, and it would be safe to assume for the last century an average of not more than 3 or 4 a year. 1 For this slender result, to the colony was kept say nothing of the large expenditure, in a constant state of disquiet, the orderly course of government was well-nigh impossible, intellectual, commercial and industrial development were impeded, universal distrust of one's neighbor was commanded by ordinary prudence, and the population lived with the sense of evil ever impending over the head of every one. That there was any real danger to the faith in Peru been absurd. is Possibly the tribunal may have some service in repressing the prevalence of bigamy of solicitation among the clergy, but the fact and among laymen that these two offences remained to the last so prominent in its of calendar would show that it accomplished sorcery and superstitions, which pervaded little. all classes, As regards in the mixed Europeans, Indians, negroes and half-breeds, with an accumulation of superstitious beliefs drawn from so many population of sources, the number of cases is surprisingly small, especially as the exemption of Indians from inquisitorial jurisdiction seems have been disregarded in this offence. In the repression of the practices which were regarded as implying pact with the demon to be said to have virtually accomplished nothIt would be difficult to find, in the annals of human mis- the Inquisition ing. may government, a parallel case in which so little was accomplished at so great a cost as by the Inquisition under Spanish institutions. 1 Medina, Lima, II, 466-7 CHAPTEE VIII. NEW GRANADA. ALTHOUGH the Nuevo Reino de Granada originally formed part of the Viceroyalty of Peru, it was the earliest settlement on the continent of South America. When Balboa, in 1514, reported his rich discoveries in Darien, no time was lost in sending out Pedro Arias Davila as governor, who landed at Santa Marta. He took with him as bishop Fray Juan de Quevedo, who formed one of his council with a right to vote, thus founding at the start that curious complication of jurisdictions which exercised so unhappy an influence on the development of the Spanish colonies. The see of Santa Marta, however, was not founded until 1531 and, as settlements were pushed into the interior, Santa Fe de Bogotd, was established as the capital, where the Audiencia, or high court, was organized in 1547 and governed the colony until 1564, 1 when Andres Diaz Venero de Leiva was sent out as president. It was not erected into a viceroyalty until 1719, from which it was reduced to in 1740. its former state in a few years, to be restored again 2 In 1532 the see of Cartagena was founded and, in 1547, that of Popayan. In 1553 came the Franciscan Fray Juan Barrios with a bull of Julius III by which the see of Santa Marta was transferred to Santa Fe and erected an archbishopric, thus Lima. Santa Marta was into sundering it from the metropolis of reduced to an abbacy, to be subsequently re-erected. Cartagena 1 Jose* Manuel Groot, Historia eclesiastica y civil de Nueva Granada, I, 1, 7, 98 (Bogotd, 1869-71). 1 J. A. Garcia y Garcia, Relaciones de los Vireyes del Nuevo Reyno de Granada, pp. xvi-xix (New York, 1869). (453) NEW OR ANADA 454 was dismembered from Santo Domingo and the archiepiscopal province included it with Popayan and Santa Marta. In the absence of the Inquisition, Archbishop Barrios exercised its functions and, in a series of Synodal Constitutions, issued in 1556, he ordered that no books should be possessed or sold without being first examined by the bishop or of fifty pesos. When, in 1570, the tribunal of ity extended over the south. work his deputies, under the penalty 1 all Lima was established, its author- the Spanish possessions from Panamd, to The organization of so extended a territory was a and the material at hand for it was of the worst as we have seen in the preceding chapter. It was of time description, not until 1577 that Inquisitor Cerezuela appointed a commissioner Santa Fe, when his choice fell upon D. Lope Clavijo, dean of the for In the exercise of his new authority, Clavijo naturally became involved in bitter quarrels with the archbishop, Luis Zapata de Cardenas. His character reflected metropolitan chapter. no on the Holy Office, if it be true as reported that his official apartments became a receptacle for women, on some of whom he committed violence, and that the nuns of Tunja were credit obliged to forbid his entrance into their parlor, in order to escape licentious conversation. The Commissioner of Popayan, his Gonzalo de Torres, was no better and was the source of infinite trouble to the bishop, until the visitador, Juan Ruiz de Prado, summoned him to trial in Lima, on a prosecution containing office, He seems, in 1589, to have been deprived of his which, as Archbishop Lobo Guerrero said to the Suprema, twenty charges. he used only as a means of committing offences against God. We hear also of Juan Garcia, Commissioner of Cumand, appointed by Inquisitor Ulloa, as a reward for committing perjury against an enemy of the latter. His adulteries and incests with maids, wives and widows, mothers, daughters and sisters, were notorious and he had caused the death of more than a hundred Indian laborers without baptism or confession. 1 Groot, I, 84, 504. Like the others, he only FOUNDATION 455 sought the place for the protection afforded from punishment for his crimes. 1 Under worthies such as these, it is easy little attention was paid to the purification The cases sent to Lima for the colonists. to understand that of the faith trial among were few and unimportant. There were no Protestants among them; the only accusation of Judaism was that of Juan de Herrera, in 1592, of which he was absolved rest in 1595, after were the ordinary run of undergoing torture; the inquisitorial business sorcery, bigamy, blasphemy and propositions, more or less innocent. That the commissioners, however, did not neglect opportunities that presented themselves may be assumed from the case of Juan Fernandez, a merchant who, in 1588, denounced himself to the Commissioner of Cartagena because, on hearing that a man had hanged himself he had exclaimed "May God forgive him!" This proposition was decided to be heretical; Ferndndez was arrested, with sequestration of property, abjure de levi, to hear and was sentenced mass as a penitent, and to pay a fine of to a 2 hundred pesos. It was evident the faith was to be properly guarded, some authoritative tribunal nearer than Lima or Mexico was that, if necessary for the vast territory which included the whole sweep of the Antilles and the coast of Tierra Firme from Panamd to Guiana.* As early as April 8, 1580, Inquisitor Cerezuela wrote that the people of New Granada were asking for one, in view of from Lima; this was great fully six hundred and there would be no inconvenience in such a step their distance leagues except that he has understood that there were no suitable persons 3 there to serve as consultors and calificadores. Again, in 1600, to the Flores Ordonez y represented Inquisitor Suprema the enor- mous extent of the territory assigned to the suggested two new ones Lima tribunal and one at La Plata and the other at 1 J. T. Medina, Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion de Cartagena de las Indias, pp. 19-23, 430 (Santiago de Chile, 1899). 2 8 Ibidem, pp. 27, 29. Ibidem, p. 423. NEW OR ANADA 456 The Santa Fe. latter should include the sees of Popayan, Cartagena, Santa Marta and Venezuela, making a district four hundred leagues in length, in which it was impossible to provide commissioners; at present there was but one, with whom communication was so difficult that sometimes two years passed without hearing from him. A year earlier, in 1599, Archbishop Lobo Guerrero had written to the king to the same effect. He described the land as the most vicious and sinful in the Spanish dominions, and the faith as on the point of destruction; the distance to Lima was so great that offenders either died or escaped on the road and there was no money to meet the cost of sending them. 1 The same cry went up from the islands. In 1594 the Council of Indies suggested to the king that, in view of the failure of all efforts to suppress the dealings of the people of Santo Domingo with the English and French corsairs, and with pirates of all nations, the inquisitor-general should commission the Archbishop of On Santo Domingo as an inquisitor. to the Suprema it this being submitted replied that there were disadvantages in the plan and the true remedy would be to establish a tribunal on the island, which could be done on the most economical basis. Philip II ordered a junta of a member of each council to consider a grant of inquisitorial power to the archbishop for a term of 2 three or four years. Nothing was done. The king shrank from the expense of a new tribunal and the of the episcopate to delegate its Suprema was too power jealous to the archbishop. A similar fate awaited a complaint of Bishop Martin of Puerto Rico, in 1606, as to the influx of heretic traders and sailors with remedy which he urged that a tribunal be estabDomingo, or that delegated power be granted to including authority to appoint alguaziles and famil- their books, to lished in Santo the bishops, iars 8 with the recognized privileges and exemptions. 1 1 1 Medina, pp. 37-41. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 45, Medina, p. 434. fol. 182. FOUNDATION representations of the same the court and finally, in 1608, the Council There can be no doubt that import poured in upon 457 many of Indies formally urged the erection of a tribunal in After due discussion, Domingo. district all the lands it was resolved Santo to include in the surrounding the Caribbean, except Central America, and, as its inquisitors subsequently boasted, it enjoyed the most extensive territories of any tribunal, embracing the archbishoprics of both Santa Fe and Santo Domingo and the Panama, Santa Marta, Popayan, Venez1 Its seat was fixed uela, Puerto Rico and Santiago de Cuba. at Cartagena, as a central point and leading port of entry, which had had time to recover from its devastation by Drake in 1585. bishoprics of Cartagena, Its position by and fortifications, Pacific, and capacious harbor, its safe rendered it easily defensible the entrepot of the trade with the and the place where the treasures of the colonies were gathered for transhipment to Spain, while the pearl fishery of Margarita and the productions of a province rich in mineral and a large and lucrative commerce. As had the advantage that, unlike Lima and agricultural wealth gave the seat of a tribunal it it where the humors of inquisitors could be in some slight degree controlled by a viceroy and a royal Audiencia. They had only to deal directly with a local governor and municipal authorities on the one side, and with a simple Mexico, it was not a capital bishop on the other; there was little to restrain them, short of the Suprema beyond the Atlantic, and we shall see that they advantage of their position in the endless embroilments which formed their chief occupation. The history of the tribunal took is full to be found not so war which and much maintained with the authorities, civil rendering decent and orderly government for a century ecclesiastical, in its autos de fe as in the guerrilla it impossible and going far to explain the decadence and decrepitude of the colony. Extensive as was the district of the tribunal, it sought to extend As early as 1606 there its authority still farther over Florida. 1 Medina, p. 46. NEW GRANADA 458 a curious letter from Fray Juan Cabezas, Bishop of Cuba, reciting that the tribunal of Mexico had appointed Fray Francisco is Carranco as commissioner in Havana does not appear. fled On under what authority the news of his coming the good bishop from Havana and took refuge despatched his provisor to in St. Augustine, Spain to protest against the whence he announced intentions of Carranco to include Florida within his jurisdiction. This had caused lively anxiety among the garrison, some three hundred in number, who with the friars were the only Spaniards The Indians there. as yet were so recently in the missions they sionaries. most of had little rooted in the faith that slain four or five of the mis- There were, he adds, many women and children, for the soldiers were married and the effort was made to all to marry, for the hardships of the place were such that, without these ties, the governor would not venture to send any one induce 1 away with the expectation of his return. In 1621 there was some discussion as to sending a commissioner there, but nothing was done. Then, in 1630, Inquisitor Agustin Ugarte y Saravia from reported Cartagena that he had sent to the Governor of St. Augustine, Luis de Rojas y Borja, commissions in blank commissioner and familiar, fearing that, if appointees were sent, he would not receive them, as the settlement was wholly 2 military, even the Franciscan missionaries being rated as soldiers. for a It is not likely that the governor filled out the commissions, for Florida remained deprived of the blessing of the Holy Office. In attempt was made. The Cartagena tribunal appointed Fray Pedro de Lima as commissioner with power to nominate subordinates, without requiring proofs of limpieza. 1692 another he availed himself to create a notary, an alguazil mayor and four familiars, thus establishing a tribunal of his own. Of this Don Diego de Quiroga y Lanada, took the wrote alarm and All this, earnestly to the Council of Indies. he said, was simply to escape the royal jurisdiction; Fray The governor, Pedro, as a 1 Medina, friar, p. 433. was ineligible to the post of ' commissioner; the Ibidem, pp. 155, 163. FLORIDA 459 tribunal of Cartagena had no jurisdiction over Florida, where, by the Concordias, there was to be no Inquisition and, if cases of faith arose, they Vicariate. were to be treated by the cura or the ecclesiastical The Council of Indies, this to the king, asking that the December 9, 1695, reported Suprema be told to order the Cartagena tribunal to desist; to this Carlos II assented and the attempt to establish an Inquisition in Florida seems to have ended here. 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquiof Library of University of Halle, Yc, 17. Libro 60, fol. 352; Lib. 61, fol. 524, 534. It does not seem that the tribunal of Cartagena had any part in a curious attempt to introduce the Inquisition into Louisiana, which was ceded to Spain by the Treaty of Paris in 1762. The disaffected colonists drove out their new masters in 1768, but were subdued the next year by O'Reilly. In 1772 the Governor, Don Luis de Unzaga, in a report to the Bishop of Havana, said "It is not the practice here to force any one to submit to the Church, and the process This toleration continued of excommunication is held in utter abomination." 1 MSS. sicion, and, in 1789, the Governor Estevan Mir6 was surprised to receive from Fray Antonio de Sedella one of a band of Spanish Capuchins who had been sent to New Orleans in 1772 a communication stating that, in a letter of December 5th, he had received from the proper authority a commission as commissioner of the Inquisition, with instructions to perform his duties with the utmost zeal and fidelity; that, having made his investigations with the greatest secrecy and precaution, he notified the governor that, in execution of his instructions, he might some late hour of the night, deem it necessary to require some guards him in his operations. That same night, April 29th, he was aroused from sleep to find at his door an officer with a file of grenadiers, when he thanked them and said that he had no use for them that night. To his astonishment he was told that he was under arrest; he was hurried on board a vessel which Mir6 sailed the next day for Cadiz, and the Inquisition was nipped in the bud. seems to have been called upon for an explanation, for in a despatch of June 3d he declared that he shuddered when he read Sedella's note. He had been ordered to foster immigration from the United States, under pledge of no molestation on account of religion, and the mere name of the Inquisition in New Orleans would not only check immigration but would be capable of driving away those who had come, and, in spite of his action with Sedella, he dreaded the most fatal consequences from the mere suspicion of the causes of his dismissal. His justification seems to have been accepted, for the attempt was abandoned. Gayarre, History of Louisiana. The Spanish Domination, pp. 56, 69, 269-71 (New York, 1854). soon, at to assist Fortier, History of Louisiana, II, 62, 140, 327. It may be assumed that the motive of commissioning Sedella The uprising was rather politi- France was calling for active measures by the Inquisition in Spain to keep out revolutionary principles; Louisiana was French and its loyalty to Spain was doubtful, so that the Inquisition would be useful both as a source of information and an instrument of repression. cal than religious. in NEW GRANADA 460 On June 29, 1610, name the latter a Mateo de Salcedo and Juan de Manozca import to the Spanish colonies the newly appointed inquisitors for Cartagena, set sail from Cadiz, with a fiscal, alguazil, notary and messenger, and power to appoint of evil necessary subordinates, whose commissions would be issued On August 9th they arrived at Santo Domingo, by where they were received with all honor and published the Edict all the Suprema. of Faith; they received some self -denunciations, they appointed the Dominican Provincial as temporary commissioner, and the archbishop surrendered the papers of all cases heard by him and Sailing on his predecessors. gena on the where 21st, tical authorities September 4th, they reached Cartaby the civil and ecclesias- their reception On was conducted with great pomp. the 26th the royal letters were read and the oaths of obedience taken; three houses were rented for their occupation until a suitable building could be rented. The king allowed them 8000 pesos for their which they bought the houses in which they were lodged, paying half in cash and, with the remainder of the 1 For the support money, building a prison with thirteen cells. installation, with Mexico and Lima, the king pro8400 ducats a year, until the fines and con- of the officials, as in the case of vided a subvention of fiscations should suffice to defray expenses; but, profiting by experience, he endeavored to guard against the habitual deceit of the tribunals. In his cedula of March 8, 1610, to the treasury Cartagena, he ordered that sum to be paid out of any funds in the treasury or, if those were not sufficient, then out of officials of what came in from the province, but, in order to know how much of this subvention should be paid, the receiver of the tribunal was required to furnish every year a statement of the confiscations and of all moneys applicable to the salaries, which were to be 2 duly deducted from the treasury payments. Mexico and Peru, how fruitless We shall see, as in was the precaution against auda- cious inquisitorial mendacity. 1 2 Medina, pp. 42-50, 76. Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Leg. 1465, Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. 51. fol. 23. EARLY OPERATIONS The 461 tribunal found little to do in justification of its existence. It was not in which February 2, 1614, that it held its first auto de fe, presented about thirty penitents, whose offences con- until it sisted of trivial propositions, blasphemies, superstitious arts the and Nevertheless the ceremonies were conducted with like. all solemnity to impress the population, and a long and grandiloquent Four readers of the sentences report was sent to the Suprema. were employed, so that the reading could be continuous, yet such was the verbosity that the ceremonies lasted from half -past nine in the morning until after sunset and the auto had to be finished by There were about a dozen sentences of torch-light. scourging through the streets and when, on the next afternoon, the infliction was to commence, a motley crowd of negroes, mestizos, mulattos and Spaniards, estimated at four thousand, assembled, armed with oranges and other fruits wherewith to pelt the victims. The hundred lashes provided for them was afraid to venture inquisitors made proclamation threatening a escort forth until the for any such manifestation of pious zeal, when every one dropped his missile and the punishment was carried 1 out in peace. Besides these there had been despatched in the audiencechamber sixteen cases, one of which is worth mentioning as an example duties. which the inquisitors commenced their For some matter of slight importance, Dona Lorenza de of the spirit in Acereto, a noble married woman, had been penanced by the epis- copal provisor Almanso, prior to the founding of the tribunal. Probably stimulated by the Edict of Faith she was impelled to and Manozca, who had some private grudge months and then sentenced 4000 ducats and exile for two years. When the denounce herself to it to satisfy, imprisoned her for eight her to a fine of sentence was read, she appealed to the inquisitor-general but, as she was leaving the room, she was warned that she would be immured for life in the secret prison and, in dread of this, she withdrew the appeal. It 1 chanced that Almanso was soon afterMedina, pp. 82-96. NEW GRANADA 462 wards sent to Madrid by his bishop to complain of the tribunal; he represented this matter to the Suprema, which sent for the papers of the as groundless. was and, on examining them, suspended the case trial 1 unimportant routine work kind that the inquisitors employed the intervals of their quarrels with the civil and ecclesiastical authorities. Cartagena numbered a population of It in of this only five hundred Spaniards; the rest were negro slaves, Indians and the half-castes so numerous in the Spanish colonies. The Indians were not subject to inquisitorial jurisdiction and among the whites there was not intellectual energy sufficient to produce serious heresy. to the Manozca, in Suprema of gain describes fact, in them a letter of March 17, 1622, as wholly devoted to the pursuit and utterly regardless of honor and reputation, from There is no one, he says, who will trouble the Governor down. himself with useful works, and virtue and honor are contraband, where there are virtuous and honorable for they are only prized men. 2 There were superstitious. left The the negroes and mixed races, ignorant and had brought from the Guinea coast Obeah and dark practices of sorcery. The native slaves the mysteries of Indians had ample store of superstitions, to cure or to injure, to provoke love or hatred; the colonists had their own credulous which they added implicit faith in those of the inferior The land was overrun with this combination of the occult beliefs, to races. which were regarded by the Inquibut as the exercise of supernatural arts of three continents, all of sition, powers, Had not as idle fancies, with involving express or implicit pact the the tribunal seriously labored to eradicate them, have had ample work for its energies, slaves or paupers; there was neither honor nor demon. it would but the offenders were profit in their prose- cution, and consequently no energy. Indeed Manozca, in the letter just quoted, endeavored to be released from the taskperhaps the only instance on record of an inquisitor desiring 1 1 Medina, pp. 100-1. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, fol. 180. WITCHCRAFT 463 abandon a portion of the jurisdiction was wont to struggle so desperately. to for which the Holy Office He gives a fearful account of the witchcraft practised by the negro slaves in the mines of Saragossa, in Antioquia, who kill, cripple and maim men and women and suffocate children and destroy the fruits of the earth. There are about four thousand brought from Guinea, who, though baptized, are wholly untaught in the faith, and are more like brutes than men. The of them, missionaries among them pay no heed to their instruction but are wholly absorbed in the search for gold. The district is remote and mountainous and only to be reached by footpaths; the smallest coin there is gold and to arrest a culprit costs more than his value as a slave. trial and owners. The tribunal has no funds their to bring them hither for maintenance in gaol is a heavy burden on the tried and condemned to reconciliation Four have been and perpetual prison, but the Inquisition has no penitential prison and, if there was one, they would starve to death, as they could not earn their support and the alms of the pious would not reach so miserable a set of beings. They have therefore been put into the Hospital General, where they can be employed and hear mass and perform their penance. As for the great mass of the culprits, would be impossible for the tribunal to arrest and try them it the cost would be enormous and the result, according to law, would be to set them free, which would fill the land with demons, nor would the owners permit their capture, in the certainty of To meet these difficulties Manozca therefore suglosing them. gests a general pardon, after which the civil authorities shall have cognizance of their crimes and punish them otherwise than with the benignity habitual with the Inquisition. The Suprema was hardly prepared thus to surrender even so unprofitable a portion of its jurisdiction and, in forwarding this letter to the king, urged that an Edict of Grace should be proclaimed; that he should assist the tribunal with the funds necessary for the support of the officials and the expense of its functions, and that the Council of Indies should order the royal officials to inflict severe punish- NEW ORANADA 464 ment, in so far as they had jurisdiction, and should assist the To this Philip IV Inquisition in making arrests and other acts. drily replied that the Council of Indies would order the governors to apply such remedies as they deemed advisable. 1 All parties thus sought to wash their hands of this troublesome and costly affair, and witchcraft and sorcery continued to flourish. They were not confined to the slaves in the mines of Antioquia and, some ten years later, there was an outburst which offered fairer witches was discovered where among great assembly of town the negroes of the sea-port, about sixty-five miles an accessible of Tolu from Cartagena the witnesses testified to all the classical features of the flying through the air, dancing Sabbat him A inducements to repay prosecution. retro auto de and fe of skeptical all around a goat, kissing Since the great the customary performances. witches at Logrono in 1610, the Suprema had grown and cautious as to these superstitions, and had impressed on the tribunals the necessity of acting with great reserve in all such cases. In reporting this matter therefore, September 25, 1632, the inquisitors said that they had observed these instructions and had arrested only a mulatto woman and a mestiza, who had persistently denied the charges. continued to pour in, Still the testimony spreading the epidemic to Cartagena and implicating Spaniards of consideration and property, for witnesses who confessed to having been at the Sabbat were free to designate whomsoever they chose as having been present a fact which explains the rapid multiplication of accomplices, whenever a persecution commenced. Animated by the prospect thus opened, the inquisitors threw aside their caution; they accepted the most absurd stories and attributed to witchcraft many cases of ordinary sickness occurring in the town. They erected additional prisons to receive the culprits and sentenced to burning two of those accused as leaders negresses Paula de Eguiluz, but the sentence by the Suprema and, when 1 named Elena de of Vitoria and the former was revoked that of the latter Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 30, was fol. received, 178. it BLASPHEMY 465 sent orders that no sentence of relaxation should be executed until a copy of the process was submitted to it. Torture was freely employed, resulting in an auto de fe held, March 26, 1634, where twenty-one witches were exhibited, whose punishment mostly consisted who had overcome seven Avila, a mestiza widow, mancuerda in her torture, absolution was read of of scourging, although one, was Ana fined 1000 pesos. turns of the A sentence of who had been Beltran, Ana de tortured without confession for an hour and a half and had died of effects. This was followed, June 1, among whom was sixteen penitents, 1636, its by another auto with Elena de Vitoria. Another was Guiomar de Anaya, who had overcome the torture and was sentenced to exile and a fine of 200 ducats. was reconciled in an auto of March imprisonment, and was condemned irremissible prison. as a physician It Paula de Eguiluz 25, 1638, after six years of two hundred lashes and to seems that she enjoyed a high reputation and was allowed to leave the prison in the practice numbering among her patients even the inquisiand the bishop, Cristobal de Lazarraga. She was permitted cast off the sanbenito and appeared in a mantle bordered with of her profession, tors to gold and in a sedan chair; much money and was she earned charitable in relieving the necessities of her fellow-prisoners. 1 In the other chief source of inquisitorial business blasphemy the mercifulness of the Suprema brought about a curious and unexpected result. The most usual expletive, reniego a Dios was reckoned as heretical and therefore subject I renounce God to the jurisdiction of the that the mand. Office, but it was so frequent Suprema ordered it to be punished only with a repriAs the inquisitors complained, in a letter of June 28, 1619, the effect of this was that, first Holy when a master lash the latter promptly renounced flogged a slave, at the God; he thus became, on the spot, subject to the exclusive jurisdiction of the tribunal; the flogging ceased and he was handed over to it, to go through the formality of a trial, 1 30 at the end of which he was discharged Medina, pp. 211-19, 225-6. NEW GRANADA 466 This was a process which might be repeated with a scolding. indefinitely, to the manifest detriment of the discipline indis1 pensable to slavery. It was not till the tribunal had been established for more than had any serious business in vindicating the faith. March 16, 1622, there were four negro witches reconciled, two negro sorceresses punished and one bigamist banished from the Indies. In addition to these there was ten years that In an auto de it fe celebrated an Englishman named Adam Edon been sent, in 1618, by an English merchant, (Haydon?). to purchase tobacco in Cumand, where he was arrested in 1619 and sent to Cartagena. For two years the most earnest endeavors a Protestant burnt alive He had to wean him from table. Manozca, his errors were fruitless, in his report, described and him his fate as a was inevi- most engaging person at the quemadero he was not chained as usual to the stake, but he calmly sat on a faggot and remained motionless till life ; was extinct, a veritable martyr to his convictions. 2 After this auspicious beginning there opened a prospect of greater usefulness. At an auto de fe of June 17, 1626, solemnized with great magnificence, there were twenty-two penitents, of whom one was a Calvinist and seven were Judaizers. Of the Juan Vicente had already been reconciled in Coimbra and again in Lima. Under the canon law, a single relapse entailed relaxation; this he had been spared in Lima, and his persistent latter, backsliding left no hope consigned to the flames. which of ultimate conversion, so 3 inquisitorial energy had to be content with witches, blasraid made on the Portuguese phemers and the like, until the merchants in Lima gave occasion One he was duly After this there was an interval during for similar action in Cartagena. of the accused, in the former city, gave evidence against a compatriot in the latter; it was duly forwarded and the arrest was made March 15, 1636. The circle spread until there were twentyone in prison. Torture was savagely employed and one of the prisoners, Paz Pinto, a man widely esteemed, died from its effects. 1 Medina, pp. 118-19. * Ibidem, pp. 168-9. * Ibidem, pp. 175-94. SACK OF 1697 467 were ready for an auto held March 25, 1638, There at which eight were reconciled and nine were absolved. were no relaxations, but the confiscations, as we shall see, put Most of the cases 1 the tribunal in possession of ample funds. Little remains to be said as to the activity of the tribunal in its appropriate sphere, although time to the Suprema show that wealthy penitent to its it among strip, contributions from time to occasionally obtained some the inconspicuous mass of blasphemers, bigamists and sorceresses. Its energies became more and more devoted, during the remainder of the century, to internal dissensions siastical there eccle- authorities, leaving small leisure for its proper func- Such was tions. and quarrels with the secular and its inertia in this was no publication 2 Then respect that we are told that of the annual Edict of Faith between was dealt a heavy blow in the capture of Cartagena, in 1697, by the French adventurers under the Baron de Pointis and his buccaneer allies, after which it was 1656 and 1818. sacked by the latter. it A few days after the commencement bombardment April 10th, the tribunal abandoned the city, carrying some of its prisoners to Majates, about fourteen leagues distant, where an auto de fe was held, with three penitents, of the and those whose cases were not ready were sent further inland When the fort of Bocachica was taken, the French to Mompox. found there nine prisoners accused of bigamy; eight of these joined the enemy and the ninth, Pedro Sarmiento, voluntarily went lated Mompox and surrendered himself. The town capituMay 6th and, when the French entered, they promptly to sought the Inquisition, where they took the vestments of the officials and the sanbenitos and mitres of the penitents and held in the plaza the a mock auto de solemnities. 1 Inquisitor reading sentences and parodying Lazaeta was anxious to obtain fe, Medina, pp. 222-7. This is not strictly correct. After an interval of many years, II, 473. Inquisitor Valera published the edict in Lent, 1684, when it brought in denunciations which doubled the number of cases in hand (Medina, p. 308). Probably this was the last until the nineteenth century. 1 Groot, NEW GRANADA 468 possession of certain papers and employed the good offices of Jimeno, the castellan of Bocachica, whose gallant Don Sancho defence had earned the respect of the enemy. He had been rereleased but returned to Cartagena to defend himself against charges, after which he requested of the leaders permission to get the papers; the mere mention of the Inquisition provoked a tempest of passion, but after it had cooled off he certain asked leave to get some papers of his own and, while collecting them, he succeeded in including those desired by the inquisitor. After the invaders had sailed, Lazaeta returned to Cartagena, June 22d. He found the building much damaged by the bom- had been sacked and the chests broken open and With a donation left empty, but the records were untouched. which he begged and 12,000 pesos obtained from the governor, bardment; it he had everything in order by the end of August, but this proved the turning-point of the tribunal which thenceforth declined 1 rapidly. Repairs to its habitation became necessary in 1704, but these were inefficiently performed and, in 1715, the tribunal was obliged to shift its quarters to the house of the senior inquisitor and even this had been so maltreated in the bombardment that it threat- The trouble culminated in 1741 when Admiral Vernon bombarded Cartagena; a bomb dismantled the Inquisition and it had to be torn down, though the records escaped as they ened to fall. had prudently been transferred in advance to Tenerife, near Santa Marta. It was a quarter of a century before Carlos III, granted for the rebuilding 12,600 pesos from the revenues 2 of the vacant archbishopric. in 1766, All this tribunal. was but a symptom of the general decadence of the. In 1747 the Inquisitor, Francisco Antonio de Ilarduy, wrote that the only consultor he had was also the advocate of the fisc and of the accused; for three years there had been but one calificador, and the provincial at urged to send out 1 frailes; there Medina, pp. 346-51, 364. Groot, I, Seville had been vainly were but two familiars, who were 331-6. 3 Medina, pp. 369-70. DECADENCE 469 engrossed in earning their living and no one cared to accept the position; for seven years the Suprema had not taken the trouble to reply to the applications for advice and instructions. Ilarduy vainly tendered his resignation, but it was not accepted until at length he obtained a transfer to Cordova and left Cartagena in Under such conditions there was little done and the The royal permission to draw articles Inquisition lost its terrors. 1754. from foreign sources brought to Cartagena Danish, Dutch and other heretic ships, in which there came Jews whom of necessity the governor, in spite of the reclamations of the tribunal, allowed and to walk the to establish themselves The streets like natives. tribunal appealed to the Archbishop-viceroy, Antonio Caballero y Gongora, who contented himself with ordering that the limi- tation of importations to articles of necessity should be enforced. A typical case was that of Don David de la 1 Mota, who came in and who made no The tribunal secret of being a Jew. him him in summoned the Jewish fashion, when he and swore said that he was born in Velez-Malaga; his parents had been penanced and his grandfather had been burnt by the tribunal of Granada; he had married a Jewess in the Danish island of Santa 1783, Cruz and had been circumcised cia. It fifty years before in Santa Eusta- indicates the altered situation when this case, which formerly would have been treated with little ceremony, was the subject of doubt and discussion. The inquisitors forbore to him, for he represented foreign interests, which would have complained to the consul and he to the ambassador. They arrest accordingly shrank from the responsibility and let him go. In Spain the exclusion of Jews was still rigidly enforced and, when they reported their action to the Suprema, it censured their timidity and ordered them always to arrest such parties when the evidence sufficed. It was the same in other parts of the district. In Santo Domingo the governor was liberally inclined and, in 1783, the Archbishop complained to the Suprema that, during the previous year, a Jew named Jose Obediente had come and 1 Medina, pp. 358, 371. NEW OR ANAD A 470 was allowed to go about and even to be present freely, to entertain persons of distinction Holy Week. The the authorities, and the in the solemnities of commissioner had vainly appealed to archbishop was afraid to say anything, for fear of public disturbThis year he had come again, bringing six or seven others, ance. who kept house and the Jews alone lived like whom any other residents. the tribunal, in its 1 weakened It was not state, was In 1784, the royal auditor at Mompox, Don Francisco Antonio Antona, was denounced for having, at a afraid to attack. proposed for discussion some maniIn place of prosecuting him, the festly heretical propositions. inquisitors consulted the Suprema alleging, as a reason for their banquet given by a priest, timidity, the character of the accused, the relations of his wife with the best families, and the protection given to him by the 2 A tribunal thus shorn of viceroys in the conduct of his office. audacity could only be an object of contempt. There was, however, a little recrudescence of activity as the its progress of free-thought and the approach of the Revolution called for the exercise of the functions of censorship. This has in abeyance. The edicts prohibiting books, as the Suprema, were regularly published as matters of been well-nigh sent out by by no routine, but they were regarded lectual torpor of the colony was one. In fact, the intel- so profound that there was little danger of the spread of dangerous literature. In 1777 Cartagena could not even support a small printing-office, and the inquisitors complained that they had to copy the edicts by hand; there had been a printer, but the poor man had sold his stock elsewhere and no one had ventured to replace him. books had been exceedingly rare. 3 Seizures of prohibited In 1661 some copies had been suppressed of "Horas y oraciones devotas," printed in Paris in In 1668 there was a little flurry when, on one of the afflu1664. ents of the Orinoco, copies of a work a Dutchman was found in Spanish, in possession of apparently printed in Holland, entitled "Epistola d los Peruleros," consisting of a Calvinistic 1 Medina, pp. 359-61. Ibidem, pp. 374-6. Ibidem, p. 378. CENSORSHIP 471 catechism and exhorting the colonists to withdraw their allegiance from Spain and ally themselves with the Dutch, whose colony Guiana was dangerously near. In 1732 a little book called "Paraiso del alma" was seized in Santa Fe and, in 1757, some copies of Bishop Palafox's "Ejercicios devotos." The moral phase of censorship had manifested itself in 1736, when the commissioner of at Panama took from the French astronomers, on their way to the equator to measure an arc of the earth's surface, an engrav- woman which he regarded as indecent, but when he sought to get possession of another, said to be even worse, they assured him that it had been burnt and threatened to complain ing of a to the king of the insult offered to them. denounced vessel, of to the tribunal So, in 1807, there were some watches brought by a Danish which the cases were enamelled with indecent pictures; the enamels were destroyed and the watches were restored to the owner. 1 In 1774 a more Jose* Celestino difficult question was forced upon the tribunal. Mutis, distinguished both as priest and physician and professor in the Colegio Mayor of Santa Fe, in 1773, presided over some conclusions in which the Copernican theory of the system was defended. In June, 1774, the Dominicans of the Universidad Tomistica resolved to celebrate other consolar by Scripture and St. Augustin and St. Thomas, and that the Copernican theory was intolerable for Mutis Catholics, indefensible and prohibited by the Inquisition. clusions to prove the contrary addressed a defence of Copernicus to the viceroy, who sent a copy to the commissioner; he transmitted it to the tribunal, which submitted it to two calificadores. One of these reported that the propositions were not subject to theological censure; the other held that the Copernican system was opposed to Scripture and no Catholic could defend it. The matter then passed into the hands of the inquisitor-fiscal, who argued that all authors of greatest repute detested the system as absolutely contrary to Scripture, repeatedly condemned by the Roman Inquisition and, 1 Medina, pp. 379-80, 390. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 25, fol. 52. NEW GRANADA 472 as some by Urban VIII. say, an assertion versities to teach the Copernicus. in this works of kingdom and perhaps what to especially shocked in all do in a matter the papers to the by Spanish uni- all Newton which were based on Dr. Mutis, he added, was the himself in favor of this system. loss He was Mutis that the king had ordered of and only one who, America, had publicly declared first Thereupon the beyond its tribunal, at a comprehension, sent for instructions, and the Suprema them away without answering. 1 Of more practical importance was the manifesto all latter dis- creetly filed of the French Constituent Assembly on the rights of man, of which a Spanish title of Derechos del Hombre. This version appeared under the was condemned in Cartagena by edict published December 13, was a sudden command for its vigor- in 1794, there 1789. Then, ous suppression. In almost identical phrase the Viceroys of New Granada and Peru wrote to their respective tribunals, describing as a it work destructive of social order and advocating toleration. to hunt up every copy must be taken Every pains, they said, and to ascertain when and how and from The whom they came. tribunals accordingly exerted their utmost diligence, but were not rewarded by finding a single copy. 2 Probably equal ill-success attended their efforts to obey the orders of the Suprema to suppress Gli Animali parlanti of Giambattista Casti and to spare no pains in ascertaining the possessors of the poem which, as a clever satire directed against the vices and follies of kings and courts, was especially distasteful to an autocratic monarch. The work had appeared in Paris in 1802 and these orders came from the Suprema under date of May 23, 1803, although the formal decree suppressing it was not issued until June 23, 1805, to be followed, August 6th, by a similar papal prohibition. 3 1 Medina, pp. 380-6. Ibidem, pp. 387-9. During the suppression of the Inquisition, it was reprinted and largely circulated, forming the subject of a severe edict in 1814 (Ibid., p. 390). 1 Ibidem, p. 390. Suplemento al Indice Expurgatorio, p. 10 (Madrid, 1805). 2 Index Pii PP. VII, p. 53 (Romse, 1819). QUARRELS WITH THE AUTHORITIES 473 If the results of the labors of the tribunal in defence of the faith were thus meagre, it was far more successful in its true vocation by incessant quarrels with the civil and authorities, and by its internal discords. Hardly of creating scandal, ecclesiastical it been organized when the Easter solemnities of 1611 offered occasion for dissension, over questions of etiquette and precedence, had with the secular and spiritual powers, giving rise to antagonism throughout the district, especially on the part of the bishops, who grudged the deprivation of the jurisdiction which they had been accustomed to exercise in matters of faith. They continued who com- to disregard the exclusive functions of the inquisitors, plained bitterly of them as ignorant prelates, with officials whose ignorance was equalled by their turbulence; they had few duties occupy them and they desired to retain this jurisdiction because of the hold which it gave them over their subjects. It to probably would be unjust to estimate them by one of their number, Fray Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza, Bishop of Popayan, who, on his arrival at Cartagena in 1610, introduced the practice of divination with sticks, which he asserted to be allowed by the Inquisition and to be used It spread rapidly among by the queen and the Duke all classes and, as all of Lerma. divination was held imply pact with the demon, the inquisitors were greatly exercised and inquired anxiously of the Suprema, January 31, 1611, what they should do about it, to which apparently they received to no answer. 1 Manozca, arrogant, unscrupulous and ambitious, was the lead- He speedily made it apparent that, under his guidance, it was to be the dominant power in the community, and that its awful authority was to be restrained by no ing spirit of the tribunal. considerations of law or justice. The governor, Diego Fernandez de Velasco, was good-natured and made every effort to keep on good terms with the inquisitors, but his moderation only encouraged their insolence and at length, in a letter of July 4, 1613, to the king, he poured forth his grievances. 1 Medina, pp. 74-8, 80. The tribunal, he NEW GRANADA 474 said, sought to render itself the supreme master and had was so feared that the whole province become terrorized, so that, not only for the inquisitors but for their servants and slaves, there was no law but their own will. They were accustomed to arrest butchers, fishermen, bakers and other dealers in provisions; to seize with violence the goods of merchants and scold them for objecting. and to summon In two cases Manozca forced parties who imported cargoes of slaves to give him some of them, whom he sold. They took, without notice, prisoners from the public prisons and, on one occasion, when the gaoler asked for a voucher, as requisite for his justification, the messenger wounded him on the head with his sword and was not punished. The governor added numerous instances of outrages on all classes, winding up with himself, as having been publicly proclaimed as excommunicated in all the churches. 1 The regular Orders had equal cause of complaint and managed, with some trouble, to send to Spain a procurator to represent that everything in the convents was regulated by Manozca's powerful hand, whence it resulted that many estimable frailes were unjustly punished, while those were untouched who deserved to be castigated and reformed. This brought upon Manozca, from the Suprema, a severe reprimand with orders to abstain from such interference. 2 we may Apparently the warning was disregarded if believe a memorial addressed by a fraile, May 12, 1619, the that to leave to Manozca at his post was king, representing to keep a monster in the seat of an angel of light. This was substantiated with ample details of his scandalous mode of life, his nocturnal sallies in disguise and the general terror which he inspired, for terrorism was the means by which he had become the ruler of all. When the secular authorities sought to banish the courtezans and concubines he prevented it and, when the preachers preached against them, he issued what he called an instruction de predicadores in which he called names and covered them with 1 Medina, pp. 129-3L ridicule. The them dishonoring writer relates a s Ibidem, p. 134, QUARRELS WITH THE AUTHORITIES 475 by which it appears that Manozca controlled the local courts and officials, dictating sentences and procuring that his supporters escaped justice and won their suits, however Moreover he gave occasion for an indefinite amount unrighteous. of smuggling; arrivals were reported to him in advance of the number custom of cases negro slaves and other to enable the owners to defraud the customs and he received bribes officials, things of value a matter presumably easy of accomplishment through the supervision of all arrivals, by which the Inquisition was empowered to prevent the intrusion of heretics books. and the importation of heretic 1 Quarrels with the bishops were incessant and only the bishop of Cuba, Alfonso Henriquez de Almendariz, who was old and own, leading to numerous complaints of him by the tribunal. Then, towards the middle of 1619, there came a new governor, Garcfa Giron, with self-willed and prompt in quarrel, held his 2 whom there was speedily trouble. A negro slave of Inquisitor Salcedo was refused meat by a negro in the market he complained to his master who gave him a paper requiring the dealer to supply ; Armed with he struck the negro several times with the flat of a machete, took what meat he wanted and told the man that, if he wanted pay, he could send for the money. Thereit. this, upon Giron ordered a prosecution; the notary employed in it and ordered him inquisitors sent for the to surrender the papers under the customary threat of fine and excommunication; the governor ordered him not to obey, but he was finally obliged to and deliver the papers. 3 Complaints against Manozca came pouring pay the fine especially from members convents, until made it found into his life in upon the Suprema, of the regular Orders, including itself and morals. whole obliged to have an investigation The result justified the accusa- ordered him to present himself in Madrid. He had no trouble in gathering certificates which no one dared to refuse tions and it as to his good character 1 Medina, pp. 135-45. * and conduct, with which he Ibidem, pp. 103, 154-55. s sailed for Ibidem, p. 112. NEW GRANADA 476 Spain, towards the end of July, 1620. There he succeeded so completely in exonerating himself that, in April, 1621, the inquisitor-general wrote that his presence in the court being no longer necessary, for the business on which he had been summoned, he had been ordered Thus, after a year's absence, he reoccupied his seat in the tribunal, but only for a short time. With the customary policy of the Holy Office, he was promoted to return to his post. to the elevated, in 1643, as more important tribunal we have of Lima, to be seen, to the archbishopric of Mexico. He remained, however, in Cartagena, until the arrival of his 1 successor, Agustin de Ugarte y Saravia, in the middle of 1623. During his absence at the court, his colleague Salcedo had in a furious quarrel with the bishop, Diego de become involved Torris Altamirano, by forcibly taking named Pedro de Quesada, condemned from his prison to degradation a priest and death and murder. Quesada, through his confessor, informed the tribunal that he had a deposition to make; Salcedo sent a message informally to the provisor to send the culprit, for robbery who would be returned, but when the messenger went for him, he was found fast in the stocks and the key carried off. The bishop declared that he should not be delivered without a written demand, but Salcedo sent a party of familiars, who carried him the object off by force and then returned him within an hour being simply to humiliate the bishop and demonstrate the superior 2 Salcedo and Altamirano both died authority of the Inquisition. in 1621, in 1622, but the new bishop, Francisco de Sotomayor, who arrived became immediately involved in a serious quarrel with 8 Manozca, which had to be referred to Spain for settlement. In 1630 the Council of Indies presented to Philip IV a formal complaint in thirty-four articles against the tribunal of Cartagena, which very probably contributed to the enactment of the Concordia of 1633. 1 1 4 4 Meanwhile a new governor, Francisco de Murga, 3 Medina, pp. 146-9, 160. Ibidem, pp. 152-3. Archive de Simancas, Gracia y Justicia, Inquisicion, Leg. 621, fol. 26. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, fol. 59. QUARRELS WITH THE AUTHORITIES 477 had resolutely undertaken to abate the insolence of the inquisitors and had become involved in specially bitter quarrels with the inquisitor Velez de Asas from y Argos, who had been promoted, in 1626, In a letter of December 12, 1632, the position of fiscal. the inquisitors describe him as the most dangerous man on earth, for he daily framed a thousand devices to trip them up and, if this could not be stopped, there would be no living in the city. He was certainly audacious for one day he took from the executioner a negro For this who was being scourged through the streets for heresy. they excommunicated him, but when they sent officials and familiars held to notify him, he clapped them them there under heavy guard all into gaol and Then for twenty-four hours. he called a junta in the house of the bishop and, by its advice, asked for absolution, which was administered in a manner so humiliating that the Council of Indies presented a formal comThis did not tend to harmony and the quarrel plaint to the king. went on, to the discomfiture of the tribunal, showing what a man could do, when supported by the universal detesIn fact, as the inquisitation in which the Inquisition was held. tors complained, in a letter of August 8, 1633, the mass of the determined people held them in mortal hatred, which they could explain only by the wiles of the devil seeking to obstruct their pious work. 1 Meanwhile the home authorities were leisurely engaged in endeavoring to reconcile the irreconcileable. A consulta of the Suprema, March 23, 1633, suggested measures to that effect but in vain. Philip the to IV adopted a more summon practical course in ordering Velez to Spain, but Suprema when he repeated the order, it replied, May 3, ready to obey but had deferred in expectation it disobeyed and, 1635, that it was of his replying to 26, 1634; besides, it had not yet received the the To this papers containing inquisitors' side of the matter. its consulta of May the king replied but 1 it still by curtly commanding immediate compliance, and it was not until 1636 that Ve*lez was com- dallied Medina, pp. 201-3. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 20, fol. 177, 299. NEW GRANADA 478 At the same time the Suprema admitted the fault of the tribunal by ordering the inquisitors, March 15, 1636, not to plot and conspire against Murga nor, after his retirement, against his deputy and officials. The sincerity of this was pelled to sail for Spain. soon put to the test. Murga had died before Velez left Cartagena and, in April, 1636, the tribunal was delighted to receive orders to arrest his deputy, Francisco de Llano Valdes, who was asserted to be the cause of all the troubles. The order was joyfully obeyed, In prison Llano Valde*s became intimate with Inquisitor Cortdzar, for both were Biscayans; a false certificate of illness was procured from the physician and he was given his but to little effect. house as a prison; he was soon seen on the streets again and was even called in frequently to administer torture, as the tribunal had no official skilled in The death of the art. 1 Murga did not end the ferred to Spain, where Ve*lez debate, which was trans- arrived in December, 1636. dragged on with customary procrastination. It The Suprema urged his return to Cartagena, declaring that his service had been most satisfactory, and that he had been dishonored by being summoned to Spain without cause, which could only be repaired by his The Council he had exposed Cartagena to destruction and that he should be provided for with a post in Spain. Philip IV sought to compromise the restoration. of Indies insisted that matter by deciding against his return and that he should have one of the best Spanish tribunals it being the ordinary policy of the Inquisition that when a man had proved his unfitness in one position, he should be promoted to a higher station in which to exercise his powers of evil. was settled that he should Finally have the great tribunal of Mexico, but the commander of the fleet, Don Carlos de Ibarra, ordered him to take ship direct to Honduras it and made public proclamation that no one should receive him of treason and on board or carry him to Cartagena, under pain confiscation. 1 Then the Suprema, September 30, 1639, Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, pp. 204, 207. fol. 51; Lib. 21, fol. 8. made a Medina, QUARRELS WITH THL AUTHORITIES 479 obtain his restoration to Cartagena, but this failed 1 and he at last took his seat in the Mexican tribunal. final effort to Velez had been on terms not much better with his colleague, who accused him of endeavoring Martin de Cortazar y Ascarate, to encompass the death of Llano Valdes in prison and of seeking to rule the tribunal with a faction of the officials, consisting of the fiscal Juan Ortiz, his son, the secretary Luis Blanco and the As other secretary, Juan de Uriarte, father-in-law of Blanco. for Cortdzar himself, two of the consultors, Juan de Cuadros Pena and Rodrigo de Oviedo, wrote to the 1635, representing his utter ignorance; Suprema, August 10, he knew no Latin and his was so imperfect as to be unintelligible; he was proud and haughty and his cruelty was evinced by the savage tortures which he inflicted on the accused. Then, on November 16, 1640, Castilian Ortiz was promoted plete control. to the inquisitorship and his family had com- 2 They used their power for their own enrichment, dividing among themselves the moneys in the coffer and paying no debts That they should soon be involved in with the municipality, was inevitable. In 1641 an excessive scarcity caused by the ravages of locusts led the cabildo, or city unless they were bribed. strife authorities, to prescribe maximum prices for provisions and to order an examination into the quantities of produce in the several Ortiz and his officials plantations, so as to prevent exportation. claimed exemption from these regulations; he ordered the secretary of the cabildo to furnish him with its proceedings, that he might see which voted for them, so that he might was done with Don Cristoval de Bermudez of the regidores imprison them, as and Don Baltasar de Escovar, on complaint the officials, for distributing provisions equally onment without observing any of the servants of arbitrary impris- formalities or opportunity for Then, as the secretary did not comply with the demand, defence. he was similarly thrown in prison. 1 1 When meat was Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 21, Medina, pp. 233-7. fol. brought into 82, 88, 196. NEW GRANADA 480 the city for distribution the servants of the officials claimed whole carcasses, which they cut up and retailed at excessive prices. Driven to extremities, the city complained to the king of the violence of the tribunal and the excesses of Ortiz again demanded a copy its officials, when of the proceedings of the cabildo, leading to further intolerable vexations, which caused it to send the regidor, Nicolds Her as Panto j a as procurator to ask for a visitador. 1 This imprisonment in the secret prison, we an inveterate abuse; it implied heresy and and his posterity. it was in itself the severest inflicted indelible It may remark, was punishment, as infamy on the individual was the subject of repeated complaints and, at last, a consulta of the Council of Indies, June 14, 1646, led the king to order the Suprema to instruct the Cartagena tribunal not to molest the people; when any one was arrested for matters not of faith, he must be placed in a decent prison, outside The Suprema had already taken such action of the Inquisition. in letters of April 28, 1645, Yet a letter from Cartagena and of it repeated this July 28, 1646. June 10, 1649, represented that, in spite of these orders, the inquisitors continued to people into the secret prison, for causes not of faith, throw till many at length who had been thus dishonored supplicated the king the great injuries thus inflicted. The Council of three citizens to remedy Indies, in a consulta of February to the king the disorders arising 21, 1650, represented strongly from the disregard of his com- mands and urged that positive orders to obey be given to the he This sent with his endorsement to the Suprema, inquisitors. which, on April 8th, wrote to the tribunal to observe its previous but without producing permanent effect. 2 Meanwhile the prayer of the city for a visitador had been instructions answered after a fashion, though not in consequence of its supplication. According to a statement of the Suprema in 1646, it had, at the close of 1642, determined to send an inspector to 1 * Lima Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 61, fol. 270. Medina, pp. 238-9. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 38, fol. 122. VISITATION OF MARTIN REAL 481 and Cartagena, as those tribunals had not been visited since their foundation. There had recently been great sequestrations and confiscations, giving rise in Lima to over two thousand lawsuits, while in Cartagena it was necessary to investigate the settlements the claimants and the net collections secured. There made with were no charges, it said, against the inquisitors and it was only the financial matters that were concerned. There was hesitation as to the selection of a visitor; he had to be an old inquisitor and no one would accept the position without the assurance good benefice in the Indies or of a place in the Suprema To give him more authority it was resolved to make him a Suprema and ber of the Unfortunately the choice of a itself. mem- him in before his departure. Martin Real, then serving Dr. upon to swear fell in the tribunal of Toledo, a man of learning and imbued with the highest conceptions of inquisitorial authority, who had acted as visitor in Sicily, where he earned the reputation of a breeder of temper and headstrong the Suprema, but it was thought troubles, through his ungovernable This was known to what he had suffered in consequence of it and the warnings that would be given would render him cautious. Philip IV character. that what had occurred in Sicily, and suggested other names, but yielded on condition that he should not take the oath as councillor until the day of his departure. Then the objected, in view of Council of Indies protested against the appointment as dangerous to the peace of the colonies, but the Suprema represented that the matter had gone too far to be reconsidered without disgracing Real that the opposition came from those who desired to prevent ; the visitation and that the confiscations. The did not concern the inquisitors but only king made no further objection and Real it was duly commissioned and departed early in 1643. 1 The result justified fully the apprehensions of Philip and the Council of Indies, but it may be doubted whether the most eventempered visitor, honestly bent on performing his duty, could have averted an explosion. The object of the mission was the 1 31 Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 61, fol. 130. NEW GRANADA 482 investigation of the finances; there can be as in the other tribunals, false reports results of the little question that, to the had been made as enormous confiscations accruing from the proseNew Christians, and an inspection of the cution of the Judaizing accounts was to be prevented at all hazards. The city was in a state of combustion with the chronic quarrels between the tri- bunal and the and military civil authorities. would not allow him to be neutral and it Real's temper was easy to create a situation which should preclude the dreaded investigation. Such, the most rational explanation of the events as they can be disentangled from the somewhat conflicting accounts at least, is that have reached us. Towards the end of July, 1643, Real arrived in Cartagena and with him came a new inquisitor, Juan Bautista de Villadiego, a man nearly seventy years of age, and a fiscal, Pedro Triunfo de Socaya. Real's first act was to forbid Ortiz and Uriarte from en- trance to the secreto, evidently with a view of examinating their accounts without interference, at the same time handing them appointments to equivalent positions in Llerena and Logrono the favorite method used by the Suprema when officials had destroyed their usefulness where they were. Villadiego however refused to let Real have the keys of the money-chest, so the object of his visitation was frustrated and he revenged himself commission and assuming control To obtain the keys of the coffer he led a dis- by exceeding the powers of the tribunal. of his orderly crowd to Villadiego's house, broke assaulted him, seized the furniture and sold it it open, personally at auction to pay the fine which he had imposed on him. Real further espoused the cause of the governor and cabildo and interfered by liberating a secretary whom who had voted against him. Villadiego had arrested in order to learn Then Villadiego endeavored to own house and appointed officials schism which for two months, until Real judicia lasted it, ally sentenced him to consider his house as a prison. Villadiego on the of his with own thereupon, February 11, 1644, night hands, establish a rival tribunal in his to run VISITATION OF MARTIN REAL 483 posted notices that Real was excommunicated and Real retorted by arresting him. He was replaced by Juan Pereira Castro, who took possession August 22, 1644, and lost no time in organizing a faction among the officials and the clergy against Real and was concerned in libels upon him which were posted on the night of as inquisitor, September 3d. For this, on insufficient evidence, Real arrested Ortiz de la Masa, an ecclesiastic of high standing, and proposed to immense scandal among both clergy vain endeavored to release him and, on torture him, which created an and Pereira in laity. January 1645, he and Real exchanged excommunications, 25, resulting in months. A an interdict under which the city lay for many later, on January 28th, Pereira, the fiscal few days Socaya and the notary, Tomds de Vega, locked themselves up in the tribunal for fear of arrest, and there they remained for seven months, solacing their self-inflicted captivity with feasting and gambling, while Real could neither get his salary nor the papers which were necessary for the business of his visitation. Many of those whom he had treated harshly hurried to Spain and brought suits against him in the Suprema, and we hear of Socaya sending with them forty bars of silver to substantiate their complaints. The Suprema was not a little perplexed by the turn which affairs had taken. It ordered Villadiego to be restored to his place in the tribunal, an order received February 17, 1645, but it was accompanied with a summons to present himself at court within This he disobeyed and recommenced to hold a four months. tribunal in his own house, with the object, as Pereira wrote in February, 1646, of diverting attention licentious life. To from the scandals of his by accusing Pereira with female prisoners and of this Villadiego retorted of defending the gaoler in his crimes holding indecent banquets with him and the fiscal. The only immediate solution to the troubles seemed to lie in the recall of Real; he was ordered October, 1645. home and As the time left Cartagena at the end of of his arrival in Spain approached, NEW GRANADA 484 the Suprema grew uneasy member and, February 16, at the prospect of receiving him as a 1646, it presented a consulta to Philip condensed narrative of his doings and representa containing ing that his seat in the Council was intended, not as a reward for IV but as an incentive to those he was to render; his visitation had cost 20,000 pesos and had brought no results, services past nor was held advisable that he should be allowed to repeat his performances in Lima. Besides, it would be indecent for him him it to sit in judgement on the numerous suits brought against Suprema so that, all things being considered, it was his membership should be suspended until those that suggested in the suits were settled assented. The a suggestion to which the king cordially 1 inquisitors were not so busy quarrelling among themselves but that they had leisure to keep up dissensions with the secular A bitter struggle with the governor was occupying authorities. the court in 1644 and 1645, leading the Junta de Guerra de Indias, on November 9th of the latter year, to urge that instructions he sent to the tribunal not to excommunicate the governor and the evils that would result. 2 captain-general on account of Then a consulta of the Council of Indies, March 7, 1647, com- plained of the invasions of secular jurisdiction, in violation of the Concordia of 1610, causing regrettable disturbances. It alluded especially to a competencia with the royal Audiencia of Santa over a civil Fe case of the familiar Rodrigo de Oviedo y Luron, in which 1500 pesos were deposited with Capitan Francisco Beltran de Cairedo to await the adjudication of the claims of his creditors, when the tribunal stepped in and seized the money, although it had no jurisdiction over the civil cases of familiars. The Council therefore asked that the tribunal be ordered to abstain from civil cases and that its competencias with the Audiencias of Santa Fe, an appeal to which the settled Panamd and Santo Domingo be 1 fol. 1 Medina, pp. 239-45, 247-8, 257. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 130, 270. Archive de Simancas., Inquisition, Lib. 61, fol. 164, 175. 61, VISITATION OF MEDINA EICO 485 king returned no answer, as he doubtless transmitted it to the 1 Suprema, where it probably lay buried. As long as Real was on the ground, Villadiego and Pereira united in efforts to destroy him, but as soon as he departed they quarrelled and, in February 1646, Pereira commenced a prosecution against his colleague for holding a tribunal in his own house. The only hope of restoring the Inquisition to ness seemed to fell lie in another visitation. upon Pedro de Medina Rico, Inquisitor have already met He in Mexico. in his subsequent decency and useful- This time the choice of Seville, whom we discharge of similar duties arrived in Cartagena, December 11, 1648, and found everything in disorder. As he wrote, May 19, 1649, the prisoners were rotting in the dungeons, some of whom had been He lying there for eight years. cases, but it was difficult to set vigorously at make progress. work with the There was no clock were announced by the soldiers of the guard in the streets with a bell, but they were irregular and little attenin the city ; the hours tion was paid and left early; to them. The officials came late to their duties Pereira was especially brief in his attendance and, when he came, thought nothing but getting away. Medina Rico therefore begged the Suprema to send out a fitting person to serve as secretary of and also two inquisitors of learning and probity; Pereira was worthy of severe punishment and ought on no account to be allowed to remain. Medina Rico 2 was at once involved in bitter antagonhe had come to reform; his powers however were limited and he was unable to use censures or arrest, ism with the of course officials whom which put him at a disadvantage, and there were no such exhibitions of violence as characterized the visitation of his predecessor. The Governor Pedro Zapata, moreover, took sides with the incumbents and wrote to the Council of Indies complaining that the city had been kept in a turmoil for ten years, attributable to the delay of the visitadors in completing their visitations. Real had been there for two years and returned, leaving the task incomplete 1 Archive de Simancas, Inq., Lib. 61, fol. 251. 2 and Medina, pp. 249-50. NEW GRANADA 486 now Medina Rico has been of completion, on account at of work for a year, with which the city is dreading a renewal of former disturbances. no prospect in great affliction, Philip transmitted Suprema, March 13, 1649, ordering, for the sake of Rico be instructed to finish as speedily as posMedina that peace, To this the Suprema replied that the illness of Pereira sible. this to the had thrown the unfinished business of the tribunal on Medina Rico, but that orders had already been despatched to him to complete his task without loss of time. Zapata continued his complaints and the Marquis of Miranda de Auta, President of the Audiencia of Santa Fe, joined in condemning his arbitrary acts; in civil cases he and he had issued had arrested the procurators letters to the judges of the of pleaders Audiencia threat- 1 ening that in three days they would be posted as excommunicates. Medina Rico's task was difficult for the abuses of the tribu- nal were so inveterate that the sharpest measures were necessary. Real's report, based on 231 witnesses, brought sixty-eight charges against Villadiego and a hundred and thirteen against Pereira, but his hurried departure had prevented his submitting it to the accused for their defence and it therefore could not be acted upon. The people knew the power of Pereira and Uriarte and that they were favored by the governor and the Bishop of Santa Marta; they had seen the Fresh evidence was naturally hard to obtain. and anticipated the same result from the present one, when vengeance would follow on all who deposed Medina Rico was therefore obliged to proceed against them. failure of Real's visitation He cautiously. attempts on had to take precautions against Uriarte and that such fears were not states that he his life by groundless for there was evidence in his hands that the former notary, Luis Blanco del Salcedo, was poisoned by his wife and the Ortiz, then receiver, who subsequently married Cortdzar was poisoned by Ortiz and Uriarte, her; Inquisitor who intercepted his letters accusing them to the Suprema. Inquisitor Juan Rodrigo de Oviedo was 1 killed by order of Uriarte, Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 38, fol. whose accom- 31; Lib. 61, fol. 251. VISITATION OF MEDINA RICO plice 487 There was, he said, every facility for such land filled with evil negroes it was held for certain he had been. crimes in this ; way perished Bishop Cristobal de Lazarraga and all his family; to poison was attributable the death of Juan de Lorrigui, acting fiscal, and also that of the governor who was in that in this office at the time of his arrival. 1 In spite of these apprehensions he gathered evidence, confirmatory of Real's charges and of subsequent misdeeds and, under pressing orders to betake himself to Mexico, towards the summer of 1650 he drew up accusations against the inquisitors and the Those against Pereira were virtually the same as Martin Real's. Villadiego he accused of friendship with Jews chief officials. who had been penanced, of and using them as agents tinually exacting gifts there was receiving gifts and loans from them to sell goods for him; he was conand abused those who refused them and also his general licentiousness with women. The fiscal, Bernardo de Eyzaguirre, was charged with embezzling the money of the prisoners. Secretary Uriarte he accused of selling his influence to the kindred of those and advice and arranging Ordinary; of on trial, giving them information to bribe the consultors and episcopal encompassing the death of his accomplice Rodrigo de Oviedo, who threatened to denounce him; of falsifying the accounts and robbing the tribunal to the amount of 200,000 pesos after the death of Cortazar, he had a secret door made by which ; he entered the secreto to commit these thefts and he embezzled the property of the accused by bribing those in charge of it, in addition to all which his life was scandalously incontinent. Against Juan Ortiz he reproduced the sixty general charges made by Real and added seventy-nine special ones of the same character bribery, receiving presents, appropriating the property of prison- accounts, subornation and violence when a butcher him the best meat, he summoned him to the tribunal and struck him a blow on the head that left him senseless. 2 In July, 1650, there arrived a new fiscal, Juan de Mesa, who was ers, falsified did not give 1 Medina, pp. 260-1, 2 Ibidem, pp. 250-59, NEW GRANADA 488 be associated with Medina Rico, in case Uriarte recused him, to become so apprehensive as to the results of the visitation that Mesa, on August 4th, in handing him the charges, told him that they would kill him. It so turned as in fact he did. Pereira had Pereira took them and pondered over them until midnight. In the morning he sent for a physician who at once told him that Uriarte folhis case was hopeless and, on the 13th, he was dead. out. lowed him to the grave, on February 1, 1651, and Medina Rico's task was accomplished. He was under orders to start for Mexico, but was detained by prolonged gena until June 8, 1654. illness and did not leave Carta- 1 The perennial quarrels with the authorities continued, of which the Council of Indies complained in a consulta to Philip IV, May 2 Matters were not improved when, about this time, 14, 1652. came a new inquisitor, Diego del Corro Carrascal, followed de Pedro Salas y Pedroso as fiscal, who was soon proshortly by moted to the inquisitorship. He was so completely dominated there by Suprema took him to task, after which he independence by perpetual discordias, which left his senior that the manifested his the accused perishing in the prison, awaiting the slow decisions in Spain. Corro Carrascal moreover was rebuked by the Suprema and for speculating on the operations of the tribunal for cruelty by having the confiscations bought low prices. His dissolute life was at in for him at the auctions so notorious that Governor Zapata said that his going out at night in disguise and having 3 The disamours with married women passed into a proverb. sension between the inquisitors grew bitterer until, in 1658, they had a common object of dislike in a new fiscal, Guerra de Latrds, a man who had had a somewhat distinguished career as doctor and author, and who had served in various important positions. The Suprema had often reproved the tribunal for its disregard of established procedure and Guerra sought of laws, professor 1 * Medina, pp. 261-3. Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 61, Medina, pp. 263-5. fol. 251. DEGRADATION OF THE TRIBUNAL to reduce it Early bringing upon himself the hostility of characterized his representations as childish. to order, the inquisitors, in who 1660 he had a incapacitated 489 from fall him from his mule and broke his arm, which writing; the inquisitors refused to allow employ an assistant and the business of the tribunal was paralyzed. In 1665 Corro Carrascal was made President of New him to weeks at a time and, in this atrophy, the Inquisition ceased to inspire awe or even The opportunity was propitious for the secular power to respect. Granada, Salas reassert itself, fell and was absent sick for and the Governor, Benito de Figueroa y Barrantes, meeting the executioner who was scourging two penitents through the accustomed streets, he sent three of his soldiers to release them. The tribunal proseavailed himself of it. August 23, 1666, cuted the soldiers and, on the 29th, had two of them arrested by its secretary, Gonzalo de Carvajal, who, in the process, fired a shot and had a struggle with one of the soldiers. Figueroa with to the surrounded out starve Inquisition guards thereupon the inmates; Guerra sought an interview and agreed to surrender the prisoners but, four days later, the governor arrested Carvajal, threw him fettered into the public prison, sequestrating his property and taking his confession in the torture-chamber. Guerra and Salas proceeded to prosecute the governor and proclaimed a cessatio a divinis. The bishop intervened and Carvajal was relieved of his chains, but remained in prison. pletely discredited the Inquisition; as the new The fiscal, affair com- Montoyo y Angulo, reported, April 16, 1669, there was no petty official who 1 did not think himself able to give orders to those of the tribunal. It had not, however, as yet reached the depth of its degradation. had been promoted Guerra 1667; 28, some months earlier to the inquisitorship and he too died March Salas had died, December 21, 1671, leaving the fiscal Luis came a new de Bruna Rico alone. Then, Juan Gomez de Mier, followed, in 1674, by a colleague, Alvaro Bernardo de Quir6s, and a new fiscal, Jose* de Padilla, Bruna Rico having been transferred August 19, 1673, there 1 inquisitor, Medina, pp. 280-88. NEW GRANADA 490 to Lima. The and Padilla joined colleagues speedily quarrelled Mier to oppose Quiros. The latter, on his arrival, had observed the abuses current in the importation of merchandise and slaves and wrote on the subject to the Council of Indies. The governor, who was compromised, succeeded in winning him over, so that he spent most of his time in the governor's house card-playing and wrote to the Council, withdrawing his charges. It was too late, however, for Juan de Mier y Salinas, a judge at Santa Fe, was commissioned to investigate and came to Cartagena, where he lodged in the house of his uncle, the Inquisitor Mier. The two commenced making the churches. and the inculpated took asylum arrests Among them was a friend of Quiros, who in exerted himself in vain to protect him, and in failing to do so broke He definitely with his colleague. allied himself closely with the whom he drew up edicts, notably one in 1678 which, under pretext of a threatened attack by the French, discharged He is all the prisoners and put an end to the prosecutions. governor, for described as wandering around at all hours of the day and night, mingling with every body, even dancing in public and universally despised. Mier's association with his nephew the judge brought upon him a shower English of Jamaica, of denunciations; who sent he held relations with the him negroes; these he entered at night as prisoners of the Inquisition, guarded by the alguazil he sold mayor, through whom, moreover, positions commissionthe like to all who would erships and pay for them. The fiscal Padilla shut himself up in his house and would see no one. The master to spirit of the tribunal whom went to were attributed him was the all secretary, Miguel de Echarri, ; his that of a viceroy and presents were showered assiduous in the gambling-houses de Vaca had Every one anteroom was like the evil deeds of Mier. for the distribution of favors upon him; he was Juan Cabeza and, as Fray " while he written, January 30, 1670, is in this city there will neither be peace in the tribunal nor will the people be without a demon to disturb everybody and keep them in open war." 1 1 Medina, pp. 297-301. QUARREL WITH BISHOP BENAVIDES This state of affairs continued for years. 491 Mier was transferred Mexico and Quiros to Lima in December, 1681, leaving as sole died March 31, 1682, appointing as sucinquisitor Padilla, cessor ad interim the Archdeacon Andres de Torres. Matters to who aspect with the arrival, March 27, 1683, of a new inquisitor, Francisco Valera, who had filled important offices in took a new Lima. He dismissed Torres and made Echarri he gave five hours a day, in the tribunal, to cases of faith and three hours in his house to affairs of property. He pushed the pending trials to conclusion 1 fiscal; and in five months, August 29th, he celebrated an Under such a man the tribunal was speedily lifted auto de fe. from degradation, but he had the defects of his qualities, and temper speedily involved him in a struggle of which its his imperious the scandal was greater than that of any previous one. 2 In 1681, two years before Valera's arrival, there had come to Cartagena a new bishop, Manuel de Benavides y Piedrola, who seems to have been impulsive and inconsiderate. Almost at once he fell into trouble by listening to the prayer of the nuns of Santa Clara, who desired to transfer their obedience from the Franciscans to the episcopal provisor, leading to a contest which was envenomed by the bishop's endeavor to restrain the disorderly intercourse between friars and nuns. Castillo de la Concha, the New Granada, ranged himself against the bishop, a sentence of banishment was pronounced, to which he President of on whom replied by casting an interdict on the city and leaving it. The populace took sides with a vehemence which led to frequent riots and almost to civil war, during which the nuns sustained a siege of six months. Valera, on seeing the condition of affairs, endeavored to make peace and sought the bishop in his retreat, but was unsuccessful and his disappointment was aggravated by the bishop's refusal 1 Medina, pp. 302-5. 2 Of this quarrel we have two accounts. That of Sr. Medina (pp. 311-24), drawn from the records of the Inquisition, is naturally favorable to Valera. The other side is given by Groot (I, 286-306; II, 584) from a MS. relation. I have endeavored to elicit the truth from the conflicting statements. NEW GRANADA 492 him own house during the interhe Cartagena boldly celebrated mass, which greatly encouraged the anti-episcopal faction. Matters however seemed to be settling down, when, by order of President to allow On dict. to celebrate mass in his his return to Diego de Banos, Bishop of Santa Marta, came to Cartaremoved the interdict. The two bishops exchanged and gena excommunications and the quarrel became fiercer and more intriCastillo, cate than ever. Benavides to leave the diocese, but he refused and excommunicated the governor and all the Castillo ordered authorities; in fact, his enemies said that he had a mania for such censures and once excommunicated an object which he saw through the blinds of a balcony, without knowing whether was a bag of cocoa or a sack of wool. it Valera was not long in being involved in the conflict. The authorities had armed the citizens and broke by force into the cathedral, seizing three ecclesiastics, whom the governor threw into the fort of Bocachica; one of them, Baltasar de la Fuente, was a commissioner of the tribunal and claimed the fuero, but Valera refused to come to his assistance. When, however, the ordered to Benavides the withdraw governor censures, the latter excommunicated Geronimo Isabal, the advocate who signed the chanced that he was also acting advocate of prisoners in the tribunal, though without a commission, and Valera sprang letter, and it and demanded the papers. declaring that Isabal was not Benavides retorted to his assistance with an edict for defect of title, that Valera tecting la entitled to the fuero had incurred censures Fuente and that he, as episcopal inquisitor, One account deficiencies in the tribunal. for not pro- would states that supply any as Valera kept himself housed, the bishop went there personally and affixed the edict to his door; another asserts that he led a mob who barely escaped by a back door and took refuge in the tribunal. The edict was printed and posted throughout the town, when of negroes the alguazil and mulattos to seize the inquisitor, mayor of the Inquisition who were concerned the ecclesiastics tore in it. it down and arrested Benavides went to QUARREL WITH BISHOP BENAVIDES 493 them and was contumeliously refused admittance; the governor came and a scene ensued, the accounts the tribunal to rescue of which are irreconcileable, but which served still further to scandalize the people and inflame the passions of both sides. The two years of prison, were fined and exiled. unlucky Benavides meanwhile had the cathedral bells tolled for an interclerics, after when all the other bells in the city were rung to drown them a brazen warfare to which the people had become accustomed. dict, Then he ordered a cessatio a divinis, but the convents refused to it; the Bishop of Santa Marta pronounced it null and Valera posted a declaration that he raised it. The Audiencia of Santa Fe had ordered the expulsion of Benavides and now it observe fined him 4000 pesos for delay in executing the decree. The cathedral was surrounded with guards; the chapter fortified it, but the Bishop of Santa Marta had the doors broken open and ordered the chapter to declare the see vacant. On their refusal, the provisor, treasurer and maestre-escuela were arrested and the cathedral was handed over to priests of his faction. A certain Atienza declared that he wished Benavides had Don Gomez de come forward to resist this desecration, for he would have finished him. The vengeance of heaven was not long delayed, for that night a tempest of unexampled violence burst over Cartagena; the lightning sought out Atienza in the midst of his family and slew him, while another bolt struck his farm in the country, burnt his granaries and killed his mules. He was buried with much pomp by the Bishop of Santa Marta and his dead mules were hidden, to keep the people in ignorance. A new governor, Juan Martinez Pando, on his arrival was ordered by the Audiencia to remove Benavides, but it was impossible to ship him away, for the buccaneers commanded the sea. He was confined in his house under strict guard and his tem- were seized. The clergy and people who were faithful him were arrested, banished and their properties confiscated. The nuns of Santa Clara refused to recognize the confessors appointed for them, when the convent was broken open and in spite poralities to 494 NEW OR ANAD A of their resistance they were beaten and confined on bread and The Archbishop water, while some of them were put in irons. of Santa Fe had ordered the Bishop of Santa Marta to retire and mandate was taken from be forged, and prosecutions leave Benavides in possession, but the the messenger, was pronounced to were brought against all who professed obedience to it. Matters took a sudden turn when there came a royal ce*dula of May 16, 1683, addressed to Valera ordering him to replace Benavides in his pomp. see, which he accordingly did with extraordinary of the situation was generally recog- That he was master nized and peace for a time was restored, although he refused the bishop's demand for the return of the clergy and domestics whom he had exiled. Then Benavides' position was further strengthened November 3, 1683, based wholly on the adverse by a papal brief of representations of the Audiencia, ordering the nuns of Santa Clara to be remitted to his care. Thus the original cause of quar- and the troubles which followed were a simple strength between the episcopacy and the Inquisition. Passions had not yet exhausted themselves and the struggle rel was settled trial of supremacy had not been decided. A new element of discord came with the arrival in November, 1684, of another inquisitor, Juan Ortiz de Zdrate, who regarded Valera as having been timid for and irresolute in the quarrel and boasted of his own unyielding Causes of dissension were not lacking and open war broke out when Benavides removed, perhaps with unnecessary firmness. which the inquisitors had placed in the church, " giving as a reason the tertulia" or talkative crowd thus attracted. Thereupon they excommunicated the bishop and ordered his violence, seats name from the mass, to enforce which they excommunicated, fined and banished the dean and the Prior of San Agustin for including it. The bishop had torn down the edicts to be omitted of his excommunication, had ostentatiously celebrated mass and had ordered the arrest of the clergy who would not assist him, which led the tribunal to order him to keep his house as a prison, an order enforced by obtaining from the governor a guard which QUARREL WITH BISHOP BENAVIDES 495 rendered him practically a prisoner. During this turmoil it is easy to imagine the condition of the community, terrorized by The majority the Inquisition. of the people, we are told, favored the bishop, but were afraid of the absolute power exercised by the tribunal, with the support of the governor. The better part saved themselves by flight and there was general To render their victory complete the inquisitors of the clergy demoralization. assembled the chapter in order to have the see declared vacant. All but two voted in the negative and left the room, when the remaining two declared the vacancy and elected provisors to govern the diocese. Then three vessels arrived from Spain which it was hoped would bring despatches putting an end to the troubles. Nothing was given out as to their nature, but it was observed that each night the guard at the bishop's palace was reduced until it was entirely withdrawn and Benavides was released after a confine- ment that had lasted from April 13 to August 22, 1687. At the same time there arrived Gomez Sudrez de Figueroa as inquisitor to replace Valera, who had been transferred to Lima early in 1685 but sailed who had awaited September 2, the arrival of his successor; he 1687, reaching Panama on the 23d and Lima in June, 1688. first seemed inclined to deprecate the excesses of his but the traditions and interest of the Inquisition predecessor, were too strong and he soon yielded to them. The tribunal still Suarez at The news held the bishop to be excommunicated. of the terrible earthquake of Lima, March 9, 1687, improved by the preachers, caused a wave of religious fervor in which many persons aban- doned their scandalous lives marry but, excommunicated the that and applied when the banns were to all Benavides for licences published, the inquisitors officiating priests. who communicated with to They also gave notice must seek absolution the bishop at their hands tered. Seeing them thus determined an absolution which they ostentatiously administo carry on war to the knife, he resolved to publish a papal brief of January 15, 1687, which he NEW GRANADA 496 had received. This treated the matter as exclusively a quarrel between him and Valera; it recognized fully the justice of his side and stated that the nuncio at Madrid had been ordered to prevail with the king that all his rights should be restored to him and that he should have public satisfaction for injuries endured. Although this brief had passed the Royal Council, when he applied to the civil authorities for aid in its publication this was refused and when he circulated copies the inquisitors stigmatized it as They prison with the bishop's supporters and they garrotted in the plaza a Franciscan named Francisco Ramirez, without observing any formalities or even degrading him from holy orders a tragedy in which the governor, Frana forgery. cisco A filled their de Castro, acted the part of executioner. new governor, Don Martin de Ceballos y la Cerda, brought the restitution of the bishop ce*dula, ordering This was received with reto his full rights and jurisdiction. with him a royal joicings, which showed how few had been although terrorism had forced of the ce*dula, however, men commanding really opposed to him, to dissemble. One the restitution of article all fines and confiscated property, was not obeyed, because the judge commissioned to enforce it belonged to the inquisitorial faction of Ceballos, with whom the bishop This encouraged the tribunal to a reWhen the bishop ordered the prosecution and had the support had speedily quarrelled. newal of molestation. Doctor Francisco Javier de Cardenas, for abuses committed in a visitation, the inquisitors threatened the provisor that, if he of did not release Cardenas, he should be imprisoned as the bishop had been. During the troubles the tribunal had been conducted without the necessary concurrence of an episcopal Ordinary. Pedro Medrano this, Benavides appointed Don Jos To remedy to act, but the inquisitors took to allow him to serve. away his commission and refused Seeing that the contest was endless, the bishop resolved to present himself at the court and embarked an English vessel for London, but hearing in Jamaica of the in expulsion of James II, he returned to Cartagena to await the DISGRACE OF INQUISITOR VALERA 497 When they came, they brought a despatch calling him to Madrid and he accompanied them on arrival of the Spanish galleons. their return. At this point the narrative in both Groot and Medina fails us and we know nothing of his reception at court, except that it was not wholly to his satisfaction. We learn from a consulta of the Council of Indies, in 1696, that Innocent XI had rendered a decision invalidating the excommunications uttered by the and affirming those proclaimed by the bishop and comprised under the latter must obtain absolution. To inquisitors that all would be so unexampled a humiliation that the Suprema had not enforced it, and Benavides had, without asking the royal do this permission, gone to placed him Rome to accomplish its execution. antagonism with in all This Spanish traditions and, in 1695, the ambassador was endeavoring to obtain papal authority to him back carry 1696 he was to Spain, but apparently without success, for in still but in what year 1713. The indomitable old man died in Cddiz, not known and the see remained vacant until there. is 1 However the Suprema may have interposed humiliation of the inquisitors, it to prevent the set its seal of disapprobation His transfer to Lima indicates that on Valera. it considered, Cartagena was ended. His action during the interval between 1685 and 1688 evidently confirmed the unfavorable impression and, as we have seen, he early in the quarrel, that his usefulness in was met, on his arrival at to return to Spain Lima, with orders from the Suprema and in 1691 the orders which he evaded Viceroy Moncada was instructed by the king to ship him home. As this was merely a royal command, it received no attention, and he continued to exercise his functions; apparently he had we hear of no controversies with either profited by the spiritual or temporal power. With the advent of the Bourbon dynasty, however, there came a determination to curb inquisiexperience for torial exuberance and his Cartagena performances were not 1 32 MSS. of Library of Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17. Medina, p. 324. for- NEW GRANADA 498 In 1703 gotten. came orders from both the king and jubilate him on half his salary, the other there inquisitor-general to half being applied to the of the controversy make Church of Cartagena, in consideration which he had with late, thus condemning him to The sentence came too it, such reparation as he could. however, as he had died on August to it 2, 1702. 1 Governor Ceballos had no reason to congratulate himself on siding with the tribunal against Bishop Benavides. Its excesses had convinced the court that some thorough change was necessary if peace and harmony were to be restored in the colony and a Junta of two members each, of the Suprema and of the Council of Indies, was ordered to carry it into effect, but these intentions were balked by the members of the Suprema never meeting their 2 colleagues. Nothing was done and the absence of the bishop left the tribunal in absolute potically it exercised its command authority is of the city. shown How des- in a plaintive despatch Governor Ceballos, January, 1693, reciting how the butcher the public shambles having refused to give the preference to of of a negro of Inquisitor Sudrez, the latter sent the gaoler of the secret prison to bring the butcher bound to the prison or, if he could not be found, then one of the regidores of the city in his place. The butcher was found and thrown into the prison, where he was still lying. The governor says that he was afraid to take the proper steps and contented himself with addressing a to Sudrez, which was disregarded. He found civil request impossible to in such terror evidence for witnesses were as to the get legal affair, that they would make no formal depositions. On January 13th, after it drawing up a despatch on the subject, he went to dence, whither panied by a him under came Secretary Luna mob of followers and, with his resi- of the tribunal, accom- much disturbance, required threat of major excommunication and other censures to sign letters declaring that the case belonged to the jurisdiction 1 Cuaderno de Cumplimientos, fol. 62 (MSS. of White Library, Cornell Univer- sity). 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 60, fol. 352. DECADENCE OF THE TRIBUNAL and that he abandoned of the Inquisition it ; 499 also that all references to the matter be erased from the books of the municipality and In this strait he conall the papers be delivered to the tribunal. Don Francisco Gorrechategui, President of the Royal Audiencia of Santa Fe, and Don Fernando de la Riva Aguero, sulted with Judge of the Audiencia of Panama", but they could render him no assistance; he was helpless and, for the sake of peace, he 1 When such was submitted to the demands of the Inquisition. the condition to which the tribunal had reduced the civil and military power in Cartagena, we need no further explanation of the ease with which the French adventurers captured it in 1697. That catastrophe, as we have seen, was the turning-point in the history of the tribunal, which thenceforth rapidly declined. In 1705, Pablo de Ozaeta took possession as fiscal and found himself alone, in consequence of the severe illness of Inquisitor Lazaeta, until the arrival of Manuel de Verdeja y Cosio as his There was a lively quarrel on foot with the governor, colleague. Juan Diaz Pimienta, to whom the tribunal had imputed the con- cealment of the property of a person deceased. The two secretaries, Echarri and Ventura de Urtecho, took his part and were excommunicated and arrested, Urtecho being banished for eight years and Echarri ordered to leave the city within twenty-four On hours, while his son was thrown into the secret prison. the other hand, Pimienta seized Luis de Cabrera, the notary of sequestrations, and threw him into the fort of Bocachica, where he died in the course of eight months, and, on another occasion, acting on a royal order, he took, from Lazaeta's house, Julian Antonio de Tejada, who had been sent out to report on the capture. To avenge these insults, the tribunal commenced twenty- four prosecutions against the governor, but it was in no position to In a letter of February 27, 1706, it exhaled its assert itself. Ozaeta and Verdeja were ailing one wanted to go to Spain and the other to be transferred to Mexico. Everything was in ruin; the money coffer was empty; for ten years no galleons griefs. 1 MSS. of the Library of the Univ. of Halle, Yc, 17. NE W GRANADA 500 had arrived Pimienta slighted Lazaeta at every turn, so that eighteen months he had been obliged to shut himself up in ; for his As for Ozaeta, Verdeja, in a letter of September 13th, accused him of devoting himself wholly to trade. He had brought merchandise with him and was the agent of foreign merchants, house. whose goods he introduced without paying duties, and there was no business of this kind, throughout the extensive district of the was not under tribunal, that his control. He was allowed to enjoy this profitable commerce until 1716, when he returned to Spain and was rewarded with an appointment to the tribunal of Llerena. 1 replaced in Cartagena by Tomds Gutierrez Escalante did as little honor as his predecessor to the Holy Office, He was who though he retained his position until his death, in 1738. He was involved in bitter quarrels with the governor, Francisco Baloco, which the details are lacking, though we may assume that he of was in fault, for constant complaints of him were sent to the Suprema, and the Bishop Molleda y Clerque (1734-41) accused him of interfering in matters beyond his jurisdiction and that in One his house there was nothing but banquets and gambling. of these feasts was given in honor of the saint's day of a young he kept and whom his guests had to honor. 3 girl After this we cease to hear of troubles with the civil authorities, mulatto whom but the dissensions between the officials of the tribunal continued of the end of the century and the exhortations and commands 3 Suprema were fruitless in maintaining harmony. The financial history of the tribunal, at least during the seven- to the teenth century, is similar to that in Mexico and Peru. it in As we have which we have already traced seen, when Philip III established 1610 he was careful to specify that the royal subvention of 8400 ducats was to continue only as long as the confiscations and fines and penalties were insufficient; the receiver was ordered to furnish a yearly statement of his receipts 1 Medina, pp. 366-7. J Ibidem, p. 368. which were to be Ibidem, pp. 372-6. FINANCES 501 deducted from the payments to be made by the treasury. program was as this laid out, it is Clearly perhaps needless to say that it It never received the slightest attention from the tribunal. had not been long in operation when the fruits of its industry began to pour A letter of July 22, 1621, in. information that conveyed the pleasing had secured the handsome sum it of 149,000 pesos from the confiscated estate of the Judaizer Francisco Gomez de Leon. 1 Windfalls such as this were of course exceptional, but a more or less steady stream of smaller amounts can scarce have failed to reward its no relief to for activity. Still this brought the royal treasury, which was regularly called the subvention and, in 1630, we chance to hear who were summoned upon of the before complaints of the treasury officials, the tribunal and scolded when they had not funds wherewith to meet the demands promptly. 2 In 1633 there duly came the suppression of a canonry in every cathedral of the district for the benefit of the tribunal a measure designed for the relief of the but the revenues of the prebends were quietly absorbed without relaxing hold on the subvention. royal treasury Wealth flowed in with the discovery of Judaizers in 1636, confiscations were announced in the auto de fe of March whose 25, 1638. Juan Rodriguez Mesa amounted to 65,000 pesos; that Bias de Paz Pinto to 50,000; of Francisco Rodriguez Pinto That of 40,000, while the smaller ones brought the aggregate up of to to 200,000, by Andres de Castro the receiver who did not assuredly exaggerate, and besides this there were confis3 In 1639 there came cations in Havana amounting to 150,000. as reported, June, 1638, orders to sell at auction three varas of alguaziles, one each in Santa Fe, Caracas and Popayan, but competition was not eager and we do not know the amount realized. 4 The tribunal was evidently accumulating abundant capital, although to contribute a part of its gains to the Suprema. latter alludes to a remittance shortly expected 1 8 Medina, p. 157. Medina, p. 230. 2 it was obliged In 1644 the from Cartagena Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 20, 4 Ibidem, fol. 59. p. 231. NEW GRANADA 502 about 10,000 ducats; by a letter of September 24, 1650, it appears that the tribunal admitted to having on hand 187,677 pesos; according to a certificate of June 30, 1659, there had been of 430,414 pesos and, although there had been more than 100,000 remitted to the Suprema, there was ample left. In addition there were houses and lands; there were deposited in the money coffer 95,332 invested in censos, yielding about 4000 a year but the royal subvention was still regularly collected, the 8400 ducats 1 being reckoned at 11,500 pesos. The subvention continued to be paid though, with the increasing penury of the Spanish treasury, it was apt to be in arrears. In 1670 we find the Suprema ordering the tribunal to use gentle learns that the garrison is unpaid and therefore the with the governor; the last payment collected was be may for the tercio (four months) of November, 1668, and the annual methods; it fault amount alluded and, in to is 8400 ducats. May its replies of The tribunal 6 and Octobers, 1671, it was not satisfied asks for permis- sion to apply pressure; the governor excuses himself by the expenditures necessary to provide for the safety of the place, but these pretexts will never be lacking, the civil salaries are Yet the arrear- had been diminished and was reduced to only regularly paid and the garrison age to the tribunal is three tercios, showing that at least collected during partially so. two years' subvention had been the past twelvemonth. 2 Then the arrearage increased and on April 17, 1674, the tribunal reported it at nearly the Suprema, February 3, 1675, eighteen months, whereupon addressed a strong remonstrance to the queen-regent, threatening that if the officials were not paid regularly they would be obliged it recapitulated the financial history of the the tribunal; royal grant, in 1610, of 8400 ducats per annum, until to desert their posts; the confiscations and fines and penances should suffice, followed the prebends in 1633, and it had the effrontery to assert that since then the prebends and fines and by the suppression 1 J of Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 36, Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, fol. fol. 74. Medina, pp. 262, 265-66. 112, 120. FINANCES 503 penances had been deducted from the subvention; the royal officials asserted that there were no moneys appropriated for the purpose, and that they could not pay without special orders, wherefore the queen was asked to make the subvention a first charge on the treasury. Against this the Council of Indies pro- tested vigorously on March 9th, going over the whole history of the matter and pointing out that whatever was paid to the must be withdrawn from the protection of the coasts, ravaged constantly by the buccaneers, and especially of Cartagena, which was the object of their special cupidity. In fact, large expenditures were making on the defences of the city, which was Inquisition the entrepot of the shipments of the precious metals to Spain; as the Council stated, the royal treasuries of Santa Fe and Quito had already been drawn upon to the amount that purpose. of 17,390,300 mrs. for 1 The debate went on, without either side abandoning its position. The Suprema, on May 11, 1676, insisted that the subvention was Five of the canonries produced a total of only 2535 pesos and the sixth, of Puerto Rico, only about 100; the revenues from investments were 5491 pesos while the a necessity for the tribunal. expenses were 18,770, so that even with the subvention there It is evident that not much faith was felt in these deficit. was a of Penaranda, in a consulta of December out that there never had been any statement 10, 1677, pointed furnished as to the amount of the confiscations and fines and figures, for the Count penances, nor had any effort been made to obtain from Cartagena and Peru, as there had been from Mexico, restitution of the sums improperly obtained from the treasury, to which they were evidently large enough to afford sensible relief. 2 In some Cartagena documents of 1684 we find the first evidence that the treasury had the benefit of other receipts of the tribunal. On June 2d the receiver presented to Inquisitor Valera a dolorous complaint as to the financial condition. In the 1 2 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, Ibidem, fol. 139, 54. fol. 122, 132. NEW GRANADA 504 failure to collect the royal subvention it had been impossible to pay the salaries and other expenses without drawing upon the funds held for creditors of confiscated estates awaiting settlement. The buildings of the Inquisition and its houses were out of repair and threatening ruin; the last payment obtained from the treasury was up to the end of October, 1678, since when there had accrued 61,764 pesos, 5 reales, 22 mrs. from which was to be deducted, of collections from the canonries, 8221 pesos, 3 quartellos, leaving a balance due of 53,543 pesos, 4 reales, to collect in order that the 31 mrs., which Valera was fund held for creditors might urged be reimbursed and the necessary repairs made to the buildings. Thereupon Valera addressed to the governor, Don Juan Pando de Estrada, a vigorous appeal, embodying the receiver's statement The of the account and asking at least for a partial payment. governor submitted this to the treasury the correctness of the statement, and from officials, who admitted their figures it appears November 1, 1675, to October 31, been for receipts from the canonries had made 1678, due allowance that in the settlements from but they add that in 1680 a royal cedula had ordered the archbishop and bishops to report to them all payments to the tribunal on account of the canonries, an order which had been obeyed only by the Bishop of Cartagena. They professed the utmost desire pay the Inquisition and deplored their inability, in view of the demands of the home government for remittances and the indispensable outlays for the maintenance and safety of the city. to This the governor transmitted to the tribunal with the assurance of his deep regret and a request for a statement of its other receipts, in order that this last an accurate balance could be reached. demand by procuring from Valera met the receiver and his predeces- sor sworn statements that nothing had been received from confiscations, fines and penances, the truth of which may be doubted view of the receiver's previous complaint as to the use made of the sums in litigation with creditors of confiscated penitents in but he added that, if there had been receipts from these sources, they were especially appropriated to the secret and necessary FINANCES 505 expenses of the Inquisition, which was a manifest falsehood. Moreover, as the tribunal was a creditor of the treasury, appeared that there were no funds applicable to the discharge of the debt, it had a right to have a detailed and it statement of receipts and expenditures, to lay before the king, with a request for relief. What reply the governor made to impudent demand, we have no means of knowing, but we may assume that the tribunal fared no better in the future. It this had appealed, October 1, 1683, to the Suprema, setting forth its deplorable condition; as it was forbidden to use pressure, it was at the mercy of the officials and it asked that the treasurers of Santa Fe and Quito be instructed to remit directly to its receiver. For some reason this appeal was not considered by the Suprema until April 10, 1685, and then away with the other papers. We may was simply ordered reasonably assume that movingly represented, was the it Suprema for to be filed 1 much of the distress, thus demands was accustomed fictitious, to parry the the contributions which it of to Notwithstanding the recalcitrancy of the royal officials, the tribunal by diligent siege managed to extract an occasional exact. payment and, though it unquestionably suffered heavily at the what with the prebends and the capture of Cartagena, in 1697, occasional fortunate capture of a wealthy penitent, seem not to have suffered from the lack of means. it At would least so Suprema thought when, in a letter of June 15, 1705, it ordered prompt in remitting the contribution demanded Thus spurred, on February 27, 1706, it sent 6000 pesos, of it. which it stated it had been obliged to borrow, as it had no resources the the tribunal to be save to pledge repayment out of the first moneys it should receive, and it expected to do this out of the estate of Don Juan de Zavaleta, the settlement of which was hourly expected. to give a dolorous account of its condition. city had left it in was taken and 1 a miserable state all its all the It went on The capture money in its of the coffers buildings and houses were damaged. Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Lib. 40, fol. 155, 151. Its NEW GRANADA 506 chief means six years of support, had it this; arrearages it says, is the royal subvention, but for any important assistance from more than 140,000 pesos and its failed to receive due amount to applications to the treasury are met with enmity and ill-will. The suppressed canonries produce less than 5000 pesos a year; as for the houses, they have declined greatly in value; for more than ten years the galleons have ceased to visit the port and commerce has so decreased that the houses are generally unten1 anted and repairs consume most of the rentals received. In this sombre description there is doubtless a large element of The kingdom of New Granada, though less than two centuries old, was already decaying and the Inquisition necessarily Its poverty became so suffered with the rest of the community. truth. pressing that, in 1739, the houses held by it were sold on groundTo add to its misfortunes, as we have seen, in 1741, during rents. bombardment by Admiral Vernon, a bomb dismantled the Inquisition so that it had to be torn down and it was not the managed to exist and when, was expelled from Cartagena, it had 4000 pesos in its rebuilt until 1766. in 1811, coffer. it Still the tribunal 2 When came the Revolution the Inquisition evidently had lost claim on the respect of the people and was one of the early objects against which popular detestation was directed, rendering its career in those turbulent times different from that of its all sister tribunals. Before Hidalgo raised the banner of revolt, had broken out in September, 1810, already in July insurrection in Santa Fe and, on August 13th, a revolutionary Junta was established in Cartagena, although complete independence of the Spanish crown was not yet contemplated. Matters remained for a year in this uncertain condition, during which the tribunal sought to ingratiate itself with the rising forces of Revolution priest, Juan A. Est&vez by acquitting and discharging a patriotic 1 1 Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Lib. 40, Medina, pp. 367, 400. fol. 116. SUSPENSION sent to it 507 by the Santa Fe Government to be imprisoned and punand it furthermore ished for a sermon characterized as seditious; commissioner, Doctor Lasso, who had started the a service warmly recognized by the Supreme Junta prosecution 1 in a manifesto of September 25, 1810. dismissed As its were careful to proclaim their adhesion The Constitution of Cadiz in to the principle of intolerance. 1812 declared that the Catholic, Apostolic, Roman faith was the in Spain, the Liberals religion of the State and that no other worship, public or private, would be permitted, while the Articles of Federation of the Provinces of New Granada enumerated among their duties that 2 of maintaining the Catholic religion in its purity and Yet when the Revolution culminated time in Carta- for the November 11, 1811, by an armed rising the demands made on the Junta was that integrity. gena, of the people, one of the Inquisition be suppressed and the inquisitors be handed their passports. The Junta was prompt in executing the popular wishes. The same day it issued a decree that all who did not favor independence should leave the country within eight days, and it summoned the various corporations to come forward and take the oath of 8 The next day, notice was sent to the tribunal existence was incompatible with the new order of affairs, independence. that its and that the inquisitors, with such officials as desired to follow them, must sail for Spain within fifteen days, while those who remained must forthwith take the oath; all papers were to be transferred to the bishops of the dioceses to which they referred and the property was To to be made over to the public treasury. on the following day, that the decision had been extorted by an armed mob and, as soon as popular agitation should subside, they expected to resume the this the inquisitors replied, august functions confided to them by Divine Providence. Insist- on November 28th, they not to Spain the authorithough their property and the papers connected ence, however, brought compliance and, announced ties 1 their readiness to go, took possession of Groot, II, 230. z all Ibidem, pp. 226, 232. ; s Ibidem, pp. 230-1. NEW GRANADA 508 therewith, but was not it until December 17th that their passports were sent, and further delays postponed their departure until January 1, 1812, when they sailed for Santa Marta. There they erected their tribunal and remained for about a year, when the occupation of the place by the revolutionary forces caused their transfer to Puertobelo. When Santa Marta was regained by the royalists they returned there news of and soon afterwards they received the suppression of the Inquisition Cadiz in February, 1813. by the Cortes of This rendered their condition more precarious than ever. In a report of July 8, 1815, they state that on their ejection from Cartagena, they notified the various chapters to preserve the fruits of their prebends for them; those de Cuba, Havana and Panamd came regularly, but were paid into the royal treasury; those of Puertobelo and Santo Domingo were held back through fear of pirates that of Caracas by the revolution, so that they were in arrears of their salaries of Santiago ; by five tercios and had been their salaries were but living twenty months on borrowed money. 1 If in arrears, in July, 1815, it had been exagit suggests that, in spite of the seizure of and gerated property, they had succeeded in carrying from Cartagena a fair supply indicates that the previous complaints of poverty of funds. The triumph of the Spanish restoration of Fernando face of affairs. VII War of Independence and the in the Spring of 1814 The whole power of the changed the monarchy could be directed to the subjugation of the revolted colonies and, in 1815, a heavy force was sent, under Don Pablo Morillo, to effect that New Although the Inquisition had been revived in decree of July 21, 1814, it was not until March 31, Spain by royal 1815, that the joyful news reached Santa Marta, where the inquisitors celebrated it with a solemn mass and Te Deum and the of Granada. announcement that they resumed their duties, although, to keep of the semblance a up tribunal, they had appointed as fiscal the alcaide of the secret prison and as secretary the alcaide of the 1 Medina, pp. 398-407. RE-ESTABLISHMENT 509 Morillo reached Santa Marta on July 24th penitential prison. and on August 15th he advanced to reduce Cartagena, accom- panied by the senior inquisitor, Jos Oderiz, as teniente vicario general of his army. whom he appointed After a siege of a hundred days, in which the inhabitants were almost destroyed and fell by famine on December 6th and Oderiz at pestilence, Cartagena once took measures to seize prohibited books and resume his The other inquisitor, Prudencio de Castro, deferred authority. the transfer of the tribunal until May, 1816, awaiting the restoration of sanitary conditions in the unhappy city, and it could not fully commence operations until January 21, 1817, the date which the two secretaries, who had remained behind, were " " reinstated in office, after undergoing the process of purification, Morillo himself had accepted to remove all taint of liberalism. at 1 the position of honorary alguazil. On April 29, 1818, there was a solemn publication of the Edict of Faith and of the Edict of Grace of the Suprema for heresies occasioned by the war. This was followed in the afternoon by a procession through the streets carrying the banner of the Inquisition; the standard-bearer was Colonel Jiminez, accom- panied by the principal officers of the army, to whom the ceremonial was a farce, for we are told that they were nearly all Free-Masons. 2 It was not until near the end of the year, however, that the organization of the tribunal was completed, by the new fiscal, Jose* Antonio de Aguirrezabal. the arrival of Although thus ready for business, it had little to do, in the disturbed condition of the land, and it was in no condition As it reported, September 25, 1819, from suffering acutely poverty, without means to repair its building which threatened ruin; it was unable to imprison offenders because they could not be fed the salaries were unpaid to render active service. was it ; and the officials had no means of livelihood, for there charitable hands to solace their misery. was that 1 of Don In fact, were no its last case Rafael Barragan of Santa Fe, for propositions. Medina, pp. 408-12. Groot, II, 473. ' Groot, II, 472-3. NEW GRANADA 610 His accusation dated back to 1813; after infinite trouble he was thrown into the secret prison and, in September, 1818, his sentence was read in the audience chamber with closed doors; he abjured 1 de levi and was absolved ad cautelam. The Revolution patriots who 1820 in Spain revived the energies of the that they had little to fear from further efforts felt The suppression of subjugation. decree of in of March of the Inquisition 9, 1820, seems to New Granada and, if have attracted by the royal little attention the tribunal continued to exist, it must have disappeared when Cartagena was captured by the revolutionists in October, 1821. Still, on September 3d of that year the of the United States of Colombia, Doctor Jose Vice-president Marfa deemed necessary to issue a decree declaring the Inquisition abolished. No traces of it should be allowed to exist and therefore the authorities of Cundinamarca were Castillo, it ordered not to permit the commissioner in Santa Fe to exercise In future no inquisitorial edicts should be published, his office. no books should be suppressed except by the Government and no ecclesiastical authority should supervise their importation. As Santa Fe, Doctor Santiago Torres, had previously died in exile, the zeal of the vice-president was somethe commissioner at what superfluous except of censorship. in so far as the edict deprived the bishops 2 Shortly after this the Congress of the United States of Colombia adopted a law declaring the Inquisition extinguished forever and never to be re-established. to the State. All its properties were appropriated The bishops were restored to their ancient juris- diction over matters of faith, but appeal from their decisions lay to the civil courts. This however applied exclusively to Catholics. were assured against molestation on Foreigners of other faiths account of religion, so long as they observed due respect to the national one, and finally the civil power assumed to regulate the external discipline of the Church, such as the prohibition of books and similar matters. 8 1 Medina, pp. 414-16. As the United States Groot, III, 124, 142-3, 151. of ' Colombia then Ibidem, pp. 143-44. MULTIPLICITY OF JURISDICTIONS 511 embraced the whole of the Spanish South American possesthese north of liberal principles were effective over sions, Peru, a wide expanse of territory and, when the victory of Ayacucho, December destroyed the Spanish power in Peru 10, 1824, finally and liberated the colonies, the last of reactionary government chance disappeared that the Spain might attempt to revive the Inquisition. causes contributed to the decay of the Spanish colonies, but among them not the least was the impossibility of settled and Many orderly administration occasioned by the multiplicity of rival jurisdictions, inherited from the medieval conceptions of the relaThere were the military represented tions of Church and State. by the viceroy, and the civil by the Audiencia; the spiritual, by the bishops over the secular clergy the numerous Regular Orders, exempt from the bishops and subjected each to its own provincial; the Cruzada, whose numerous officials owed exercised ; obedience only to the Commissioner General or his representative, and finally the Inquisition which claimed supremacy over all, in a sphere of action the limits of which it defined practically at Of these the most disturbing element was the armed with the irresistible weapon of excommuniInquisition, cation, by which it could paralyze its antagonists at will, and the its pleasure. arbitrary power of arrest, which inspired general terror. have seen what manner of men it We was that Spain habitually sent which to the colonies to wield this irresponsible authority, the use they made of it and, when their abuse of it became unbearable, how they were rewarded by transfer to better tribunals or to episcopal seats. The commissioners whom they distributed through the provinces aped their masters and carried oppression and discord to every corner of the land, while the aegis was extended over every criminal who could claim any connection, however illusory or fraudulent, with the of protection tribunals. Complaints to the Council of Indies came pouring in by every XEW GRANADA 512 fleet from bishops, governors, officials and individuals. These were duly laid before the king, who referred them to the Suprema; it would promise to call for a report from the tribunals and this would be the last of the matter, for however severely it might berate public. subordinates in secret, it steadfastly defended them in In 1696 the Council submitted an elaborate consulta to its Carlos II, recapitulating a from Mexico to number Cumand, and of flagrant cases, occurring its fruitless efforts to obtain redress; pointed out how completely the tribunals disregarded the provisions of the Concordias and the impossibility of securing it their observance; of it it suggested various reforms, the most radical which was depriving the Inquisition of its temporal jurisdiction; declared the matter to be of greater importance than any other that could arise in the monarchy, and it concluded with an earnest and eloquent appeal for immediate action. The Inquisition, it was founding a supreme monarchy, superior the State. It was regarded with universal hatred said, to all others in in all the regions of the Indies the lowest to the greatest. and with servile fear by all, from 1 Of course nothing was done and the condition of the colonies went on steadily deteriorating. To this the Inquisition contributed not only as a leading factor in internal misgovernment, hideous system under which the affluence of the tribunals depended upon the confiscations which they could levy. but also by its We have seen how large a part this played in their financial vicissitudes and how it was regarded on all hands with eager expectation, and it is doing no injustice to the kind of men sent out as inquisitors to the desire assume that it to maintain the was a motive faith far with exact more potent than justice. To say nothing of the cruel wrongs inflicted on countless victims, commerce could not flourish when the gains of the trader only served to render sible him a tempting prey exercised power shielded from criticism 1 MSS. to such through men, armed with irresponprocess and the inquisitorial by the secrecy of procedure and the stern of Library of University of Halle, Yc, 17. CONDITION OF THE COLONIES punishment administered for complaint. stantly calling for remittances and, to their own 513 The Suprema was consatisfy its exigencies and wants, there could be small hesitation in prosecuting any merchant whose success might excite cupidity, especially when trade was so largely in the hands of descendants of New Chris- The benumbing tians. of the colonies How is on the withering prosperity self-evident. New with fared it effect of this Granada, under the all various a redepressing influences of Spanish policy, Antonio Moreno in Francisco made Escandon. 1772, by port, y The condition of the colony is represented as most deplorable and the tone of the report is that of utter hopelessness, in view is described in decay and dilapidation. The local officials were indifferent and neglectful of duty; the people everywhere in steeped poverty; trade almost extinct; capital lacking and no of the universal opportunities of its employment, for the only source of support was the cultivation of little patches of land and the mining of the There were no manufactures and no means of precious metals. retaining money it in the country, for, was unable products, of the restrictions imposed of export could be it would had flourish. though it was bountiful in to cultivate for export in consequence by the home Government; for its cocoa, tobacco, precious The mines were still if freedom woods, etc., as rich as ever, but their product was greatly decreased; the province of Chico, which had large mineral wealth, was approachable by the river Atrato but, since 1730, the navigation of that stream was forbidden under It is true that, in 1772, Viceroy Mexia obtained send two vessels a year up the river, but the permission for this were held at a prohibitory price. The compermits merce with Spain consisted in one or two ships, with regis- pain of death. to whence the goods were conveyed into the interior, but so burdened with duties and expenses that there was no profit in the trade. In the contered cargoes, annually from Cddiz to Cartagena, sequent absence of all industry every one sought to obtain sup- port from the Government by procuring some 33 little office. The NEW GRANADA 514 frontier territories were " Missions/' under charge of frailes, the different Orders having charge of the various stations, while the Government defrayed the expenses and furnished guards of soldiers, which entailed heavy outlays with little result. They had all been established for at least a century but had failed to advance the propagation of the faith, for the Indians, when apparently converted and brought into pueblos or villages, would run away and take to the mountains. This Moreno explains by the absence of the apostolic spirit on the part of the mission- who undertook the career only to enjoy a life of ease and The spirit of the secular clergy was even more reprehensible, if we may believe the relation drawn up by Viceroy Manuel de Guirior, in 1776, for the guidance of his successor. The deploraries, sloth. 1 able condition of the Church he ascribes to its subordinating its spiritual duties to the exaction of taxes and tithes, in illustration which he states that the parish priests omitted from their registers the records of marriages, baptisms and interments, in of order to evade on payment of the excessive fees levied their official functions. we must bear in 2 To appreciate the by the bishops full import of this mind that on the completeness and accuracy depended the position in the community of the parish registers of every individual. This degrading secularization of the Church was not confined to New Granada. When, in 1735, Don Jorje Juan and Don Antonio de Ulloa were sent to Quito, in company of the French men of science, to measure an equatorial degree of the earth's surface, they were commissioned to investigate and report as to the condition of the colony in all its various aspects. The voluminous and detailed report which they presented, some ten years later, to the Marquis of la Ensenada, under Fernando VI, gives a vivid picture of the disorders of clerical prostitutes were scarce 1 Relaciones de los Vireyes del 95, 97. 8 known Ibidem, pp. 112-14. life. in the cities, for licence Nuevo Reino de Granada, Public and con- pp. 26-8, 41-3, 67, CONDITION OF THE COLONIES 515 cubinage were so universal that there was no call for professionals. Dissolute as were the laity the clergy were worse, and of the clergy the regular Orders bore the palm for the effrontery of their scandalous mode of life excepting, indeed, the Jesuits who are highly praised for their assiduity in their duties and the strictness with which the regulations of the Society were enforced, by the expulThe disorders of the others are all unworthy members. sion of The attributed to their wealth and idleness. years, position of a pro- of the larger Orders, for the regular vincial of any was worth from 300,000 term of three to 400,000 pesos, derived from the patronage of guardianships, priories, parish churches and plantations, which were distributed to those of his faction who them payments for which they recouped themselves by grinding exactions on their parishioners and subjects. The convents were dens of prostitution, occupied would pay proportionately for only by those who could not afford separate establishments. The wealthier ones lived in their own houses with the concubines they changed at will and the children in whom they took no shame, and these houses were the scenes of gambling, dancing and drinking, causing frequent scandalous disorders which the whom police were unable to check, as the civil tion over the clergy. Notwithstanding revenues were so large that all power had no jurisdic- this extravagance, their the best lands in the colony were rapidly passing into their possession, and this was especially the case with the Jesuits, who husbanded their resources and managed their extensive properties with businesslike precision. What plantations were left to the laity were mostly burdened with heavy ground-rents and there was danger, if the process were not checked, that eventually the whole land would pass into mainmorte. testimony as As regards the we have same With the excep- missions, the report bears the seen in New Granada. tions of the Jesuits, the Religious Orders, whose presence in the colony was based on the pretext of spreading the faith, were too worldly and indolent to devote themselves to that duty and the Jesuits were apt to find that when they sought to civilize their NEW GRANADA 516 converts, these interesting neophytes would take to the mountains. All this frightful demoralization of the Inquisition. Its business enforcing unity of faith, fined to destroying murder them and 1 and its was beneath the attention was the salvation such works of art as Yet Ensenada, if of souls by duties as to morals were conit considered to be he took the trouble to read the improper. report so laboriously prepared, might reasonably ask himself whether a system which led to such results was fitted either the populations the spiritual or the material benefit subjected to the Spanish monarchy. for 1 of Noticias secretas de America, pp. 489-536, 382-3 (Londres, 1826). Juan and Ulloa were distinguished men of science, Tenientes Generales of the Navy and members of the British Royal Society and of the Royal Academies of Their report was so damaging as to the defenceParis, Berlin and Stockholm. less condition of the ports that it was jealously kept secret until, after the independence of the colonies had rendered this unimportant, a copy was procured by Don David Barry and printed in London. From casual allusions by the authors, they seem to have been good Catholics and punctual in religious observance. APPENDIX. i. KING FERDINAND TO THE SICILIAN INQUISITION, OCTOBER (Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro III, (See p. 12). fol. 25, 1512, 202). EL REY. Inquisidor entendido habemos que estos dias passados a causa de que se facian en el feyo de femmy saluco ( ?) que es del doctor de Julien por unos quatro esclavos del dicho doctor con otros ladrones e bandidos que alii se recogen mando nuestro visorrey en esse ciertos robos Reyno al Capitan de la dicha tierra que trabajase en prenderlos todos, y diz que despues de haber prendido dos 6 tres de ellos porque los otros le fueron vos procedeis con censuras cerca del dicho capitan para que estos entreguen los dichos presos, diciendo que son del dicho doctor de Julien que es Official asalariado de esse Sancto siendo avisados se Officio de la Inquisicion y que pertenece a vos el conoscimiento de los dichos ladrones, y para que creyesemos que esto fuesse asi se nos embiara traslado de las provisiones que vos disteis sobre esto. Tene- mos no poco sentimiento que esse Sancto Officio de la Inquisicion querais ponerlo en defension de los ladrones lo que no precede de nuestra voluntad que si el doctor de Julien interviene en el vocar de los processes no por esso han de gozar de esempcion las personas que mal bibir asi que nuestra voluntad es y vos tiene en sus heredades de mandamos que luego revoqueis las dictas provisiones y mandamientos de la Inquisicion no se ha de entremeter de tales personas. Tambien diz que esto otro dia se echo un malf echor huyendo del Capitan de essa Giudad en la cassa de esse Sancto Officio de la que el Sancto officio Inquisicion y siguiendolo los Officiales del dicho Capitan lo defendieron vuestros Officiales y mynistros mano armada. Esto da ocassion de escandolo y porque algun dia vos y vuestros Officiales seays poco acatados proveed que tales cossas no se fagan que no se podrian tolerar con paciencia, pues lo que se dice que se face en la Adduana por no (517) APPENDIX 518 pagar los derechos cossa es de muy mal exemplo. Todo es menester que se enmiende y no se faga desorden sino sera forcado que nuestro visorrey lo provea de una manera que assi gelo escribimos que los Officiates de tan Sancto Officio de la Inquisicion religiosamente han de bibir y quitarse de toda manera de escandalo y incombenientes y assi sera el Officio de la Santa Inquisicion mas honrrado y acatado. Yo el Rey. Calcena Secretario. II. SICILIAN INSTRUCTIONS OF INQUISITOR-GENERAL MANRIQUE, JANUARY 31, 1525. (Archivo de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro 933, p. 565). (See p. 20). Don Alonso Manrique, por la divina miseracion arzobispo de Se villa, del consejo de sus Magestades, inquisidor apostolico general contra la heretica pravedad y apostasia en todos los sus reinos y senorios. A vos los reverendos inquisidores contra la heretica pravedad y apostasia en el reino de Sicilia y a los oficiales y ministros del oficio de la sancta inquisicion del dicho reino a quien lo de yuso en esta nuestra carta contenido toca y atane y a cada uno y qualquiera de vos salud y bendicion. Sepades que ante nos en el consejo de la general inquisicion se ha agora visto y examinado el proceso de la visita que el venerable Benedicto Mercader maestro en sacra teologia hizo en este dicho sancto oficio por mandado y comision de nuestro muy sancto Padre Adriano Sexto de feliz recordacion siendo inquisidor general y ha parecido que por lo que conviene al servicio de Dios y de sus magestades y a la buena administracion de la justicia y por dar orden como el santo oficio se ejercite y haga con todo rectitud y brevedad que se deben guardar y cumplir las instrucciones siguientes por quanto por la dicha visita parece que aquellas hasta aqui no se han guardado y es cosa justa y debida que se guarden. Primeramente la instruccion que manda que en las presiones de los mandaren prender concurran el alguacil para hacer y ejecutar su oficio y el notario de sequestros para hacer los inventarios de los bienes que se sequestran y deudas y acciones y escrituras que se hallan y el receptor para lo mismo por el interese que puede suceder al fisco y que con asistencia de todos tres, alguacil, notario de sequestros y receptor se hagan y firmen los inventarios y sequestros y firmados que se APPENDIX 519 queden en poder del dicho notario de sequestros para hacer cargo dellos al dicho receptor en caso de condemnacion, la qual instruccion se guarde como en ella se contiene so pena de privacion de sus oficios. Item, la instruccion que dispone que en el vender de los bienes confiscados concurran el receptor y notario de sequestros para que el uno los venda con las solemnidades y pregones que la instruccion manda y el otro haga cargo de los precios y plazos en que se venden so la dicha pena y en caso que ocurrieren necesidad que hayan de enviar otras personas en su lugar sea con parecer de los inquisidores y las tales personas sean de mucha confianza. Item, la instruccion que manda que el juez de bienes confiscados y notario de su audiencia tengan libros en que asienten todas las condemnaciones de bienes que se hacen a instancia del receptor y sus procuradores para dar noticia dellos al notario de sequestros para que haga cargo dello al receptor y que los jueces de bienes y notaries de audiencias juran de ansi lo guardar y cumplir. Item, la instruccion que manda que los bienes sequestrados, por las mandan prender queden en poder de personas y abonadas para acudir con ellos a quien los inquisidores mandaren y que hasta la distincion de la causa criminal y principal y condenacion del preso los receptores no tengan entrada en los bienes presiones de los que se lianas sequestrados so la pena de privacion de oficio y que vuelvan lo que asi entraren y ocuparen de los dichos bienes sequestrados con otro tan to para el oficio de la santa inquisicion. Item, la instruccion que manda que por evitar dilaciones superfluas dentro de los quince dias de la presion de cada uno se hagan las tres amonestaciones caritativas y siendo negatives se presenten los acusaciones a los quince dias 6 antes sobre lo qual se encarga la conciencia a los inquisidores. Item, la instruccion que dispone que de quince en quince dias se visiten los presos para haber informacion de como son tractados y proveidos y curados en sus enfermedades. Item, la instruccion que manda que en la camara del secreto donde estan las escrituras del crimen no entren sino solos los inquisidores y oficiales del secreto so pena de excomunion. Item, la instruccion que manda que trabajen tres horas en la audiencia de manana y otras tres a la tarde sobre lo qual se encarga la conciencia a los inquisidores para que asi lo hagan guardar y cumplir. Item, por quanto parece que la instruccion del area que habla cerca del depositarse el dinero confiscado que cobra el receptor no se guarda de dos 6 tres anos a esta parte y es cosa justa y necesaria que se guarde, mandamos que en todo caso sea guardada y cumplida so las penas en ella contenidas. Item, que se guarden y cumplan de aqui adelante todas las otras Instrucciones del sancto oficio porque aquellas fueron hechas por los 520 APPENDIX mucho consejo y acuerdo de letrados el bien y observation de las inquisien congregaciones para y generales ciones particulars y que para mejor observacion dellas se lean aquellas dos veces en el afio publicamente en el audiencia delante de todos los oficiales, la una vez por pascua de resurrecion y la otra por pascua de Navidad, y sobre esto encargamos las conciencias a los inquisi- senores inquisidores generales con dores. Item, por quanto parece por el dicho proceso de la visita que por el receptor de los bienes confiscados se ban vendido muchos esclavos reputados por cristianos que hobieron sido de condemnados 6 reconciUados debiendo gozar de libertad y esto so color que no mostraban f6 y testimonio de su conversion y bautismo, vos los inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos si asi es declarareis estos tales esclavos por libres y proveereis que sean puestos en libertad. Item, porque parece y somos informado que el inquisidor Melchior Cervera ya defunto anduvo visitando por el reino y recibio muchas informaciones y testificaciones y es cosa justa y debida que aquellas se pongan en la camara del secreto para que se haya entera noticia de las penas de los que quebraron las carcelerias y de los bienes confiscados y mal llevados al tiempo de la inventariacion de los bienes hecha por los comisarios y fac tores y de otras cosas asi civiles como criminales, vos los dichos inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos proveereis que todas las dichas informaciones y testificaciones se recojan y se pongan en la camara del secreto, sino se hobiere ya cobrado para que se haya noticia de las dichas cosas y se provea en ello todo lo que fuere necesario y las que pertenecieren al oficio del receptor se le entreguen en presencia y por ante el escribano de sequestros. Item, por quanto parece que las provisiones y letras del inquisidor general y del consejo que se embian a la dicha inquisicion no vienen algunas veces al secretario ni se alcanza a saber lo que se envia a mandar sino por discurso de tiempo mandamos que todas las dichas provisiones y cartas que hasta aqui se han despachado del inquisidor general y del consejo y de aqui adelante se despacharan se pongan en la camara del secreto para que de ellas se haya entera noticia y sean mejor guardadas y cumplidas. Item, por quanto parece que hay algunos condenados a pena de galey otras penas las quales nunca se han ejecutado mandamos que vos los dichos inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos veais esto con diligencia y hagais justicia sobre lo qual os encargamos la conciencia. Item, por quanto somos informado quel notario de los sequestros ha pedido muchas veces que se le de noticia de las penitencias impuestas y de las que dende en adelante se hobieren de imponer para tener cuenta y razon dellas y hacer cargo al receptor 6 a quien las habia recebido d recibiere y que nunca se ha hecho, mandamos que al escribano de sequestros se de noticia y razon de todas las penitencias pasadas. ras APPENDIX 521 mandamos que todas las penitencias que de aqui adelante se doctor Tristan Calvete el qual tenga razon de las dichas penitencias y mandamos a los inquisidores y a qualquiera dellos que pongan diligencia en cobrar las dichas penitencias y ponerlas en el area del sancto oficio conforme a la justicia. Item, impusieren se den al Item, porque parece que en la paga del quarto y quinto por las manifestaciones de bienes ocultos ha habido y hay abuso por los receptores no guardandose la provision que sobre esto esta despachado, man- damos que aquella se guarde y que el dicho quarto y quinto no se pague a los denunciantes sino solo de bienes ocultos y que no hayan venido a noticia del receptor ni de otros oficiales de esa inquisicion y que los denunciantes no sean oficiales 6 personas que por causa y razon del oficio hayan sabido y manifestado los dichos bienes, y mandamos que de aqui adelante no se de por manifestacion de bienes ocultos salvo la quinta parte de los bienes que se cobraren por la tal manifestacion. Item, por quanto parece que el despensero de los presos tiene un mozo al qual se da de salario ocho tarines cada dia y de comer, vos los dichos inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos proveereis en esto lo que convenga de manera que no tray a gastos superfluos. Item, por quanto somos informado que el escribano de sequestros anduvo con el inquisidor Cervera en la visita de ese reino catorce meses f uera de la ciudad de Palermo y que en ese tiempo se han vendido muchos bienes y cobrado muchas deudas en la dicha ciudad y que no ha podido hallar razon cuenta de lo que se ha entrado y cobrado, mandamos que vos los dichos inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos averigueis brevemente con diligencia esto dando todo el favor que fuere menester al contador y escribano de sequestros. Item, porque somos informado que en ese oficio se hacen muchos gastos que se podrian muy bien escusar y que los inquisidores dan los mandamientos para ello con mucha facilidad y es cosa justa y debida se provea esto, mandamos que vos los inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos os informeis destos gastos extraordinarios y proveais que de aqui ade- lante no se hagan gastos superfluos. Item, porque parece que los presos de la carcel estan alguna vez mal proveidos de ropa de cama porque a los que son fuera de la ciudad no les curan de traer ropa y que seria bien que cuando el alguacil trae algun preso trugese ropa con el de sus bienes para su cama, vos los dichos inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos provereis esto de manera que los presos sean bien proveidos y tratados. Item, mandamos que los familiares deste santo oficio sean personas y abonadas y que el numero no sea superporque no haya justa causa de quejas que lo mesmo esta proveido virtuosas, quietas, pacificas fluo en las otras inquisiciones. Item porque parece que por los notarios del secreto se han examinado algunos testigos del crimen sin presencia de los inquisidores 6 de alguno , APPENDIX 522 * dellos contra el tenor de la instruccion que esto prohibe mandamos dicha instruccion se guarde como en ella se contiene sobre lo que qua! encargamos la conciencia a los inquisidores y notaries del secreto salvo que fuere dificultoso ir alguno de los inquisidores a hacer el dicho examen en el qual caso el comisario juntamente con uno de los dichos notarios lo pueda hacer el qual comisario entonce de certificacion de la fe que se debe dar a los testigos que asi se examinaren. Item, porque consta por el proceso de la dicha visita que a los oficiales y ministros dese sancto oficio le han hecho algunas resistencias e injurias las quales no han sido castigadas mandamos que el fiscal haga acerca desto sus instancias debidas y vos los inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos hagais justicia porque a los malhechores sea castigo y a los otros exemplo y los oficiales de aqui adelante no sean injuriados ni maltratados. Item, por quanto parece que algunas veces los inquisidores no entienden personalmente en la ratificacion de los testigos y los comisarios la no guardan el secreto mandamos que la ratificacion de los testigos se haga ante vos los inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos y que se guarde enteramente la instruccion que cerca desto habla ansi en el examen sumario como en las ratificaciones. Item, porque parece que algunos llamandose comisarios sin tener comision ni poder del receptor han exigido y cobrado deudas debidas al fisco real en muchas partes asi en tiempo del receptor Obregon como de Garcia Cid y aunque algunos dellos vinieron a dar cuenta a los receptores otros no la han dado, mandamos que el inquisidor contador y escribano de sequestros que agora van proveidos averiguen esto con mucha diligencia y en todo provean mediante justicia. Item, parece que al tiempo que vino en ese reino el ambajador moro de los Gelves el inquisidor Calve te hizo traer a la inquisicion un esclavito pequeno que los moros que vinieron con el dicho embajador le tenian hurtado para se lo volver en Berberia porque no le llevasen a pedimiento del duefio y tambien porque el mochacho diz que decia que queria y que ido deste reino el dicho ambajador entrego el dicho a la no parte cuyo era aunque lo vino a y diversas vices. Porende mandamos que vos los dichos inquisipedir dores 6 qualquiera de vos proveais en esto lo que fuere de justicia de manera que el dicho esclavo se vuelva y de y entregue a cuyo es. ser cristiano esclavito al fiscal de ese reino Item, parece que por parte de un Francisco Maynente preso por herege se hobo allegado para su defensa que los testigos f ueron conspirados y conjurados contra 1 por un Juan de Avisa y otros consortes suyos para lo qual nombro testigos y allende aquellos pidio que tambien se examinasen los nombrados por sus hijos y que yendo a entender uno de los inquisidores en la probanza desta conspiracion recibio en contradiccion del fiscal testigos nuevamento nombrados por los hijos & yernos del preso 6 a un suegro suyo e a otros que continuamente con las armas en las manos han andado en defension del dicho Francisco APPENDIX 523 Mainente, y que en el examen los susodichos no fueron preguntados de deudos amistad ni de otras circumstancias necesarias de lugar y tiempo de manera que por esta via se ha embarazado esta causa y tornandose a desdecir algunos de los testigos. Porende mandamos que el fiscal haga sus pedimentos cerca desto ante los inquisidores y que ellos 6 qualquiera dellos provean lo que fuere de justicia. Item, por quanto parece que los reconciliados traen los habitos cubiertos por los ciudades y tierras donde moran, los inhabiles per condemnacion de padres y de abuelos traen armas, seda, oro, plata y usan de cosas que les son vedadas y prohibidas y que esto no se castiga y es en mucho deservicio de Dios y menosprecio de justicia mandamos que el haga sus pedimentos sobre esto y los inquisidores 6 qualquiera y provean mediante justicia. Item, porque parece que el receptor se queja que el inquisidor Cervera en la visita que hizo por ese reino mando acudir con los aquileres de una casa a un Nadal Valaguer contra toda justicia y razon, la qual casa con fiscal dellos lo castiguen otras bienes diz que estaban cedidos y traspasados a ese santo oficio por alcances que se ovieron hecho al dicho Nadal de haciendas cobradas en su tiempo y del receptor Obregon, mandamos que vos los inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos hagais brevemente justicia. Item, porque parece que ha habido comunicacion de presos unos con otros por la mala guarda de las carceles y desto se siguen muchos inconvenientes al sancto oficio, mandamos que los inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos proveais cerca desto de remedio convenible. Item, por quanto parece que al tiempo de la conmocion de ese reino muchos de los reconciliados por ese sancto oficio se quitaron los habitos penitenciales y despues aca no se los han vnelto los quales en mucho deservicio de Dios y grande dano de las animas de los dichos reconciliados, mandamos que vos los dichos inquisidores 6 qualquiera de vos proveais que todos los dichos habitos se vuelvan a los dichos reconciliados para que los trayan publicamente y cumplan las sentencias que contra ellos fueron dadas mirando mucho que esto se haga en tiempo y de manera que por ello no se pueda seguir escandalo ni inconveniente alguno, que despues de vueltos se usara con los que cumplieren como deben sus penitencias de misericordia. Item, por quanto parece que los inquisidores y otros oficiales de esa inquisicion han llevado algunos presentes contra la instruccion que esto prohibe, mandamos que de aqui adelante se guarde la dicha instruccion como en ella se contiene y lo que se ha llevado hasta aqui de preha restituido sentes contra la dicha instruccion de conf esos y litigantes se a que dieron los dichos presentes. Item, porque somos informado que el inquisidor Melchior Cervera por descargo de su conciencia dejo en su ultimo testamento a ese santo oficio docientos ducados de oro, y es cosa justa que se cobren, mandamos que el receptor de los bienes confiscados no pague a el heredero del las partes APPENDIX 524 dicho Melchior Cervera de lo que se le debiere de su salario los dichos docientos ducados y si todo su salario fuese pagado se cobren por el dicho receptor 6 contador de los bienes del dicho inquisidor Oervera. Por ende mandamos a vos los dichos inquisidores y oficiales que agora sois 6 por tiempo fueredes en el oficio de la santa inquisicion del dicho reino de cosas y Sicilia que veades capitulos susodichos las instrucciones y ordinaciones y las otras instrucciones del dicho y todas y cada uno de vos en lo que toca y atane las guardeis y y hagais guardar y cumplir en todo y por todo segun que en cumplais ellas se contiene y contra el tenor y forma de lo en ellas y cada una sancto oficio no vayais ni paseis ni consintais ir ni pasar en tiempo so las penas en los dichos capitulos e" instrucciones contenidas alguno dellas contenido sobre todo lo qual vos encargamos la conciencia, en testimonio de lo qual hacer la presente firmada de nuestro nombre refrendada del secretario y sellada con el sello deste sancto oficio. mandamos Datum en la villa de Madrid a xxxi dias del mes de Enero del ano del nascimiento de nuestro sefior mil quinientos De y veinte y cinco Archiepiscopus Hispalensis. mandate Rmi. D. Archiepiscopi Hispalensis inquisitoris generalis Joannes Garcia, secretarius. Registrata in sancte inquisitionis quinto, f civ. III. COMMISSION FOR THE ARREST OP HERETICS, ISSUED BY VICEROY RIBAGORZA, JANUARY 14, 1509. (Chioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII). (See p. 56). Joannes de Aragonia Mag" Viro, U. J. D. Antonio de Baldaxino regio nobis carissimo, gratiam regiam et bonam voluntatem. Perche secondo avemo inteso ad esto si commette in aliquibus partibus Apulise certa eresia che lo venerdi Santo gl'uomini e donne di questi luoghi insieme con candele accese e dapoi di certa predica estinguono le candele e gl'uomini con le donne usano carnalmente taliter che usano li Padri colle figliuole ed altri colle sorelle, e questo en disservizio di nuesre E volendo noi estirpare tro Sig Dio e contra la fede nostra Cattolica. et radicitus abolire tal eresia e cose mal fatte e nefande ed ancora punire e castigare li tali eretici delinquent!. Pertanto a voi della fede, probita, e molto scienza della confidamo, dicemo, ordinamo e quale perizia fideli APPENDIX comandamo quod 525 prsesentibus acceptis personaliter vi debbiate con- in partibus Apulise vel in qualunque citta, Terra, castello e luoghi del presente Regno, tanto demaniali quanto de Baroni ed Ecclesiastiche persone, dove parera e sara bisogno, e pigliar informazione ferire esattamente di tutte le cose predette, e quelli trovarete colpabili pigpersona e conducerete da noi, perche vista detta informazione possano quelli punirsi e castigarsi giusta loro demeriti, e se vi parer& dover annotare li beni di tali delinquenti, lo farete, e quelli pro tuitione Regiae Curiae ponerete in loco tuto, adeo che volendo quelli li possiamo liarete di avere, perche noi per tenore della presente circa prsemissa per voi agenda et complenda vi commettemo e conferimo voces et vices Regias atque nostras plenumque posse et locum nostrum, e perche meglio possiate eseguire questa presente nostra commissione ordinamo e comandamo ri a tutti e singoli Prencipi, Duchi, Marchesi, Conti, Baroni, Lou Regii ed maggiori e minori ed altri qual siano sudditi della Cattolica Maiesta che circa Peseguire per voi e complire delle cose predette non vi debbiano ponere ostaculo ne dare impaccio seu impedimento alcuno, immo vi dobbiano assistere e dare ogni ausilio, consilio, aiuto e favore opportune, sempre che da voi saranno ricercati, e volemo vi debbiano provedere di stanza, letto e strama senza pagamento alcuno, e d'ogni altra cosa e ragione sotto pena della Regia disgrazia e di docati mille fisco applicandi. Datum in Castro novo civitatis Neapolis, die al 6 4 14 Januarii 1509. El Gonde Lugart General. V Montaltus R., V* 8 " de Colle R., Dominus Locumt Gen mandavit mihi Petro Lazaro de Exea. In Curiae Locumtenentis 3 Comitis Ripacursiae fol. 209 a t. altri offlciali R 11 IV. PROMISE OF PHILIP II TO THE CITY OF NAPLES IN 1564. (Chioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII). (See p. 87). Rdazione fatta dal P. D. Paolo d'Arezzo alia Citth di Napoli nel suo ritorno. Quel che S. M. nelP espedirmi da lei mi comando a me D. Paolo ma Citta di Napoli della d'Arezzo, che lo dovessi far fede alia sua Fed buona volunta sua verso della Citta e di tutto quel suo Regno di Napoli 6 come tutti Tama grandemente e desidera ogni loro sodisfazione e la M. S. & pronta farli sempre nuove grazie e nuovi beneficii et in ogni occasione dimostrar 1'amore e benignita sua, e la gratitudine dell' APPENDIX 526 animo suo per la fedelta la quale sempre hanno usata verso la M. S. continui e grand! servizii tanto in guerra M. ne tiene memoria, aggradendoli e S. dell! in quali pace, quanto tenendoli in quel conto che si deve. E per quanto al particolare delle grazie che si hanno a S. M. domandate, quel che ha conosciuto esser e de suoi predecessor! e per li utile benefizio e quiete della Citta e sempre dall'Inquisizione ce namente, sperando che si Regno di Napoli di liberarli per Fha concesso molto liberamente e benig- portaranno piamente e cristianamente nelle oa cose della Religione e della S. Fede Catt e cosi 1'esorta tutti ad averne buona cura e diligenza. Ma in quanto a gli altri capi perche S. M. non vede che siano in beneficio loro, anzi potriano essere a loro stessi dannosi non Tha parso poterli concedere in buona coscienza, ne pero 1'exclude del tutto ma si reserba ed avera buona e piu matura consideraMi commise ancora ch'Io lo riferissi zione e provederli piu di spazio. come desidera venire in questa citta a visitare il Regno per mostrare a tutti 1'amore e buona volonta che li porta, e cosi come in absenza ha conosciuto la fedelta ed affezione di tutti per sua maggior consolazione e contento fruirla con la presenza e dal canto suo ancora dar tutta quella sodizfazione che puo a cosi fedeli ed amorevoli vassalli, il che S. M. tiene intenzione di farlo colla prima occasione che dio benedetto gli dara. S. M. mi comand6 che da sua parte io dovesse testimonio ed esplicazione della benignita ed amor suo verso di questa Citta e Regno di Napoli tutto il sopradetto 1'ho visto con gli occhi e toccato con mano esser la pura verita. Questo & quel tanto che riferire alia Citta in EL REY. Por quanto haviendose nos suplicado por parte de la nuestra ciudad y Regno de Napoles fuesemos servido declarar nuestra intencion cerca Por ende por tenor de la prelas cosas de heresia que alii succediere. sente deximos y declaramos no haver sido ni ser de nuestra mente 6 intencion que en la dicha ciudad y Reyno se ponga la Inquisicion en la forma de Espana, sino que se proceda por la via ordinaria como esta y que assi se observara y complira con efecto en lo adelante, sin ello haya falta, en testimonio de lo qual mandamos dar la preen que sente firmada de nuestra mano y sellado con nuestro sello secreto. En Madrid & diez dias de Marzo 1565. Yo el Rey. V* Figueroa R8 V Soto R". V1 Vargas Secretarius. Locus Sigilli. Declaracion de que no se pondra en la Ciudad y Reyno de Napoles la Inquisicion en la forma de Espana. aqui, . fc H duplicate di questa lettera fti rimessa da S. M. al Duca d'Alcala. APPENDIX 527 V. APPLICATION TO THE VICEROY OF NAPLES FOR EXTRADITION, MARCH 6, 1610. (Ohioccarello MSS., Tom. VIII). (See p. 91). Iir ed Ecc mo Signore. D. Fabio Orzolino dice a V. E. come si e necessario far notificare una w citazione spedita in forma Bullse dal S Officio contro TAbbate Angelo e Carlo della Rocca. Supplica percio V. E. per il Regio suo exequatur avendola da notificare in Regno ut Devotus et Reverendus Regius 8 Provisum cappelanus major videat et referat. Constantius Reg S. Exc*. die Vitalianus. 6 mensis Martii 1610. per Neapoli mo mo Ill ed Ecc Signore. Per parte del predetto supplicante mi e stato presentato il predetto memoriale con regia decretazione di V. E. di mia commissione. E volendo gFordini delP E. V. eseguire e dell' esposto informarmi ho visto una provisione spedita da Monsignore Crecenzo Auditor Generale della Rota seu Camera Apostolica nella quale si narra che dovendo FAbbate Angelo e Carlo della Rocca di Traetto, Diocesi di Gaeta ad esso supplicante docati ottant'otto in virtti di publico istrumento con 1'obligazione camerale ed. essendo per detto debito stati per cedoloni declarati per publici scomunicati ed avendono in detta scommunica persistito per un anno e piti per il che si citano ad personaliter comparendum in detta corte Romana ed avanti il detto Auditore a dire la causa perche non si devono dichiarare per insordescenti, come questo ed altro appare per detta provisione spedita in Roma per esecuzione publica della quale si suplica V. E. per il Regio exequatur. Per tanto visto e considerato il tutto, adhibito in cio il parere del U. J. D. Gio. Geronimo Natale Avvogado Fiscale del R* Patrimonio della Regia Camera della Summaria mia Auditore, sono di voto che FE. V. puo restar servita per esecuzione della detta provisione di concedere ad esso supplicante il Regio Exequatur quo ad personas Ecclesiasticas tantum. E questo e quanto mi occorre riferire a V. E. Da Casa in Napoli a di 7 Maggio 1610. De V. E. Servidor y Cappellan D. Gabriel Sanchez de Luna. Jo. Hieronimus Natalis. . m APPENDIX 528 VI. KING FERDINAND LIMITS SALARIES BY THE CONFISCATIONS, IN THE INQUISITION OF SARDINIA. (Archive de Simancas, Inquisicion, Libro III, fol. 308). (See p. 114). EL REY. Bernard! Ros nuestro receptor de camara los bienes y facienda a nuestra que se confiscaran por el crimen de la heregia y apostasia en el Reino de Cerdena, los salaries que en cada un ano habeis de pagar al inquisidor y otros oficiales y ministros en el sancto oficio de la inquisicion en el dicho reino son los e fisco confiscados e pertenecientes e siguientes: Al reverendo obispo del Alguer inquisidor A Micer Pedro de Gontreras abogado en el crimen y judicatura de bienes A Luis de Torres alguacil A un escribano del secreto y judicatura de bienes . y . 100 libras 40 30 30 secrestos A un portero e nuncio A vos mesmo por receptor A mossen Alonso de Ximeno 10 100 procurador fiscal y 30 canonigo de Callar Los quales suma en universe salaries ordinarios facen trescientas quarenta libras barcelonesas las quales vos mandamos que les deis por sus tercios del ano de qualesquier bienes y pecunias que sean confiscados y se confiscaren en la dicha inquisicion comenzando a contar a cada dia que comenzara a servir sus oficios y dende adelante por tanto tiempo como cada uno servira su oficio y con restitucion de sus apocas de pago tan solamente, mandamos a la persona que vuestras cuentas oira y examinara que los dichos salaries segun dicho uno de dende ellas el y admitan en quenta y descargo toda duda dificultad cessantes. Queremos empero que si no y hobiere bienes confiscados parn pagar los dichos salaries que nos ni nuestra corte no seamos tenido ni obligado a los pagar antes queremos que no habiendo cumplimiento las dichas quantias se repartan entre es vos pasen consulta contradiccion los oficiales a sueldo Datum en por libra. Valladolid a once de Septiembre de mil quinientos catorce. Yo el Rey. Calcena Secretario. APPENDIX 529 VII. PHILIP II TO THE DUKE OF SESSA. ABANDONING THE INTRODUCTION OF THE SPANISH INQUISITION IN MILAN. (Archivio Givico Storico a S. Oarpofaro in Milano. vii, Armario A. Filza N. 40). (See p. 128). mo Duque, Primo nuestro, Governador y Capitan General. Hanse rrecivido todas vuestras cartas hasta la ultima de xxiii del pasado y Ill dexando de satisfaser a ellas para con el primero esta servira solamente para rresponder a lo de la Inquisition, por ser negocio que no requiere delacion, quedando ese estado de la manera que nos screvis y lo avemos visto por las cartas que nos ha mostrado el obispo de Guenca en conformidad de las vuestras. La dexceridad y buena manera con que os governastes para aquietar los animos de los desestado y estorvar que no embiasen aca embaxadores fue como convenia y se deve esperar de vuestra prudencia, y assi conformandonos con vuestro parecer damos orden al electo de Salerno que no parta de Trento y a Roma que cese la instancia y officio que se hazia con su Santidad para que mandase despachar la facultad, y vos con el buen modo que lo aveis comencado hablareis a los desse estado dandoles a entender con mejores palabras que vereis convenir que nuestra Intencion nunca novedad en la forma de proceder del sancto officio sino solamente en la persona, para que con mas autoridad y teniendo mejor de comer se hiziese lo que convenia al servicio de Dios y bien de la Religion en tiempos tan infectos y peligrosos por la vezindad, y que assi pueden ser ciertos que en esto no avra novedad, quedando enteramente confiado que ellos por su parte como tan catholicos y zelosos del servicio de Dios y nuestro, siguiendose la forma y horden todo os lo que hasta aqui se ha tenido haran lo que deven. rremitionos como persona que estara sobrel negocio, os governeys en esto como mas vieredes convenir para escusar todo genero de Inconviniente y mala satisfacion. conforme a ello embiarcio (sic) luego essa carta al electo de Salerno y esotra despacho a Roma dando juntamente con el aviso al embaxador de lo que cerca desto se hiziese para que sepa como se avra de governar con su Santidad. De Mon^on a viii de Noviembre de M. D. Ixiii. El Senado nos ha scripto una carta sobre estos negocios. Dales ese aviso del Recivo y de lo que en ello se provee. Yo el Rey. las fu6 ni es de hazer Y Y J. 34 Vargas. APPENDIX 630 VIII. QUARANTINE AGAINST HERETICS. (MSS. of Ambrosian Library, H. S. VI, 29). (See p. 131). DECRETI BELLA SACRA CONGREGAZIONE DEL SANTO OFFICIO ROMA CONTRO GLI HERETICI CHE VENGONO IN MILANO E suo STATO. Inquisitor! Mediolani: Ut cum solitis DI conditionibus practicatis ante Bullam Gregorii XV permittat Rhetis et Helvetiis per aliquod dies manere Mediolani occasione mercaturse et non aliter; invigilet tamen ne aliquid in fidem Catholicam machinentur. 19 Julii, 1625. Alios tamen Hsereticos non permittat ibidem manere, datur tamen ei facultas concedendi Talibus licentias per aliquod breve tempus et 24 Junii, 1627. certioret. Inquisitoribus Mediolani et Gomi: Non inducant gravamina et novitates contra Helvetios et eorum Confederates Haereticos Mediolanum accedentes, sed observant capitulationes antiquas. 5 Augusti, 1599. ArchiInquisitori Mediolani: Curet cum participatione Eminent episcopi cum suavitate et paulatim tollere abusum commercii Merca1 torum Catholicorum dictae civitatis cum Haereticis et adhibeat diligentiam ne denuo hujusmodi commercia introducantur. 10 Octobris, 1629. in Statu Mediolani non admittantur ab Inquisitoribus ex Rhetis vel Helvetiis qui in eo habent commercium mercaturse vigore Conventionum inter Regem Hispaniarum et ipsos factarum. Haeretici nisi sint Commercium litterarum inter Catholicos et Hsereticos non permittant Confederates ratione mercaturse. Mercium sarcinae, vulgo Balle, si remanent Mediolani visitentur ab ipso Inquisitore an adsint libri Haeretici; si vero aliunde vehuntur fiat diligentia in loco ad quern ducuntur; si vero sint dolia librorum videatur ipsorum librorum lista, quae si non exhibeatur non permittantur alio duci nisi visis libris nisi inter cum aliis Inquisitoribus civitatum Inquisitori Mediolani 3 Julii, 1593. Inquisitori Mediolani scriptum fuit ne permittat Ministros et Prsedicantes Hsereticos accedere in hunc statum, sed quod alios Haereticos et se intelligat Inquisitor Mediolani ad quas deferuntur. Helvetios qui accedunt illuc tiones et alia ordinata cum eis scriptis. pro Commercio observare faciat Capituladeclarationibus et moderationibus ultimo 3 Decembris, 1599. APPENDIX DECRETI CONTRO GL' ERETICI 531 DIMORANTI IN VENEZIA E suo STATO. Nuntio Venetiarum scriptum fuit die duodecima Januarii, 1591, ut cum Dominis Venetis quod nullo modo admitti debent in eorum Dominio Hseretici et Apostatae a fide etiam conniventibus tractet oculis. Nuntio Venetiarum scriptum fuit die 23 Februarii, 1591 circa Haeultramontanos commorantes Venetiis in fundaco Germanorum habitum fuisse sermonem de praedictis cum Sanctissimo et ita concludit reticos Epistola E perche il ritenere ivi i nemici della Santa Fede ridonda in diser- vizio di Dio, e per esser quello un male contagiosissimo, bisogna che almeno in progresso di tempo causi grand' infezione in quell' Anime : Commercio con quella nazione si puo conservare e continuare col mezzo d'altri mercanti Catolici e confidenti a cotesta Signoria, la Santit& Sua ha ordinato che V. S. sempre le verra occasione, procuri colla ed il sua prudenza e destrezza d'insinuare tutto cift e metterlo in considerazione al Principe e a quei Signori acciocche si pensi di provedervi, e sua Santita ne deve parlare coll' Ambasciatore. IX. DECREE OF Pius V, JUNE 6, 1566. (Bulario de la Orden de Santiago, Libro III, fol. 91. nacional de Madrid). Archivo historico (See p. 132). Die Jovis sexta mensis Junii, 1566, Sanctissimus in Christo pater D. N. D. Pius divina providentia Pius Quintus, in Congregatione officii Sanctse Ro. universalis Inquisitionis, in throno majestatis suse sedens, unacum illustrissimis et reverendissimis dominis Dominis Cardinalibus Inquisitoribus Generalibus, statuit, decrevit, ordinavit et mandavit ut negotia fidei omnibus et singulis aliis praeferantur, cum fides sit substantia et fundamentum Christianae religionis. Idcireo omnibus et singulis almae Urbis ejusque districtus Gubernatori, Senatori, auditoribus quibuscunque, Legatis, Vicario, Cameras Apostolic Vicelegatis, Gubernatoribus Provinciarum et Terrarum suae Sanctitati et Sanctse Romanae Ecclesiae mediate vel immediate subjectarum ac eorum locatenentibus, necnon aliis officialibus, barissellis aliisque locorum ordinariis caeterisque magistratibus, ministris, officialibus APPENDIX 532 ac cujusvis conditionis et status hominibus in omnibus et singulis terris, oppidis, civitatibus ac in tota Republica Christiana existentibus, sub excommunicationis latse sententiae ac indignationis suse Sanctitatis D. D. Cardinalium Inquisitorum Generalium imponendis et exequendis poenis, ut eisdem Cardinalibus Inquisitoribus hujusmodi ac eorum praeceptis et mandatis in quibuscunque officium sanctae Inquisitionis hujusmodi concementibus pareant et obediant. Reges vero, Duces, Comites, Barones et quosvis alios Principes saeculares in Dei nomine rogavit ut eisdem Cardinalibus Inquisitoribus eorumque officialibus faveant auxiliumque praebeant, a suis magnatibus subditis auxilium aliisque arbitrio suse Sanctitatis ac illustriss, et reverendiss. ad dictum officium spectantibus, necnon carceratos quoscunque pro quibusvis delictis et debitis etiam atrocibus, apud dictum Inquisitionis officium quomodolibet delatos vel denun- prseberi faciant in negotiis suspensa aliorum criminum inferiorum cognitione, ad eosdem Cardinales vel Inquisitionis carceres, ibidemque ad criminis haeresis ciatos, cognitionem et expeditionem retinendos, postea ad eosdem pro aliorum criminum cognitione remittendos, sine mora transmittant. Instante magnifico Domino Pedro Belo procuratore totaliter officiales fiscali officii Sanctae Romanae Universalis Inquisitionis. X. S. @ARLO BORROMEO'S MEMORANDA FOR A VISITATION. (MSS. of the Ambrosian Library, Tomo V, F. 41 ed 177, Parte Inferiors, No. 76). (See p. RlCORDO DI 133). ALCUNE COSE DELLE QUALI PRINCIPALMENTE S*A DA FAR DILIGENTE INQUISITIONE Se nella patria sono heretici, sospetti di heresia, ricettatori et fautori di heretici, scandalosi nel parlare et chi abusa le parole della Scrittura. Se si fanno conventicole 6 ridotti di laici ne quali si parli delle cose della fede; se predichi e si disputi senza autorita, di superiori Eccle- siastici. comertio di heretici d sospetti et come si avertisse & quelle che famiglie praticano ne i paesi heretici 6 per mercantia 6 altro Se vi pretesto. Se mandano i figlioli in Germania 6 in altra provincia nelle parti sospette per imperar la lingua 6 trafico 6 per viver in Corti di Principi. APPENDIX 533 Di libri prohibit! 6 scandalosi et che cura si tiene nel portare i libri nella patria et se s'avertischi bene a mercanti et a chi pratica ne paesi sospetti ; se portano libri heretici 6 sospetti dell' Inquisitione nelle librarie. Come si governa Poffitio della Inquisitori in quelle parti circa il ta S Inquisitione cioe di Vescovi et tener ben purgato il paese da quella peste. Se hanno qualche impedimento nell'offitio. Se hanno il debito aiuto circa la essecutione da principi secolari, cosi gFInquisitori come li Vescovi nell'officio loro. Di predicated, che diligentia s'usi, accio catholicamente predichino et che non disputino le cose controverse ma solamente in ogni occasione stabilischino la parte catholica, dichiarando bene et chiaramente il senso delle Scritture, et lasciando da parte li fondamenti delli heretici. De Maestri di scuola come insegnano et che libri legono. Se secondo il decreto del Consiglio Tridentino i Curati ammaestrano fanciulli nella dottrina Christiana. Se vi sono superstition!, divination! et incanti et altre cose tali che all'heresie et molte volte sapiunt etiam manifestam vanno appresso heresim. *********** *********** Se con quel honore che si deve sono tenute le sante relique. Se vi sono pubblici peccatori, sprezzatori di commandamenti de la riti et tradition! et contemptori delle censure Chiesa, delle ceremonie, et giuditii Ecclesiastic!. Delli hebrei, se portano il segno, se conversano pericolo di corrutela dei costumi Christiani. con Christian! con APPENDIX 534 XL EXTRACT FROM EDICT OF NOVEMBER 10, 1571, ISSUED BY THE INQUISITION OF MEXICO TO THE POPULATION OF SPAIN EMBODYING THE OATH OF OBEDIENCE. (From the MSS. of General Don NEW Vicente Riva Palacio). (See p. 203). * * Mandamos dar dimos la y presente por la cual vos ecshortaamonestamos mos, y mandamos en virtud de santa obediencia y so pena de excomunion mayor, que del dia que esta nuestra carta fuere leida y notificada 6 de ella supieredes en cualquier manera en adelante vos los susodichos y cada uno de vos como fieles y catolicos cristianos, celadores de nuestra santa fe*, verdaderos miembros de la Yglesia Catolica cada y cuando y en cualquier lugar que os halldredes en cuanto * en vos fuere favorecereis al dicho Santo Oficio, Oficiales y ministros de 61, dandoles todo el favor y ayuda que os pidieren, y que no ayudareis ni favorecereis a los hereges enemigos de nuestra santa fe catolica, antes como d lobos y perros rabiosos inficionadores de las animas cristianas y destruidores de la esposa divina del Sefior que es la Yglesia catolica, los perseguireis manifestandolos y no los encubrireis, y si lo contrario hicieredes, lo que Dios no quiera ni permita, incurrais y caigais en la ira e indignacion de Dios todo poderoso y de la Virgen Santa Maria su madre, y de los bienaventurados apostolos S. Pedro y S. Pablo y de todos los santos de la corte celestial, y venga sobre los inobedientes d esto las plagas y maldiciones que vinieron y descendieron sobre el Rey Faraon y los suyos por que resistieron d los mandamientos de Dios y la destruccion que vino sobre los de Sodoma y Gomorra que fueron abrasados, y la que vino sobre Coreb, Datan y Aviron que sorbio la tierra vivos por su inobediencia, y siempre esten endurecidos y en pecado y el diablo este d su mano derecha y su oracion sia siempre en pecado delante el acatamiento de Dios, sus dias sean pocos y su nombre y memoria se pierda en la tierra y sean arrojados de sus moradas en manos de sus enemigos y cuando sean juzgados salgan condenados del juicio divino con lucifer y Judas el traidor y sus hijos, queden huerfanos y mendicantes y no hallen quien bien les haga, y allende las otras penas y censuras en derechos establecidas contra los tales inobedientes al Santo Oficio y a" los mandamientos apost61icos caegan 6 incurran en pena de escomunion mayor que nos por tales los declaramos en estos escriptos y por ellos y para mayor vigor y fuerza de lo susodicho mandamos que todas las personas que presentes estais de qualquier estado y condicion que sean alzeis las manos y jureis d Dios y d Santa Maria y d la serial de la Cruz y d las APPENDIX 535 palabras de los cuatro santos evangelios que ante vuestros ojos teneis que de aqui adelante como verdaderos catolicos y fieles cristianos y hijos de obediencia sereis en favor ayuda y defensa de la santa fe" de nuestro S. Jesucristo y de su ley evangelica que tiene, predica, sigue y ensefia la S. Madre Yglesia Catolica Romana y de la S. Inquisicion, Oficiales y ministros de ella en cuanto en vos fuere con todas vuestras fuerzas y posibilidades sin impedirles ni embargarles publica ni secretamente, directe ni indirecte ni por cualquier exquisito color por vos ni por otra persona en cosa alguna tocante al dicho S. Oficio ejecucion de 41 y que no favorecereis a los herejes, infamados y sospechosos del crimen de herejia y apostasia, ni d sus creyentes, favorecedores, receptadores ni defensores de ellos ni a" los perturbadores ni impedidores del dicho Santo Oficio y de su libre y recto ejercicio, antes sereis en los perseguir, acusar, y denunciar a la S. Madre Yglesia y a nos los Ynquisidores y d nuestros sucesores como d sus ministros a quien por su Santidad y Sede Apostolica esta reservado el conocimiento de las tales causas y que no lo encubrireis recibireis ni admitireis entre vosotros ni en vuestra familia, compafiia servicio ni consejo, antes luego que de ello algo supieredes lo direis y si por ventura alguno de vos por ignorancia hiciere lo contrario cada y cuando que vuestra noticia viniere ser las tales personas de la condicion susodicha luego los repelereis y alanzareis de vos y de cada uno de vos y nos dareis de ellos noticia y que para ejecucion y cumplimiento de lo susodicho y de cada una cosa y parte de ello dareis todo el favor y ayuda que os pidieren y fuere menester y cumplireis todo lo demas que en esta nuestra carta va dicho y declarado. Digan todos ansi lo prometemos y juramos. Si ansi lo hicierdes Dios nuestro S. Jesucristo cuja es esta causa os ayude en esto mundo en el cuerpo y en el otro en la alma donde mas habreis de durar, y si lo contrario hicieredes, lo que Dios no quiera, el os lo demande mal y caramente como a" reveldes que sabiendas juran su santo nombre en vano. Digan todos amen. En testimonio de lo cual mandamos dar y dimos la presente firmada de nuestro nombre, sellada con el sello del dicho Santo Oficio y refrendada por el Secretario de En la Cuidad de Mexico, 10 dias del mes de Noviembre de 1571. 41. El Doctor Moya de Contreras. Por mandado del S. Inquisidor, Pedro de los Rios, Secretario. y APPENDIX 536 XII. CEDULA OF PHILIP II, AUGUST 16, 1570, OF FAMILIARS IN REGULATING THE PRIVILEGES NEW SPAIN. (Biblioteca National de Madrid, Section de MSS. X, 159, fol. 240). (See p. 247). EL RET, Nuestro Virrey y Capitan General de la Nueva Espana y Presidente de la Nuestra Audiencia Real que reside en la Ciudad de Mexico, Oidores de la dicha Audiencia, Presidente y Oidores de la Nuestra Audiencia Real que reside en la Ciudad de Santiago de la Provincia de Guatimala, e a los Nuestros Oydores, Alcaldes Mayores de la Nuestra Audiencia Real de la Nueva Galicia e qualesquier Nuestros Governadores, Corregidores y Alcaldes mayores e a otras justicias de todas las Ciudades, Villas y lugares de las Provincias de Nueva Espana, la Provincia de Nicaragua, asi de los Espanoles como de los Indios Naturales, que al presente sois y por tiempo fueren, y a cada uno de vos a quien la presente 6 su traslado autentico fuere mostrado y lo en ello contenido toca 6 pudiere tocar en qualquiera manera, Salud y dileccion Sabed que el Reverendisimo in Christo Padre Cardenal de Siguenza, : Presidente del Nuestro Consejo e Inquisidor General Apostolico en Nuestros Reynos y Senorios con acuerdo de los del Nuestro Consejo de la General Inquisicion y consultado con Nos, entendiendo ser muy y conveniente para el aumento de Nuestra Santa Fe* y su conservation, poner y asentar en esas dichas Provincias el Santo Oficio de la Inquisicion lo ha ordenado y proveido asi; y porque demas de los Inquisidores y Oficiales con su titulo y provision que ban de residir y asistir en el dicho Santo Oficio es necesario que haya familiares como los ay en las otras Inquisiciones de estos Reynos de Castilla aviendose platicado sobre el numero de ellos y ansi mismo de los privilegios y exempciones que deven y ban de gozar, consultado conmigo fue acordado que por ahora y hasta que otra cosa se provea, aya en la dicha Ciudad de Mexico, donde ha de residir y tener su asiento el dicho Santo Oficio, doze familiares, y en las Cabezas de Arzobispados y Obispados en cada una de las Ciudades dellos quatro familiares y en las demas Ciudades, Villas y Lugares de Espanoles del distrito de la dicha Inquisicion, un familiar, y que los que hubieren de ser proveidos por tales familiares scan hombres pacificos y quales conviene para ministerio de dicho Oficio tan santo, y que los dichos familiares gozen de los privilegios de que gozan los familiares del Reino de Castilla, y que cerca del privilegio del fuero, en las causas criminales sean sus Juezes los Inquisidores quando los dichos Familiares sean Reos, excepto el Grimen lese maiestatis humane y en el Crimen nefando contra natura, y necesario APPENDIX 537 en el Crimen de levantamiento o comocion del Pueblo, y en el Crimen de Cartas de seguros nuestras, e* de Revelion e* inobediencia a Nuestros Mandamientos Reales, y en caso de aleve 6 de fuerza de Muger 6 robo della, 6 de robador publico, 6 de quebrantador de casa 6 de Iglesia 6 Monasterio, 6 de quema de Campo 6 de casa con dolo, y en otros delitos mayores que estos. Y tener resistencia 6 desacato calificado contra Nuestras Justicias Reales, porque el conocimiento destos ni de las causas Criminales en que fueren actores los dichos familiares, ni en las Civiles en que fueren actores 6 Reos no se ban de entremeter los dichos Inquisidores ni tener Jurisdiccion alguna sobre los dichos familiares, sino que en los dichos casos queda en los Juezes seglares. Item que los que tubieren oficios Reales publicos de los pueblos 6 otros la Jurisdiccion cargos seglares, y delinquieren in cosas tocantes a los dichos Oficios y cargos sean juzgados en los dichos delitos por las nuestras Justicias Seglares, pero en todas las otras causas Criminales en Familiares fueren Reos que no sean de los dichos delitos que los dichos y casos desuso los Inquisidores sobre los dichos Familiares la exceptuados quede Jurisdiccion Criminal para que libremente procedan contra ellos y determinen sus causas como Juezes, que para ello tienen Nuestra Jurisdiccion para agora y adelante, y en los dichos casos en que los Inquisidores han de proceder pueda el Juez Seglar prender al Familiar delinquente con que luego le remita d los dichos Inquisidores que del delito hubieren de conocer, con la Informacion que hubiere tornado, lo qual se haga a* costa del delinquente. Item, que cada y quando que algun familiar hubiere delinquido fuera de la dicha Ciudad de Mexico, donde como esta dicho ha de residir el Santo Oficio y fuese sentenciado por los Inquisidores, no pueda volver al lugar donde delinquio sin que en su causa se dio y le presente ante la Justicia del lugar y la informacion del cumplimiento della, y para que no se exceda del dicho numero de Familiares que conforme a" lo que declarado esta desuso ha de haver, los dichos Inquisidores guardaran lo que circa desto el dicho Inquisidor General y Consejo les han ordenado por sus instrucciones, y los dichos Inquisidores ternan cuidado que en el dicho su distrito se de al regimiento copia del numero de los Familiares que en cada una de las dichas Ciudades, Villas y Lugares de el a" de haver para que los Governadores, Corregidores y las otras Justicias y regimientos lo entiendan y puedan saber y reclamar llevar testimonio de la sentencia del numero: y que asi mesmo en qualquier Gobernacion y Corregique miento se proveen para que los unos y los otros sepan como aquellos y no otros son los que han de tener por familiares, y que al tiempo que en lugar de aquellos familiares se proveyere otro los Inquisidores lo hagan saber al dicho Gobernador, Corregidor 6 Justicia seglar en cuyo distrito se proveiere para que entienda que aquel ha de tener por familiar y no d otro en cuyo lugar se proveyere y para que si se supiere quando los Inquisidores excedieren se de la lista de los Familiares 638 APPENDIX que no concurren en el tal proveido las dichas calidades puede advertir dello d los dichos Inquisidores y si fuere necesario al dicho Inquisidor General y Consejo para que lo provean. For ende yo os mando que guardeis y hagais guardar y cumplir lo suso dicho en todo y por todo y que contra el tenor y forma dello no vayais, no paseis ni consentais ir ni pasar por ninguna causa, forma, 6 razon que aya, y que cada uno de vos Juzgue y conosca en los casos que os quedan reservados y en los otros no os entremetais, que cese toda competencia de Jurisdiccion porque asi conviene al servicio de Dios Nuestro Sefior y buena administracion de Justicia y esta mi voluntad, y de lo contrario nos tendriamos por deservidos. Fecha en Madrid, a 16 dias de el mes de Agosto de Yo el Key. aiios. Por mandado de su Magestad, Geronimo Zurita. 1570 XIII. SENTENCE IN CAMARA'S PROSECUTION OF THE INQUISITORS ESTRADA AND HlGUERA. (MSS. of David Fergusson Esqr.). (See p. 263). Ffallamos, attentos los autos y meritos de esta causa y lo demas que ver combine que devemos declarar y declaramos haver havido y haver lugar dicha querella y haverla probado el dicho Canonigo Doctor Don Juan de la Camara vien y cumplidamente segun le probar le combino damosla y pronunciamosla por bien probada, restituyendole en su antigua opinion y credito conformandonos en todo y por todo con la sentencia difinitiba dada y pronunciada a su favor en el quaderno r r segundo de estos auttos por dicho S Inq Don Bernave de la Higuera 00 r Amarilla. Y y que dichos Senores Inquisidores D Don Fran de Estrada y Escobedo y Liz do Don Bernave de la Higuera y Amarilla no an probado cossa alguna que les pueda relebar de culpa grave. En cuia consecuencia devemos de declarar y declaramos havir cometido res dichos Senores Inq grave culpa en dicha prision, secuestro y circunstancias de lo uno y otro cuia punicion se reserva para la determinacion de la visita pressente y cargos de ella. Y por lo que toca d la interesse de la parte querellante devemos de condenar y condenamos d, dichos S rei Inq r" y a" cada uno in solidum mancomunados en dos mill pesos de d ocho reales castellanos que den y paguen al dicho Canonigo Don Juan de la Camara, d el qual vuelva luego Don Juan Gonzalez de Castro vezino a" el parezer de esta ziudad depositorio secuestrador que parece APPENDIX 539 haver sido de los bienes de dicho Canonigo todos dichos vienes sin alguna segun el imbentario que dellos se hizo, pena de apremio, y casso que dicho depositario secuestrador deje de restituir dichos bienes 6 parte de ellos 6 algunos otros no se ayan depositario en el y no conste haverse buelto a dicho Canonigo todos los buelban y restituyan dichos Sefiores Inquisidores luego sin dilacion alguna, pena de mil pesos de dicha ley, en que assimismo les condenamos manconumados, y assimismo con la misma calidad de mancomunidad les condenamos en las costas de este caussa cuia thassacion en nos reserbamos. por esta nuestra sentencia difinitiba juzgando assi prommciamos y mandamos en estos scriptos y por ellos. Dr D. P Medina Rico. faltar cosa Y XIV. INQUISITORIAL EDICT AGAINST HIDALGO. (From an original in MEXICO, JANUARY 26, 1817. my possession). (See pp. 275, 281). NOS LOS INQUISIDORES APOSTOLICOS, CONTRA LA HECiudad de Mexico, Estados, Guatemala, Nicaragua, Islas y Jurisdicciones, por Autoridad Apostolica, retica Pravedad, y Apostasia en la y Provincias de esta Nueva Espana, Filipinas, sus Distritos, Real, A y Ordinaria, &c. y qualesquiera personas de qualquier Estado, grado, y condicion, preeminencia, 6 dignidad que sean, exentos, 6 no exentos, todas, y moradores, estantes, y habitantes en las Ciudades, Villas, y Lugares de este nuestro distrito, y a" cada uno de Vos, Salud en nuestro Seiior Jesucristo, que es verdadera salud, y d los nuestros mandavecinos, mientos firmemente obedecer, y cumplir. SABED: Que ha llegado a nuestras manos una Proclama del rebelde Cura de Dolores, que se titular "Manifiesto, que el Sefior Don Miguel "Me veo en la ,,Hidalgo, y Costilla::::,, haze al Pueblo, y empieza: necesidad de satisfacer a" las gentes; y acaba, sobre este basto Sin lugar de impresion; pero sin duda la imprimio en Guadalaxara, y la publico manuscrita en Valladolid en todas las Iglesias, y Conventos, aun de Monjas, despues de la derrota, que sufri6 por las armas del Rey en Aculco. En ella vuelve a" cubrirse con el velo de la vil hipocresia, protestando, que jama's se ha apartado de la ,,triste ,,Continente.,, APPENDIX 540 sus Feligreses de Dolores, y San y pone por testigos comanda: que testigos que para el Pueblo fiel, deben hacer la misma fe", que los ciegos citados para juzgar de los fe Cat61ica, Felipe, y al Exe*rcito, colores "<iPero para quo*, testigos, prosigue en su capciosa Proclama, ,,sobre un hecho, e imputacion, que ella misma manifiesta su falsedad? me acusa, de que niego el infierno, y de que asiento, que algun Oanonizados estd en este lugar; icomo se puede ,,concordar, que un Pontifice este" en el infierno, y negar al mismo ,,tiempo su exlstencia? Se me imputa, que sigo los perversos Dogmas ,,Se ,,Pontifice de los ,,de Lutero, al mismo tiempo, que se me acusa, que niego la autentici,,dad de los Santos Libros: iSi Lutero deduce sus errores de estos ,,mismos Libros, que cree inspirados por Dios, como he de ser Luterano niego la autenticidad de estos Libros? ^Os persuadiriais, Ame'rique un Tribunal tan respetable, y cuyo institute es el mas ,,Santo, se dexase arrastrar del amor al Paisanage, hasta prostituir ,,si ,,canos, Mucho le escuece a" este impio, que el haya manifestado en su propia figura a todo el Reyno, que por su fidelidad, y catolicismo llena de maldiciones a un monstruo, que abrigaba sin conocerle pero quando copia para instruccion publica sus errores, no omite la contradiccion manifiesta entre ellos mismos; ,,su honor, Santo Oficio y reputacion?,, le : porque este es el caracter, y propiedad de todos los hereges, mientras no bajan a el ultimo grado en la escala del precipicio, que es el Ateismo, y Materialismo, como le ha sucedido a 6ste impio y asi la contradiccion sera suya, y respectiva a aquellos tiempos, en que fue Luterano, com; parados, 6 contrahidos con los de su decidido Ateismo, y Materialismo, se manifestara en la lectura publica de su causa fenecidos los como terminos, que deben seguirse para condenarle en rebeldia. Satisfaccion, que no dd este Tribunal a su Manifiesto por que la merezca, smo para que este sofisma no alucine d, los incautos, y vuelvan sobre que hayan llegado a debilitar su opinion en favor del Santo Oficio, persuadiendose a que es capaz este antemural de la Religion, y del Estado de valerse de la impostura, como quiere persuadir este si los Hipocrita, para degradar su opinion, y quitar por este medio, indigno de nuestra probidad y caracter Sacerdotal, la energia d su voz rebelde, y sediciosa, y para que conozcan de una vez, y teman todos los habitantes de este Reyno la justicia de Dios por los pecados piiblicos, empezada d manifestar en este azote, que han sufrido las Provincias, que este Ate*o cruel, y deshonesto ha infestado con sus consejos, alucinando & tantos miserables, que ha hecho victimas del proyecto de trastonar el Trono, y la Religion, y declarandose el mas feroz enemigo de los que llama sus conciudadanos; pues parece que no quiere mas vidas que la suya poniendola en salvo con la fuga, y mirando con frialdad inaudita la mortandad de millares de infelices en las Graces, en Aculco, Guanaxuato, Zamora, y Puente de Calderon. Obstinacion caracteristica de un Ate*o, que no conoce, que el poder de Dios ha roto su arco APPENDIX 541 tantas veces con una especie de prodigio visible respecto de los pocos que ban perecido. Son igualmente sediciosas y sanguinarias dos proclamas manuscritas; la una empieza Hemos llegado a la epoca; y acaba: De un fieles, Patriota de Lagos: La otra empieza, jEs posible Americanos! y acaba: sera gratificado con quinientos pesos. El objeto de ambas es el mismo que la del rebelde Hidalgo ; y con ella se han quemado publicamente de orden del superior Gobierno por mano de Berdugo en la Plaza ptiblica, alta traicion por Bando publicado el Excelentisimo Senor de este Reyno, que ha excitado Virey por nuestro zelo para arrancarlas con las censuras correspondientes de y se han prohibido baxo de la pena de No necesitaban en realidad de especial prohibicion por estar comprendidas especificamente en nuestros anteriores Edictos particularmente en el de citacion en rebeldia al infame Hidalgo, publicado en trece de Octubre del ano pasado como lo esta igualmente el Bando que public6 el Licenciado Don Ignacio Antonio Rayon, su fecha en Tlalpujagua a" 24 de Octubre proximo, en que convoca a todo Americano a" la sedicion, llamando causa santa, justa, y religiosa esta escandalosa, atroz, y sanguinaria rebelion, proscribiendo a los Europeos, confiscando sus bienes, y dando nueva forma d la recaudacion de impuestos. En dicho Edicto de 13 de Octubre declaramos incursos en la pena de Excomunion mayor, de quinientos pesos, y en el crimen de fautoria sin excepcion a" quantas personas aprueben la sedicion de Hidalgo, reciban sus Proclamas, mantengan su trato, y correspondencia, y le presten qualquiera genero de ayuda, 6 favor, y & los que no denuncien, y obliguen denunciar, a" los que favorezcan sus ideas revolucionarias, y de qualquier modo las promuevan, y propaguen. En nuestro Edicto de 28 de Septiembre ultimo prohibimos baxo de las mismas penas qualquiera proclama, ya fuese del intruso Rey Jose", 6 ya de qualquiera otro Espanol, 6 Estrangero que inspirase vuestras manos. desobediencia, independencia, y trastorno del Gobierno, renovando la fuerza de la regla 16 del Indice Expurgatorio, y de nuestros Edictos de 13 de Marzo de 1790, 27 de Agosto de 1808, 22 de Abril, y 16 de Junio de 1810: lo que se os hace presente por tiltima y perentoria vez para quitaros las escusas, de que por nuevos no estais obligados la denuncia, corriendo seme j antes papeles incendiarios impunemente de mano en mano con peligro de la Patria, y de la Religion hasta que algun zeloso catolico, y fiel vasallo los denuncia. a" Y para la mas exacta obserbancia, y cumplimiento de lo contenido en el Edicto General de F6, en los anteriormente citados, y de los respetables encargos del Gobierno: Por el tenor del presente os exhortamos, requenmos y mandamos en virtud de Santa Obediencia, y so la pena de Excomunion mayor latae sentencice, y pecuniaria & nuestro arbitrio, que desde el dia, que este nuestro Edicto fuere leido, y publicado 6 de el supieredes de qualquiera manera, hasta seis dias siguientes (los quales os damos por tres terminos, y el ultimo perentorio) tranigais, exhibais, y presenteis las sobredichas Proclamas, y Bando, y qualquiera otro APPENDIX 542 Papel sedicioso impreso, 6 manuscrito, ante Nos, 6 ante los Comisarios del Santo Oficio fuera de esta Corte, denunciando & los que los tubieren, y ocultaren, y a las personas, que propaguen con proposiciones sediciosas, y seductivas el espiritu de Independencia, y Sedicion. En testimonio de lo qual mandamos dar, y dimos esta nuestra Carta firmada de nuestros nombres, sellada con el Sello del Santo Dada en la Oficio, y refrendada de uno de los Secretarios del secreto de 61. Inquisicion de M6xico a veinte y seis de Enero de mil ochocientos once. Dr. D. Bernardo de Prado, y Obejero. Lie. D. Isidoro Sainz de Alfaro, y Beaumont. Dr. D. Manuel de Flores. Nadie le quite, pena de excomunion mayor. Por mandado del Santo Oficio Dr. D. Jose Antonio Aguirrezabal, Secret ario. APPENDIX 543 XV. SENTENCE OF JOSE MARIA MORELOS BY THE INQUISITION OF MEXICO, NOVEMBER 26, 1815. (Archive de Simancas, Inquisition, Sala 39, Leg. 1473, fol. 30). (See p. 296). haga auto publico de fe", en la sala de las ocho, d que asistan los ministros y cien personas de las principales que senalara el seiior Inquisidor decano. Que se declara al precitado presbitero Jose* Maria Morelos, confitente Dixeron conformes que se le este tribunal el dia de mafiana a* diminuto malicioso y pertinaz que se le declara herege formal negative, despreciador, perturbador y perseguidor de la gerarqufa eclesiastica, atentador y profanador de los santos sacramentos. Que es reo de L'esa Magestad Divina y Humana, Pontificia y Real y que asista al auto en forma de penitente inter misarum solemnia, con sotana corta, sin cuella ni cenidor y con vela verde en su mano que ofrecera al sacerdote, concluida la misa, como tal herege y fautor de hereges desde que empezo la insurrection, y como a" enemigo cruel del Santo Oficio se le confiscan sus bienes con aplicacion a la Real camara y fisco de S. M. en los terminos que declarara el Tribunal y aunque merecedor de la degradacion y relajacion por los delitos cometidos del fuero y conocimiento del Santo : Oficio, sin embargo por estar pronto d, abjurar sus erases y inveterados errores, se le condena, en el remoto 6 inesperado caso de que se le perdone la vida por el Excmo. Sefior Virrey, Capitan General de esta Nueva Espana, Madrid y a" destierro perpetuo de ambas Americas, corte de y a reclusion en carcel perpetua en uno de los sitios reales, Presidios de Africa, a disposicion del Excmo. 6 Ilustrisimo Sefior Inquisidor General, se le depone de todo oficio y beneficio eclesiastico con inavilidad e* irregularidad perpetua. Que d sus tres hijos aunque sacrileges se les declara incursos en las penas de infamia y demds canones y leyes d, los descendientes de hereges, con a las instrucciones de este Santo Oficio. Que abjure de formali arreglo y sea absuelto de las excomuniones y censuras en que ha incurrido reservadas al Santo Oficio. Que haga una confesion general y sin que imponen los el Oficio Divino, rece los siete Psalmos Penitenciales los Viernes, Sabados una parte del Rosario durante su vida. Y que se fige y su nombre, patria, religion y delitos en la Santa Iglesia Catedral de esta corte. Asi lo acordaron mandaron y firmaron. Doctor Flores Doctor Monteagudo Blaza Campo Madrid D. Casiano de Cha- omitir los varsi Secretario. APPENDIX 544 XVI. VICEROY VILLAR'S PETITION FOR ABSOLUTION. (Archive nacional de Lima, Protocolo 228, Exp te 5287 1 ). (See p. 379). En la ciudad de los Reyes & 14 de Octubre de 1589 ante el Ynquisidor Ant Gutierrez de Ulloa, estando en su audiencia de la maiiana se present6 y leyo esta peticion. El Virrey de este Reyno del Peru, D. Fernando de Torres y Portugal Conde del Villar, digo: que a mi noticia es venido que en este Santo Lisenciado Oficio se ha declarado por V. S* que yo incurri en ciertas Censuras de Excomunion por haber procedido criminalmente contra el Dr. Diego de Salinas y otras causas, y aunque a lo que puedo entender he tenido siempre seguridad y quietud de mi conciencia de no haber incurrido en ellas por no haber sido de mi intencion en ninguna de las causas que se han ofrecido hacer cosas por donde yo entendiese caia en la tal excomunion, creyendo que para proceder en los negocios y cosas sucedidas me competia derecho por razon de mi oficio y cargo y otras consideraa Pero entendido ahora que por V. S se ha declarado haber ciones. incurrido en la dicha excomunion, acudo a este Santo Oficio como a obediente hijo de nuestra Santa Madre Iglesia para que V. S me de la absolucion, la cual pido y suplico se me conceda por aquella via y forma que hubiere lugar de derecho y mas y mejor convenga a la seguridad de mi conciencia que es justo yo tenga en todo tiempo, en especial habiendome de embarcar para Espana como con lisencia y por mandado Rey nuestro Seiior estoy para lo hacer con Virrey Conde del Villar. del En la Ciudad de los mucha brevedad. Reyes & 14 de Octubre de 1589 Dr. Juan Ruiz de Prado El los Inquisidores y Lisenciado Antonio Gutierrez de Ulloa estando en su Audiencia de la tarde, habiendo visto esta dicha peticion dijeron que per cuanto por su parte de los dichos Ynquisidores se habia advertido diversas veces, asi por terceras personas como por escrito & su r S a del dicho S Virrey Conde del Villar que por las cosas que habia hecho contra el Santo Oficio y sus Ministros habia incurrido en las Gensuras contenidas en el motupropio de nuestro muy Santo Padre Pio quinto y estaba excomulgado, y que el haber incurrido en ellas y en otras es tan claro que aunque no se hubiera advertido, estaba obli1 I give the reference to the in 1881 numbers in the archives prior to their dispersion APPENDIX 545 porque todos entienden que incurren en ellas personas que ponen impedimento directo 6 indirecto al ejercicio del Santo Oficio de la Ynquisicion y su Libertad, y tratan mal con obras 6 palabras de los Ynquisidores u otros ministros de ella, en derogacion de su reputacion y autoridad, sin que en esto escuse ni pueda escusar la intencion por buena que sea, porque clara cosa es que no se atiende para incurrir en las Gensuras sino solo a los hechos 6 dichos esteriores, porque la Yglesia no juzga de las cosas asi ocultas, y habiendo sido las r que el dicho S Visorrey ha hecho tan manifiestamente en perjuicio de la Ynquisicion y su libertad y autoridad en grande agravio y ofenza de las personas del Santo Oficio, como se ha visto en muchos casos, que por ser tan notorios no se refieren, las cuales cosas antes de la absolucion gado a lo entender asi, las requieren satisfaccion condigna, especialmente lo que toca al notorio r Dionicio de Salinas Abogado de este Santo agravio que al dicho Oficio hizo su Senoria, en el tormento que le dio, pidiendo como el D dicho D r Salinas lo tiene pedido asi en este Santo Oficio. Atento a Senores Ynquisidores amonestan a su Senoria del lo cual los dichos dicho S r Yisorrey que para que la absolucion por su Senoria pedida pueda dar y conseguirse el fruto de ella, ante todas cosas satisfaga r en cuanto en si fuere al dicho D Salinas en la forma que mejor se de su oficio, a la cual no se en autoridad atendiendo todo a la pudiere, se le pretende derogar, sino hacerse lo que los dichos Ynquisidores estan obligados de derecho por aver como hay parte lesa que insta. Porque a lo que toca a la injuria y ofensa hecha al Santo Oficio, lo remiten mo r (segun que lo tienen remitido) al Yll S Cardenal Ynquisidor General y Senores del Consejo de la Santa general Ynquisicion, con todas las demas causas a esto tocantes, y que por ser cosa liana que el dicho S r Viso Rey estando incurso en las dichas censuras por las dichas razones, los dichos Ynquisidores que habiendo sido advertido su y constar Senoria no hacia diligencia alguna para salir de ellas, y que estaba a punto de embarcarse para Espana (viage tan peligroso como se sabe, especialmente en personas de edad) de nuevo se le envio a advertir de palabra; y como todavia no hacia diligencia alguna, estandose siempre en las dichas Censuras, porque no fuese ligado en ellas, parecio a los dichos Ynquisidores, movidos con celo de caridad para obligar a su Senoria a la seguridad de su conciencia, y que entendiese el peligro y riesgo de ella, declarar como declararon (como Ministros del derecho a quien competia el hacerlo) el haber su Senoria incurrido en las dichas Censuras; y acatando el respeto que se debe a su persona y oficio, se hizo la dicha declaracion en la sala de la Audiencia del Santo Oficio sin otros testigos mas que el presente Secretario, y de ello se dio noticia a su Senoria para el dicho efecto. En razon de lo cual como parece por la dicha peticion, pide su Senoria el beneficio de la absolucion en este Santo Oficio, la cual los dichos Senores Ynquisidores estan prestos de le dar en la forma que pueden y deben, conforme a derecho, haciendo 35 APPENDIX 546 r su Senoria del S Virrey de su parte lo que esta obligado, conforme a lo r dicho, sin que por esto pretendan obligar al dicho S Viso Rey a cumplir con las demas solemnidades que el derecho requiere en seme j antes casos, atendiendo a la calidad de su persona y oficio como esta dicho ; r proveyeron y firmaron. El D Juan Ruiz de Prado. El Lisenciado Antonio Gutierrez de Ulloa. Antemi, Geronimo de Eugui y asi lo Secret ario. INDEX. AA BUSES of Inq. of Sicily, 10, 13, 18, 19, 21, 30, 37, 41, 518 of Sardinia, 117 of Mexico, 251, 254 of Peru, 335, 356, 375, 387, 435 of New Granada, 473, 479, 487, 498 Alvarez, Duarte, case of, 155 Alvarez, Sebastian, burnt, 236 Amat y Yunient, Viceroy, complains of 381 Inq., America, New Christians forbidden access to, 193 Accounts, statements of, refused by Amusqufbar, Inqr., his alliance with Ilarduy, 352 Inq. of Mexico, 216 denounces his colleagues, 366, 410, by Inq. of Peru, 342 435 by Inq. of New Granada, 501 Acereta, Lorenza, case of, 461 disputes royal ce"dula, 388 quarrels with Abp. Barroeta, 389 Acqui, Bp. of, as inqr., 131 his treatment of Franpois Moyen, 442, Acquittal, honors rendered in, 430, 437 443 Adrian, Card., endeavors to reform the is sole inqr., 571 Inq., 18 Angelo da Cremona, inqr. of Milan, 124 Agliata, Marino, case of, 34 Aniello, Tommaso, 73 Aguirre, Fermin de, case of, 396 Animali parlanti, gli, suppressed, 472 Aguirre, Francisco de, case of, 322 Antilles under Lima tribunal, 455 Aillon, Nicolas de, a mystic, 405 under Cartagena tribunal, 457 Alaman, Lucas, prosecution of, 274 Antioquia, sorcery in, 463 Alba, Viceroy, of Sicily, 29, 33 Antona, Franc. Ant., case of, 470 Alba, Viceroy, of Naples, 95 Albonesi, Tullio, his report as to Milan, Apostasy, light penalty for, 439 127, 129 Appeals only to Inq.-general, 21 in the colonies, 203 Alburquerque, Duke of, on papal jurisdiction, 135 Appointment, power of, in Peru, 330 Atcavala, inqrs. subjected to, 215 Apulia, Waldenses of, 85, 524 Aldegato, Ambrosio, inqr. of Mantua, Archives of Canary tribunal, 190 of Mexican Tribunal, 288, 298 133 of Philippine Tribunal, 317 Alguazils, number of, in Mexico, 252, 267 sale of office of, 349 of Lima Tribunal, 320 Arcimboldo, Abp., his Edict of Faith, Alguazil mayor, office of, refused, 188 123 Alguazils, royal, arrest of, 252 Alcald, Viceroy of Naples, 80 Arechederra, Philippine Commissioner, claims confiscations, 84 305, 306, 317 his instructions to Reggio, 89 Arianza, Juan de, case of, 392 insists on exequatur, 90 Armas, Joseph de, fiscal of Canaries, 150 Alexander VI, his bull of 1493, 191 Alienations of real estate, 14 Arenaza, visitador, 367 his trading enterprise, 368, 369 Almendariz, Bp. of Cuba, 475 his troubles, 369 Almoguera, Abp., his Instructions, 445 his return and death, 371 Alonso, Bartolome", case of, 184 his services in earthquake, 372 Altolaguirre, Felipe de, 367 on the trials of Quietists, 410 Alva de Aliste, Viceroy, on confiscations, 219 Arms, licences to bear, 13 warned to favor Inq., 374 privilege restricted, 32, 42 Army, foreigners in, 271 complains of Inq., 381 Alvarez de Arellano, case of, 229 Arpide, Ant, de, his career, 375 . (547) INDEX 548 Arrests in Naples require royal exequatur, 56 power of commissioners, 302, 303 Assassination excepted from fuero, 30 Assistenti of Inq., 132 Asti, Bp. of, as inqr., 131 Asylum, right of, claimed, 11, 254, 386 Atienza, Gomez de, 493 Atrato, navigation of river, 513 Atto di fede, in Palermo, 1724, 30 in Naples, 1746, 104 Audience-chamber in Lima, 447 Audiencia, quarrels with Inq., 187, 269, 384, 396 Auto de fe, Mexican, of 1574, 205 of 1646-1649, 229 of 1659, 234 of 1573 in Lima, 328 of 1639, 425, 430 of 1694, 405 of 1736, 366, 410, 435 Aventrot, Jan, case of, 150 Ayacucho, battle of, 511 Ayuda de costa in Peru, 343 Az61ares, Bp. of Canaries, 147, 162 of, 28 inqr., his quarrel "DADAJOZ, Concordia -^ Badaran, bp., 185 with Banishment as punishment, 439 Bank of Lima, failure of, 428 Bankruptcies, frauds in, 41 Banos, Bp. of Santa Marta, 492 Banqueresme, Jacob, case of, 170 Baptism, cost of, in Sicily, 4 Barco de Centinera, his excesses, 336 Barnaba Capograsso, inqr. of Naples, 55, 64 Barroeta, Abp., his quarrels with Amusqufbar, 389 Beatas revelanderas in Canaries, 162 in Mexico, 235 in Peru, 396 Bedstead, censorship of, 266 Bello, Juan, his prosecution, 358 Belorado, Abp., appointed inqr. of Sicily, 6 excommunicates magistrates, 8 Bethencourt, Jean de, conquers Canaries, 139 Bibles, Spanish, sent to colonies, 267 Bigamy, frequency of, 206, 391 powers of commissioner in, 302 Bishops, their quarrels with Inq., in Sicily, 35 in Sardinia, 117 in Mexico, 257 in Peru, 325 in New Granada, 473, 491 their treatment by Inq., 182 appointment of, for New World, 192 their inquisitorial powers, 196 their jurisdiction over Indians. 210 their rapacity, 514 (See also Inquisition, Episcopal). in Peru, 391 Blasphemy in New Granada, 465 Bohorques, Bp. of Oaxarca, 257 Bonelli, Giacomo, burnt, 80 Bonol, insurrection in, 307 Books, heretical, burnt in Naples, 70 lists of, required in Mexico, 204 prohibited, sale of, 265 importation of, in Peru, 444, 446 Borbujo y Riba, inqr. of Canaries, 189, 190 Borromeo, Giulio Cesare, 124 Borromeo, San Carlo, his persecuting zeal, 124, 130, 132, 135, 532 as inqr. of Milan, 131 his mission to Mantua, 133 Bovino, Bp. of, and Apulian Waldenses, 85 Bowes, Ellen, case of, 106 Brasero in Mexico, 206 Brazil, influx of Portuguese from, 421 Brescia, Bp. of, as inqr., 131 Bribery of inqrs., 20, 487 of Suprema, 367 Brujas, 167, 463 Brufion de Vertiz, case of, 239 Bucchianico, Marquis of, 81, 82, 83 Buenos Ayres, bishopric erected, 337 tribunal proposed, 339, 341 solicitation in, 395 influx of Portuguese, 421 Bugueiro, Abp. of Mexico, 257 Buil, Fray, as missionary, 191 Burnings in Canaries, 154 Bustamente, Andr6s de. inqr. of Peru. 327 appointed inqr. of Naples, 54 Benavente, Francisco de, 336 Benavides, Bp. of Cartagena, 491, 493 he goes to Home, 497 Benedict XIV seeks to restore the Inq. in Naples, 107 Benevento, Jews of, persecuted, 53 fUBEZAS, Juan, Bp. of Cuba, 458 Caceres, Felipe de, case of, 324 Benjamin of Tudela on Neapolitan Jews, 49 Calabria, New Christians of, 52, 53 of Waldenses, 79 Bernal, Alonso, inqr. of Sicily, 9 persecution Calderon, inqr., his peculations, 351 Bestiality, 244 his property seized, 353 Betanzos, Domingo de, inqr., 196 V INDEX Calderon, inqr., his scandals, 366 his arrest, 368 his release, 370 end of his trial, 549 Cartagena, siege of 1815, 509 recapture by revolutionists in 1821, 510 commerce in 1772, 513 (See Inq. of New Granada). Carvajal, Luis de, case of, 208 Casa de la misericordia, 438 372 its condemns Quietists, 410 Calificadores in Mexico, 264 prosecuted in Peru, 393 Calleja, Viceroy, suppresses Inq., 288 invades its jurisdiction, 291 Mexican Casannova, Angelo, kidnaps Cellaria, 134 Castaldo, Ant., on tumult of 1547, 77 executes Morelos, 297 Castaneto, Governor, his fate, 81 Calvete, Tristan, inqr. of Sicily, 17, 18 Castel Fuerte, Viceroy, 270, 386 Camara, Juan de la, case of, 259, 538 Camera reginale, districts of, 7, 8 Camera di Santa Chiara, 105 Campagna, Perrucio, burnt, 24 Campanella, Tommaso, case of, 93 Campeggio, Camillo, inqr. of Mantua, Casti, his Animali parlanti, 472 Castillo, Santiago del, case of, 429 Castro, Ana de, case of, 435 Castro, Ant. de, inqr. of Lima, 364 Catalina de San Mateo, a beata, 162 Catholicism, pretended, risk of, 175 Cattle-brands, censorship of, 266 Cavendish, Thomas, his expedition, 415 Ceballos y la Cerda, Governor of CartaCanaries, their conquest, 139 (See Inquisition of Canaries). gena, 496 his humiliation, 498 Candioti, Teodoro, case of, 434 Canete, Viceroy, complains of Inq., 380 Cellaria, Francisco, burnt in Rome, 134 Canonries for colonial tribunals, 216, Censorship in Naples, 84 346, 501 early, in Milan, 123 in Canaries, 176 their value, 217, 506 in Mexico, 204, 264, 274 Cantons, Catholic, relations with Milan. 129 in Peru, 444 by the State, 445 Capassp, Niccolo, his report, 102 in New Granada, 470, 510 Caraccioli, Viceroy, on suppression of 133 Campos, Ant. de, case Inq., of, 392 44 Carafa, Abp., persecutes heretics, 87 Card tricks suspect of sorcery, 166 Cardenas, Bp. of Asuncion,' 258 Cardona, Gabriel, inqr. of Sardinia, 109, 110, 111 Cardona, 58, 59 Ramon de, Viceroy of Naples, Cargoes, seizure of, 156, 169 Carlos II expels Inq. from Naples, 100 on colonial subventions, 220 Carlos III controls the Inq. of Sicily, 42 recovers Naples, 104 its Inq., 107 suppresses limits the fuero, 269, 388 on pseudo-Catholic recruits, 271 limits censorship, 445 rebuilds Inq. of Cartagena, 468 Carmona, Jamariz, case of, 248 Carranza, Angela, case of, 400 Cartagena selected as seat of tribunal, 457 bombarded 468 469 intellectual torpor, 470 no clock there in 1648, 485 its decline, 499 expenditures on, 503 in 1741, Jews allowed in, revolutionary junta in 1810, 506 tribunal expelled in 1812, 507 Cerezuela, inqr. of Lima, 319, 327 suspends cases in Cuzco, 322 on Indians and foreigners, 332 Ceruti, canon, tried for heresy, 133 Cervantes, Gaspar, proposed as inqr. for Milan, 125, 128 Cervantes, Juan de, his chaplaincy, 151 Cervantes, Pascual de, inqr. of Mexico, 201 Cervera, Melchor, inqr. of Sicily, 14, 15, his conscientious bequest, 20, 523 unable to hang sanbenitos, 24 Cevallos, Gutierrez de, inqr. of Lima, 365, 366 Chapter of Canaries, quarrels with Inq., 183, 186, 187 Charles VIII (France) baptizes Neapolitan Jews, 50 Charles V (Emp.) orders Sicilian Inq. restored, 16 insists on the fuero, 20, 22 suspends the fuero, 22 restores the fuero, 24 refuses redress of grievances, 26 gives Malta to Knights of St. John, 45 orders Inq. introduced in Naples, 70 orders Naples to submit, 76 expels Jews from Naples, 66 his edict against Lutherans, 69 INDEX 560 V (Emp.), his good-nature, 177 Complaints of Palermo, 16 of Sicilian Parliament, 13, 21, 22, 26 appoints friars as bishops, 193 of Neapolitans, 95, 99, 102, 104, 107 permits New Christians to go to of Viceroys, 255, 355, 379, 380 America, 194 of Council of Indies, 220, 256, 314, exempts Indians from Inq., 210 Charles I controls Inq. of Sicily, 40 345, 476, 478, 481, 484, 488, 503, 512 limits the/wero, 41 of the clergy of Peru, 335, 356 orders episcopal Inq., 102 103 of governors of Cartagena, 473, 498 refuses entrance to Roman Inq., of the Regular Orders, 474 Cheevers, Sarah, in Maltese Inq., 47 of the city of Cartagena, 480 Chickens, throat-cutting of, 304 of the Junta de Guerra, 484 Children, exemption from confiscation, 21 Complicidad grande of Peru, 426 of heretics seized, 106, 136 Composition of Seville, 193 Concealment of resources, 216, 345, 501 China, episcopal Inq. in, 317 to issues licences Concordias, Sicilian, 28, 31, 37 Chinchon, Viceroy, leave Peru, 333 seven in Sardinia, 119 of 1553 extended to Indies, 197, 247, on subdivision of district, 340 255 330 Chitterlings, privilege of, of 1610, for Indies, 251 Christ, image of, in audience-chamber, of 1633, 218, 254, 267 447 Church, its development in Mexico, Confession, deprivation of, for solici193 tation, 393, 394 Confiscations commence in Sicily, 7 Churches, sanbenitos in, 24, 188 Cid, Garcf, receiver of Sicily, 12, 15 profits of, 12 of contracts, 13, 21 Cid, Nicholas, case of, 135 disorders in, 19, 521 Citations to Rome, 89 division of, 53, 134 Claims against sequestrations, 428 abolished and restored in Naples, 79, Clavijo, Lope, Comr. of Santa Fe, 454 99 Claysen, Caspar, case of, 154 of Waldenses, 84 Clement VII restricts travel in heretic as practised in Naples, 85 lands, 137 in Sardinia, 112 Clement XII appoints Inq.-genl. of Sicily, 43 regulate salaries, 114, 528 in Canaries, 156 Clergy, character of, in colonies, 192, in Mexico, 213, 216, 219, 223, 232 514, 515 in Peru, 343, 347, 429 of Peru complain of inqrs., 335, 356 in New Granada, 467, 501 Clerics, jurisdiction over, 35 of heretic prisoners of war, 418 Coca, use of, in sorcery, 391 entailed by reconciliation, 421 Colombia, U. S. of, abolish Inq., 510 Colonial system, Spanish, 513 influence of, 512 Commerce of the Colonies in hands of Conflicts of jurisdiction in Sicily, 25, 29, 31, 34, 37 Converses, 229, 425 affected by persecution, 234, 428, 512 in Malta, 46 Commissioner of Roman Inq. in Naples, in Sardinia, 110, 117, 118, 119 in Milan, 125 92, 94, 96, 98, 99, 100 in Canaries, 180 Commissioners, quarrels over troubles caused by, in Sicily, 35, 522 in Mexico, 245, 267 troubles caused by, in Mexico, 248, in Philippines, 308 in Peru, 381 252, 254 their limited functions, 301 in New Granada, 473 their duties in Peru, 334 Constitution, Mexican, condemned, 291, their tyranny, 335, 339 294 of New Granada, 454 Consulta de fe, in colonies, 203 Commissions on confiscations, 19, 521 ConsuUa magna on Sicilian Inq., 38 Communications in prison, 427, 430 Contracts, confiscation of, 13, 21 Como, heretical infection in, 122 Conversos, Jewish, in Sicily, 4 forbidden to leave Sicily, 7, 26 Competencias, 29 suppressed by Carlos III, 43, 269 expelled from Naples, 62, 64 in Canaries, 181 forbidden to leave Canaries, 142 in Mexico, 252, 267 not allowed in the Colonies, 193, 419 Charles V INDEX Converses control commerce of Colonies, 229, 425 Copernican system in New Granada, 471 Coquimbo, Dutch captured at, 418 Corcuera, Governor of Philippines, 309 Cordero, Antonio, case of, 426 Cornelius, William, case of, 205, 206, 207 Corral, Andre's, case of, 394 Corro Carrascal, inqr. of Cartagena, 488, 489 Cortajar, inqr. of Cartagena, 478, 479, 486 Cortes, Hern., asks for friars, 192 Cosenza, burnings at, 83 551 Denunciations, curses for neglecting, 534 Deputati of Naples, 100, 101, 102, 103, 104, 105, 107 Derechos del Hombre suppressed, 471 Deserters, military, in Philippines, 303 Deza, Abp. of Indies, 192 Diaz, Diego, burnt, 235 Discordia, in the colonies, 203 Discords, intestine, in Cartagena, 485, 488 Divination with sticks, 473 Domicile, inviolability of, 11, 254 Dominicans, slain in Mantua, 133 missionaries to Indies, 192 refute Copernicus, 471 Creditors, claims of, allowed, 14, 21 Doria, Andrea, bombards Naples, 75 Crime, immunity for, 28 Dowries not to be confiscated, 14, 21 abrogated, 388 Crimes excepted from/wero, 31 Drake, John, in Peru, 357, 415 Crockery subjected to censorship, 178 Dutch, the, their attempt on Valdivia, 418 Croix, Marquis de, story of, 270 Crosses prohibited on profane objects, Duties, evasion of, in Sicily, 12, 517 265 Duzzina, Pietro, inqr. of Malta, 46 Cruz, Bart, de la, case of, 394 Cruz, Fran, de la, case of, 396 of 1746, in Lima, Cruzada, the Santa, its jurisdiction, 385 353, 370 Cuadros, Fran. Manuel de, case of, 241 Cuba, early bps. of, 195 Echarri, Secretary of Cartagena, 490, under Cartagena tribunal, 457 499 Edict of Faith in Sicily, 7 Bp. of, on commissioners, 249 in Naples, 1695, 101 Cubelles, Bp. of Malta, his Inq., 45 in Milan, 123 Cueva, Claudio de la, his visitation, 150 in Lombardy, 135 Curses for not denouncing heretics, 534 in Canaries, 142 Cuzco, episcopal Inq. in, 321, 322 in Mexico, 203, 204, 227, 290 earthquake of 1784, 354 in the Philippines, 305 in Peru, 328, 331 Francisco, his revolt, episcopal in Mexico, 211 DAGOHOY, 308 against occult arts, 391 Dealing with heretics raises suspicion, Edict of Grace in Sicily, 7 130, 137 Edon, Adam, case of, 466 Debt, arbitrary collection of, 255 Effigies, burning of, 144, 149, 152, 155 Debts, Inq. used to collect, 91, 362 Eguiluz, Paula de, case of, 464, 465 Decadence of Inq. of Sicily, 42 Elections, interference with forbidden, of Naples, 104 254 of Sardinia, 119 Embezzlement in Lima tribunal, 340, of Milan, 137 351 of Canaries, 188 in Cartagena tribunal, 487 of Mexico, 270 Embusteras in Mexico, 235 of Lima, 447 in Peru, 400 of Cartagena, 499 Emigration of converses forbidden in Defence disregarded, 230 Sicily, 7, 26 Delation, training in, 160 Encarnacion, Marfa Josepha de la, 486 Delays in trials, 237, 239, 410, 433, 443 England, its treaty of 1604, 171 to be avoided, 519 English factory in Sicily, its complaints, 41 Delgado, Rodriguez, inqr. of Lima, 352, 371 prisoners of war in Peru, 357, 414 Demon, pact with, 166 Englishmen, treatment of, in Canaries, Denunciations in Canaries, 142, 143, 153, 167, 172 147, 160 subject to censorship, 177 caused by Edict of Faith, 227 in Mexican Inq., 205, 207 duty of, 202, 423 changed treatment of, 44$ EARTHQUAKE 652 INDEX Enmity, gratification of, 161 Episcopal jurisdiction restored in Sicily, 43 Episcopal Inq. See Inq., episcopal. Episcopate, inqrs. promoted to, 201 Erasmus on external observance, 69 Escalante, inqr. of Cartagena, 500 Esparza de Pantolosa, case of, 50 Espinal, Alonso de, a missionary, 192 Espontaneados, immunity for, 245 Estrada y Escobedo, inqr., 230, 263 Evans, Katharine, in Maltese Inq., 47 Evora, Rodrigo de, case of, 201 Excommunication of judges, 32, 34, 37 of viceroys, 32, 377 of inqrs., 185 of insurgents en masse, 280 restricted by Charles V, 42 neglect of, is heresy, 91 commissioners not empowered, 301 Exemptions of officials, 20, 22, 246 from taxation, 215 from military service, 263 Exequatur required for arrests, 90, 94 formalities of, 91, 539 Rome refuses to ask for it, 95, 99 Exile as punishment, 439 Expenses of Lima Inq., 350 of Cartagena Inq., 503 Expulsion of Jews from Sicily, 3 from Naples, 53, 62, 66 Extinction of Inq. of Sicily, 43 of Naples, 106 of Sardinia, 119 of Milan, 137 of Canaries, 190 of Mexico, 298 of Peru, 450 of New Granada, 510 Extradition. See Exequatur. Familiars, illegal protection of, 251, 252 their military service, 263 deprived of fuero, 269, 388 Farmers of revenue, inqrs. as, 251 Fees in visitas de navios, 267 Ferdinand of Aragon appoints Sicilian inqrs., 1 expels Jews, 3 reorganizes Sicilian Inq., 5 enforces obedience to it, 8 gift to Queen Germaine, 12 explosion after his death, 14 desires Inq. in Naples, 50 orders payment of Pantolosa's bills, 51 disregards Gonsalvo's pledge Naples, 52 expels Jews from Naples, 53 to commissions a papal inqr., 56 attempts to introduce Spanish Inq., 57 permits papal Inq., 64 founds Inq. of Sardinia, 109 supports its jurisdiction, 110 his grants from confiscations, 112 his kindliness, 113 regulates salaries by confiscations, 114, 539 Ferdinando IV suppresses Sicilian Inq., 43 allows no Inq. in Naples, 107 Feria, Viceroy, his struggle with Inq., 34 Fernando VI on pseudo-Catholic recruits, 271 limits the fuero, 388 sustains Amusqufbar, 389 Figueroa, Bp., his quarrel with Inq., 183 Figueroa, Governor of Cartagena, 489 Finances of Sicilian Inq., 9, 12, 19, 24, 26, 27, 39 of Sardinian Inq., 109, 112, 114, 115, 116 A de Scvilla, 225 of Inq. of Canaries, 156 FABRIC * of Inq. of Mexico, 212, 225, 288 Faith, propagation of, in New of Inq. of Peru, 342, 354 World; 191 Faith not to be kept as to heresy, 52 of Inq. of New Granada, 460, 482, 487, 500 Faiardo, governor of Philippines, 310 Fine inflicted on Naples, 76 Fallet, Pierre, case of, 306 False-witness punished in Rome, 91 Fines of officials, 28 Falsification of parish registers, 434 in Sicily, 8, 10, 19 in Peru, 328, 329, 343 Familiars, their number in Sicily, 11, 13, in Cartagena, 461, 482, 493, 496 28, 31 in Sardinia, 117 Finger-rings, censorship of, 266 in Canaries, 146 selection of, by Inq., 184 Fishing-boat, in Mexico, 247, 536 Fiscal is equal of inquisitor, 365 in Peru, 330 Flemings, prosecution of, in Canaries, in New Granada, 468 171 their immunity, 27 Flores, Juan Gutierrez, inqr. of Lima, 364 their excepted crimes, 31 Flores, Manuel de, inqr. of Mexico, 289 nobles not to serve as, 42 publishes Edict of Faith, 290 tries Jos6 Maria Morelos, 291 regulations in Mexico, 247, 536 INDEX Florida, attempts to establish Inq., 457 Fonseca, Pedro de, his office, 213 Fonte, Miguel, his assassination, 111 Foreigners, treatment of, in Canaries, 167 in Peru, 332 in army, danger from, 271 Fos, Pierre, case of, 413 Fragata de la Inquisition, 92 Franciscan missionaries to Indies, 191 Francisco de San Jose", Fray, his sermons 307 Frauds in bankruptcies, 41 II, his forged decree, 1 Free-Masonry in Mexico, 274 Frenchmen in Mexico, their influence, Frederic 553 Gonsalvo de Cordova, his pledge to Naples, 52 Gonzaga, Guillelmo, Duke of Mantua, 133 Gozo, inqr., appointed Gran for, 1 Corte, conflicts with Inq., 29 Granero, Alonso, inqr. of Mexico, 201 Granvelle, Card., Viceroy of Naples, 88 Gregory XIII grants bps. jurisdiction over Indians, 210 Greek Christians, trials of, 240, 434 Grisons, their relations with Milan, 122, 129 their territory violated, 135 Grosero, inqr., complains of bps., 36 Guadalupe, Our Lady of, 280 272 Guancavelica, mines of, 356, 359 Fuensaldafia, Governor of Sinaloa, 249 Guerra de Latras, inqr. of Cartagena, Fuero of Inq. in Sicily, 10 488, 489 Guerro, Abp., on New Granada, 456 suspended and restored, 22, 24 Guerrero, Abp. of Philippines, 309 grants immunity to crime, 28, 30 restricted by Charles VI, 41 Guigue, Franpois, case of, 317 abuses of, in Naples, 100 Guirior, Viceroy, on the clergy, 514 in the Colonies, 246 Gutierrez de la Rosa, Bp., his quarrels, abuses in Mexico, 248 185 in Peru, 334, 382, 386 limited by Carlos III, 269 83 TTABITELLO, by Fernando VI, 388 ** Handkerchiefs, censorship of, 446 Funez, Diego Ortiz, inqr. of Canaries, 145, 147, 149, 156, 162, 177, 181 Havana, commissioner of, 249 confiscations in, 501 Furniture, censorship of, 265 Hawkins, Sir John, his men, 205, 207 Hawkins, Richard, his expedition, 416 280 Henriquez, Camilo, case of, 446 f^ACHUPINES, ^-* Gage, Thomas, on Indian idolatry, Henriquez, Manuel, case of, 433 211 Heresy, prevalence of, in Lombardy, 122 of Inaians, subject to bps., 210 Gaitan, Andre's Juan, inqr. of Lima, 363, 364 of popular sovereignty, 275 Heretics, dealings with, unlawful, 50 Galleys, punishment of, 431 for solicitation, 395 their children seized, 106, 136 Garcia de Arias, burnt, 236 relations with forbidden, 129, 130, 137 Garcia, Comr. of Cumana, 454 kidnapping them, 134, 136 Garfias, Isabel de, her convent, 151 foreign, in Canaries, 167 Garza, Costanza, case of, 144 Hidalgo, Miguel, case of, 276 edicts against him, 279, 281, 539 Gasco, Fray Alonso, case of, 396, 398 Hieronimo da Verona, his sermons, 15 Caspar, George, his burning, 153 Geltruda, burnt in 1724, 40 Higuera y Amarilla, inqr., 230, 263 Germaine, Queen, gift to, 12 Hispanola, bishoprics in, 192 case of Pedro de Leon, 195 Gesuald, burnt for Lutheranism, 45 See Pius V. Ghislieri, Michele. Hollanders, cases of, in Canaries, 167 Gianbattista da Cremona, Inq.-genl. Holy See, effect of Spanish Inq. on, of Milan, 123 Giberti, Bp., overrides the exequatur, 99 expelled from Naples, 100 Girgenti, Bp. of, his quarrel with Inq., 37 Giron, Governor of Cartagena, 475 Girard, Jacques, case of, 93 Gomera, departure of Columbus, 139 Gomez, Juan, alumbrado, 235 128 Huerta, Gaspar de la, case of, 398 Hurtado, Fray Juan, on Indians, 209 TBANEZ, GASPAR, 1 inqr. of Lima, 365, 366 Idolatry of Indians, 211 Ilarduy, receiver of Lima, 351, 352, 367 Ilarduy, inqr. of Cartagena, 468 - - INDEX 554 in Mexico, 235, 240 in Philippines, 305 in Peru, 406 Uluminism Inquisition, episcopal, in Lombardy, 131, 135 in the Canaries, 140, 145 in Mexico, 195, 199, 210, 211, 280 Images, sacred, on profane objects, 265 in the Philippines, 299 Immaculate Conception in Philippines, in China, 317 307 in Peru, 321, 325, 412 Immigration of Portuguese in Peru, 422 in New Granada, 454, 510 Immunity granted byfuero, 28, 30, 245, 249 Inquisition of Malta, 44 396 Inquisition of Mexico, 191 Impostors, mystic, 235, exercised by bishops, 196 Independence of colonial tribunals, 203, established in 1571, 200 331 oath of, required, 507 Index Librorum Prohibitorum colonies, 204 in the Indians, their readiness for conversion, 191 their idolatry, 211 exempt from Inq., 209, 332 repartimientos of, 215 sorcery among, 228 judiciable for sorcery, 391 offences against, 247 failure of missions, 458, 514, 515 Indies, New Christians forbidden access to, 193, 419 Concordia of 1553 extended to, 197, 247, 330 Concordias of 1610 and 1633, 218, 251, 254, 267 Council of, its complaints, 220, 255, 314, 345, 476, 477, 480, 484, 488, 503, 512 inqrs. of, 195 Innocent XII defends Inq. of Naples, 100 Inquisition of Canaries, 139 founded in 1505, 140 dependent on Seville, 141 activity of Inqr. Ximenes, 142 prosecution of slaves, 144, 148, 149, 152, 159 its suspension, 145 its reorganization, 146 its building, 146, 157 visitations, 149 active persecution, 152 finances, 156 Judaizers, 158 trivial denunciations, 160 beatas revelanderas, 162 solicitation, 163 sorcery, 165 foreign heretics, 167 censorship, 176 conflicts of jurisdiction, 180 190 suppression, 189, Inquisition, episcopal, in Naples, 64, 66, 71, 78, 79, 84, 86, 92, 100, 102, 103, 104, 107 in Sardinia, 117 its installation, 202 its organization, 204 auto of 1574, 205 of 1596 and 1601, 207 its activity, 209 Indians exempt from, 209 finances, 212 early poverty, 213 Indian repartimientos, 215 concealment of confiscations, 216 grant of prebends, 217 dispute over subvention, 217 219, 223 large confiscations, 219 its sequestrations, 223 its wealth, 225, 288 cases in 1626, 226 inactivity, 227, 240 persecution of Judaizers, 229 autos of 1646-1649, 219, 230 of 1659, 234 solicitation, 241, 271, 272 conflicts of jurisdiction, 245 concordia of 1610, 251 competencias, 252 concordia of 1633, 254 quarrels with bishops, 257 Medina Rico, 261 military service, 263 censorship, 264 influence of Bourbon dynasty, 267 visitation of decadence in 18th century, 270 activity, 272, 275 C"tical public auto in 1795, 273 subordination to State, 275 case of Miguel Hidalgo, 276 suppression in 1813, 288 revived in 1815, 290 case of Jos6 Maria Morelos, 291 final extinction, 297 survival of fanaticism, 298 Inquisition of Milan, 121 its early difficulties, 122 prevalence of heresy, 123 can Carlo Borromeo becomes Abp., 123 II proposes Spanish Inq., 125 popular opposition, 126 project abandoned, 128, 529 Philip INDEX 555 New Granada, quarrel with Bp. Benavides, 491 arrogance and decadence, 498, 504 poverty, 506, 509 suppressed by Maria Teresa, 137 moves to Santa Marta in 1812, 507 Inquisition of Naples, 49 returns to Cartagena in 1815, 509 Gonsalvo's pledge regarding it, 52 abolished by United States of Colomdisregarded by Ferdinand, 54 bia in 1821, 510 papal Inq. active, 56, 64 attempt to introduce Spanish Inq., 57 Inquisition of Peru, 319 episcopal Inq., 321, 325 popular opposition successful, 58 Inq. established, 326 exemption from Inq. claimed, 63 auto of 1573, 328 refugees from Sicily, 63, 65 organization, 329 papal Inq. accepted, 64 extent of district, 333 its inertness, 65 Charles V orders Inq. introduced, 70 commissioners, 334 subdivision proposed, 337 censorship introduced, 70, 84 finances, 342 Inq. attempted indirectly, 71 remonstrance of Piazze, 72 quarrels over subvention, 342, 344 concealment of receipts, 342, 345, popular rising and slaughter, 73 348 envoys sent to Charles V, 74 unsuccessful fighting, 75 increasing income, 343 resistance abandoned, 76 suppression of canonries, 346 Roman Inq. introduced, 78 gains from auto of 1639, 347 its prisoners sent to Rome, 79, 88 from other sources, 349 revenue and expenses, 350 persecution of Waldenses, 79 mixture of jurisdictions, 86 mismanagement and peculation, 351 popular hatred, 88 exequatur required, 90, 94, 527 property at suppression, 354 character of inqrs. Cerezuela, Ulloa, popular spirit broken, 92 355 papal commissioners admitted, 92 assume inquisitorial powers, 94, Prado sent as visitador, 357 his charges against Ulloa, 358 96,98 refuse to ask for exequatur, 95 Ulloa's sentence, 360 Roman Ina. established, 96 he visits the district, 361 its procedure, 97 Ordonez, his greed, 362 Inqr. Piazza expelled, 99 Verdugo, Gaitan, Manozca, 363 Roman Inq. expelled, 100 deplorable condition of tribunal, Edict of Faith in 1695, 101 364 Roman Inq. returns, 102 quarrels of inqrs., 366 visitation of Arenaza, 368 episcopal Inq. developed, 103 traffic in offices, 372 suppressed by Carlo VII, 107 Inquisition of New Granada, 453 quarrels with authorities, 373 under commissioners, 454 conflicts of jurisdiction, 381 for demand Fernando VI limits the fuero, 388 tribunal, 455 of its extent district, 457 quarrels with Abp. Barroeta, 389 endeavors to include Florida, 458 functions in matters of faith, 390 tribunal founded in 1610, 460 bigamy, blasphemy, sorcery, 391 its royal subvention, 460 propositions, 392 461 solicitation, 393 early operations, and 462 witchcraft, sorcery mystic impostors, 396 465 Quietism, 406 blasphemy, autos of 1622 and 1626, 466 auto de fe of 1736, 410 sack of Cartagena in 1697, 467 Protestantism, 412 decadence in 18th century, 468 prisoners of war, 414 Judaism, 419 censorship, 470 auto de fe of 1639, 425, 435, 438 quarrels with the authorities, 473, 484 visitation of Martin Real, 481 punishments, 437 of Medina Rico, 485 censorship, 444 decadence and suppression, 447 quarrels continue, 488 intestine, 485, 488, 490 re-establishment, 448 degradation of tribunal, 489 extinction, 450 Inquisition of Milan, commerce with Switzerland, 129, 530 episcopal Inq., 131 Inquisition of INDEX 556 of Peru, personnel 451 work accomplished, 451 Inquisition of Philippines, 299 299 episcopal Inq., commissioner sent there, 300 his functions, 301 inactivity, 304 censorship, 306 conflicts of jurisdiction, 308 Inquisition and Inquisition salaries, of Sicily, quarrels bishops, 35 activity in 17th century, 39 under Savoy and Austria, 40 under Carlos III, 42 with suppressed in 1782, 43 statistics, 44 wants evidence from Calabria, 52 refugees in Naples, 63 makes arrests in Calabria, 89 imprisonment of Governor Salcedo, Inquisitors acquire bishoprics, 201 of Peru, their character, 355 311 of Cartagena, 473, 479, 485 destruction of records, 317 Inquisition, Roman, organized, 70, 121 Insane, punishment of, 38, 235, 236, 238, in 135 239, 329, 397, 410, 420 Rome, 80, 88, burnings introduced in Naples, 78 Insanity procures exemption, 392 case suspended for, 432 sentences Waldenses, 83 its prisoners sent to Rome, 87, 88, 91 Installation of Mexican Inq., 202 of Peruvian, 328 its arrests require exequatur, 89, 90 used to collect debts, 91 Instructions, Sicilian, 13, 18, 518 punishes false-witness, 91 regular service of vessels, 91 commissioners established in Naples, 92 assume to be inqrs., 94, 96, 98 refuses to ask for exequatur, 95 established in Naples, 96 expelled in 1692, 100 Edict of Faith in 1695, 101 publishes is again introduced, 102 Charles VI rejects it, 103 objects to Spanish Inq., 125 obstructs trade with heretics, 131 Inquisition of Sardinia, 109 conflicts of jurisdiction, 110 productive confiscations, 112 two inqrs. tried, 114 impoverishment, 114, 115, 116 Charles V stimulates activity, 115 its inefficiency, 116 multiplication of officials, 117 under House of Savoy, 119 disappears its Inquisition of Sicily, 1 its finances, 5, 9, 12, 19, 24, 27 reorganized in 1500, 6 a house provided, 7 reorganized in 1510, 9 activity in 1513, 12 complaints of abuses, 13, 21, 22, 26 special, for colonies, 203 Insurgents excommunicated en masse, 280 their documents condemned, 291 Inviolability of officials' houses, 11, 254, 386, 517 Irazabal, auditor, his knavery, 352 Irregularities of procedure in Lima, 411, 436, 437 Irreverence, cases of, in Canaries, 161, 168, 178 Isabella of Castile conquers Canaries, 139 her zeal for the faith in the Indies, 191 in China, "JANSENISM Jesuits, drowning of, 318 168 persecute Bp. Palafox, 258 their expulsion from Mexico, 270 their precautions against solicitation, 303 their immunity, 305, 399 their rule in Bonol, 308 in Paraguay, 258 persecution of Abp. Corcuera, 309 incensed against Inq., 367 favor visitor Arenaza, 369 resent the trial of Ulloa, 411 reforms attempted, 13, 517 their superiority, 515 suspended by rising in 1516, 15 Jew held for ransom, 143 restored in 1519 its activity, 17 Card. Adrian tries to reform it, 18 Jewelry, censorship of, 265 Jews of Sicily, persecution in 1474, 2 Abp. Manrique also tries, 19, 518 fuero of officials suspended, 22 expulsion in 1492, 3 number of, in Naples, 49 resistance to sanbenitos, 24 their compulsory oaptism, 50 continued activity, 24, 26, 27 contests with secular authorities, 25, expulsion from Naples, 53, 62, 64, 66 29, 31, 34,37 persecution in 1571, 87 allowed in Cartagena, 469 number of familiars, 28 claims obedience of its subjects, 33 Jimeno, Sancho, 468 INDEX 557 Joanna II suppresses Jewish usury, 49 Licences to bear arms, 13 to read prohibited books, 178 Juan Bautista de Cardenas, alumbrado, 240 Juan, Jorje, on Peruvian clergy, 514 Juana of Naples, her bills of exchange, 51 Judrez, Pedro, case 199 207 of, to visit heretic lands, 130, 136 for sailing, 254 to leave Canaries, 142 to leave Mexico, 204 to leave Peru, 333, 427 Luna, Inq. of, its records, 320 council of 1583, 321 evidences of, 434 Judaizers in Sicily, 12, 22, 24, 27 (See Inquisition of Peru). in Naples, 50, 64 Limpieza required in Peru, 331 in Canaries, 142, 144, 158 Lizardi, Ferndndez de, case of, 273 in the New World, 193 Llano Valde"s, Francisco de, 478 in Mexico, 196, 226, 227, 228, 230, Loaisa, Abp., holds auto de fe, 321 Lobaton, Juan and Martin, case of, 382 235, 271 one relaxed in 1792, 273 Loeb, Isidor, number of Sicilian Jews, 3 in Philippines, 304 Lombardy, its relations with Switzerin Peru, 327, 329, 337, 344, 419 land, 121, 129 in New Granada, 455, 466, 469, 501 precautions against foreign heretics, 129, 530 Judges, excommunication of, 32, 34, 37, 184, 187 Lopez de Aponte, case of, 235 courtesy enjoined towards, 254 L6pez, Luis, S. J., case of, 396, 399 Julius II persecutes Jews of Benevento, Los Tres Reyes, case of, 172 53 Louisiana Purchase, censorship in, 274 Inq. attempted there, 459 opposes Spanish Inq. for Naples, 57, 61 Louis XII, his bargain with Ferdinand, Julius III, his bull on impeding Inq., 78 52 abolishes confiscation in Naples, 79, Loyola y Haro, Juan de, case of, 436 86 Lugardi, Enrico, revives Sicilian Inq., 1 Jurisdiction over clerics, 36 Lujan, Felipe de, his proposition, 392 in Lutheranism persecuted in Sicily, 24 secular, over heresy Naples, 66 in Naples, 69 temporal, of Inq., 245 Judaism in Mexico, profits of, 27 restricted, 41, 269, 388 suspended in Sicily, 22, 24 in Mexico in 18th century, 268, 269 Jurisdictions, multiplied, in Spanish Colonies, 511 La Guardia, Waldenses of, 81, 82, Lazaeta, inqr. of Cartagena, 467, 499, solicitation, 164, 243, 393, for sorcery, 439, 463 for blasphemy, 465 Leon Colorado, case of, 169 Leon, Pedro de, case of, 195 Leon, Sanchp de Herrera, case of, 160 Leon y Saravia, Governor of Philippines, 316 Leopoldo da S. Pasquale, case Libra, value of, 6 in Colonies, 200 DE MALDONADO 423 SILVA, case of, Malta, inqr. appointed Inq. of, 44 Malvicino, Valerio, persecutes Walden- 83 Lamport, William, case of, 236 Lanzarote, bishopric founded in, 140 Las Casas, his inql. jurisdiction, 197 on capacity of Indians, 211 Las Palmas captured by Dutch, 146 500 Leniency for 395 of, for, 1 T ABOR, enforced, of Indians, 215 " dread of, 107 ses, 81, 82, 84 Mancera, Viceroy, on expenses of Inq., 222 complains of Inq., 255 speculates on the Portuguese, 433 Manozca, Juan de, inqr. of Lima, 364 of Cartagena, 460 his injustice, 461 objects to prosecuting sorcery, 463 complaints of him, 473 transferred to Lima, 476 is Abp. of Mexico, 257 Mafiozca, Juan Saenz de, 230, 263 Manrique, Abp., his Sicilian Instructions, 19, 518 Manrique, Francisco, Comr. of Philippines, 300 Manso, Bp. Alfonso, as inqr., 195 Manso, Giacomo, inqr. of Sicily, 2 Mantua, Inq. enforced there, 133 Marcategui, Ant. de, case of, 385 558 INDEX Maria Teresa suppresses Inq. of Milan, Montoro, 137 Marignano, Franciscan Guardian of, his escape, 124 Marin, Sancho, inqr. of Sardinia, 109 transferred to Sicily, 5 MarinaBiis Siculus, his pension, 8 Martin, Diego, Governor of Buenos Ayres, 421 Martin de Valencia as inqr., 196 Matteo da Reggio, inqr. in Naples, 49 Mattos, Fran. Rodriguez, case of, 208 Mazza, Agostino, case of, 98 Media aftata, 225 Medina, J. T., his works, 320 Medina Rico, his visitation in Cartagena, 485 transferred to Mexico, 488 his Mexican visitation, 230 his arbitrary action, 255 on persecution of Palafox, 258 tries case of Juan de la Camara, 261 Melgarejo, Luisa, case of, 400 Melgarejo, Rodrigo Ortiz, case of, 394 Membretes, 228 Mendoza, Bp. of Popayan, 473 Mercader, Benito, visitor of Sicily, 19 Mercantile cases exempted from fuero, 41,43 Bp., Sicily, appointed inqr. of 6 of Naples, 57, 58 Montufar, Abp., as inqr., 197 his censorship, 264 Moorish slaves, cases of, 144, 145, 159 forbidden to go to colonies, 194 Morals, censorship of, 446, 471 Morales, Padre, excites revolt, 308 Moreion, Catalina, 356 Morelos, Jos6 Marfa, case of, 292 Moreno y Escandon, his report, 513 Moriscos in Canaries, 144, 145, 147, 160 Mormile, Cesare, 73, 74 Moro sailors, their pagan rites, 305 Mota, David de la, 469 Moya de Contreras, inqr. of Mexico, 200, 206 Moyen, Franfois, case of, 439 Multiplicity of jurisdictions, 511 Munoz, Diego, his censorship, 266 Murga, Bp. of Canaries, 146, 184 Murga, Governor of Cartagena, 476 Murgier, Jean Marie, case of, 272 Muros, Bp. of Canaries, as inqr., 140 Mussumefli, Count, case of, 29 Mutineers, naval, in Vera Cruz, 268 Mutis, Jos6 Celestino, case of, 471 Mystic impostors in Mexico, 235 in Peru, 396 Merchants, heretic, residence of, 136 Messina receives the Inq., 17 Mexico, growth of the Church, 193 sanbenitos in cathedral, 196 ~W"APLES, its conquest by Ferdinand, apprehension of Protestants, 200 its municipal organization, 54 (See Inq. of Mexico). tumult of 1547, 72 Mier, G6mez de, inqr. of Cartagena, 489, 490, 491 English girl abducted in 1746, 106 Mier Noriega y Guerra, case of, 297 (See Inquisition of Naples). See Inq. of Milan. Milan. Nava, Antonio, case of, 104 Military service of officials, 263, 357 Negro slaves in Canaries, 148, 159 Mir6, Estevan, Governor of Louisiana, New Christians banished from Naples, 459 62, 64 Mission from Naples to Ferdinand, 60 forbidden to leave Canaries, 142 to Charles V, 74, 76 not allowed in the Colonies, 193, Missionaries to West Indies, 192 419 character of, in Colonies, 319 New Granada, the earliest Spanish Missions, unsuccess of, 514, 515 settlement, 453 Modena, Bp. of, inqr. in Milan, 121 description of its people, 461 revolution of 1810, 506 Moles, Antonio, as confiscator, 84 Molinism in Peru, 400 its condition in 1772, 513 Moncada, Hugo de, Viceroy of Sicily, 14 (See Inquisition of New Granada). Monge, D. Miguel, his book on Inq., 41 New Mexico, Governor of, arrested, 256 Monox, Edward, case of, 171 Nicholas V sends inqr. to Naples, 49 Montalto, Waldenses of, 81, 82 Monterey, Viceroy, defends the exequa- Nobles as familiars, 28, 30, 32, 42 Nuevo Reino de Granada, 453 tur, 95 Monterey, Viceroy, warned to favor Number of Sicilian Jews, 3 of familiars allowed, 13 Inq., 374 in Sicily, 28, 31 Montesalto, Duchess of, 85 in Sardinia, 117 Montesclaros, Viceroy, complains of in Canaries, 146 Inq., 380 INDEX Number of in Mexico, 247, familiars 559 Palafox, Bp. Juan de, his persecution, 257 536 in Peru, 330 in New Granada, 468 AATH of obedience to Inq., 11, 202, 534 of independence in New Granada, 507 Oaxaca, Bp. of, penances Indians, 211 Obregon, Diego de, receiver of Sicily, 6, v 9, 12 Occult arts, Edict of Faith against, 391 Ochino, Bernardino, 69, 70 Officials, crimes of, 14 engage in trade, 21 their exemptions, 22, 380 their fuero, 22, 24, 245 hostility towards them, 23, 26 their excepted crimes, 31, 247, 330 their abuses in Naples, 100 in the Colonies, 251, 498 multiplication in Sardinia, 117, 119 royal safeguard for, 202 their immunities, 246 subordinated to State, 275 not to receive commissions, 521 not to receive presents, 523 Offices, traffic in, 372 Olivares, Viceroy, rebukes the Inq., 33 Olivitos, Angela, case of, 400 Onza of Sicily, 5 Opinions, political, prosecution for, 273 Orders, Religious, laxity in, 244, 515 complain of Manozca, 474 Ord6nez, Comr., arrests governor, 256 Ordonez appointed inqr. of Lima, 360 secures a legacy, 344 his greed, 362 made Abp. of Santafe", 363 on solicitation, 394 Organization of Mexican Inq., 204, 289 of Lima Inq., 350, 451 of city of Naples, 54 Ortiz, Juan, inqr. of Cartagena, 479, 482, 486, 487 Ortiz, Tomas, as inqr., 196 Osuna, Viceroy, his obsequiousness, 93 Ottine of Naples, 55 Ovalle, Manuel de, S. J., 407, 410 Oviedo, Rodrigo de, 479, 484, 486, 487 Ozaeta, Pablo de, inqr. of Cartagena, 499, 500 DE SANTA pABLO Pact with MARIA, 423 demon, 166 Padilla, Jos6 de, inqr. of Cartagena, 489, 490, 491 Padilla, Luis de, inqr. of Canaries, 144 Palacios, Andre's, 57, 60, 63 his Ejercicios devotos suppressed, 471 Palermo, rising in 1511, 11 complaints of Inq., 13 rising in 1516, 15 auto de fe of 1724, 40 Panama, alguazil in, 331 under Cartagena tribunal, 457 Pantelaria, inqr. appointed for, 1 Pantolosa the Neapolitan banker, 50 Panza, commissioner, 82, 86 Paolo d'Arezzo, mission to Philip II, 86, 525 Paolo Sarpi, on trade with heretics, 137 Papal Inq. in Naples controlled by viceroy, 56 Paraguay, Jesuits in, 258 Parliament of Naples in 1536, 66 Sicilian, complaints of, 13, 21, 22, 26 Pascale, Giovan Luigi, burnt, 80 Pastry, sacred heads in, 266 Paternina, Commissioner of Philippines, 311 Paul III organizes Roman Inq., 70 his relations with Naples, 76 stimulates Inq. of Sardinia, 117 stimulates persecution in Milan, 121 forbids New Christians to go to America, 194 on capacity of Indians, 210 Paul IV introduces Roman Inq. in Naples, 78 restores confiscation, 79 coerces Abp. of Sassari, 117 degrades Bp. of Brescia, 122 stimulates persecution in Milan, 123 Paul V intervenes in Sardinia, 118 Pay-roll of Neapolitan Inq., 57 of Sardinian, 114 of Mexican, 289 of Peruvian, 350, 451 Payta, English descent on, 375 Pearls, confiscated, sent to Ferdinand, 112 Peculation in Inq. of Sicily, 19, 521 in Inq. of Peru, 340, 351 in Inq. of Cartagena, 487 Pedro de Cordova, a missionary, 192, 195 Pelayo, Nofre, case of, 51 Penitents, labor required of, 19 their transportation, 234, 235 pelting of, prohibited, 432, 438 Pena, Antonio de la, inqr. of Sicily, 2 Penaranda, Viceroy, expels Piazza, 99 Peralta, inqr. of Mexico, 207, 208 Peralta, Governor, his arrest, 256 Pereira Castro, inqr. of Cartagena, 483, 485, 486, 487, 488 Pereyns, Simon, case of, 198 INDEX 560 V Pe"rez, Manuel Bautista, case of, 431 Peru, episcopal inq. in, 197, 321 royal rebuke of inqrs., 251 irreverent use of crosses, 266 its condition in 16th century, 319 Philip represses the Lima Inq., 384 Philippines, canonries in, 217 solicitation in, 243, 302 (See Inq. of Philippines). Phillips, Miles, his account of auto of (See Inquisition of Peru). Pestilence, atonement for, 143 Petronila de San Esteban, a beata, 163 Petronio, Bp., calls himself inqr., 94 Peyote, use of, in Mexico, 228 Philip II orders officials protected, 23 restores the fuero, 25 1574, 205 Piazza, Bp., establishes a tribunal, 98 is expelled, 99 Piazze of Naples, 54 Pielago, secretary, as office broker, 372 Pimienta, Governor of Cartagena, 499 Pinto, Paz, case of, 466 Piracy in Canaries, 168 humiliates Viceroy Terranova, 25 orders the Inq. aided, 26 rebukes Viceroy Alba, 29 makes concession to justice, 30 his assurance to Naples, 86, 525 asks aid for Sardinian Inq., 116 proposes Spanish Inq. for Milan, 125 abandons the project, 128, 529 sustains Inq. of Canaries, 180 zeal for the faith in the New World, 191 forbids New Christians access to colonies, 194 regulates familiars in colonies, 197, 247, 536 fears Protestantism in Colonies, 200 founds Inq. in Mexico, 203 exempts Indians from his Inq., 210 grant to Inq. of Mexico, 212 suppresses episcopal Inq. in Philippines, 301 founds Inq. of Peru, 326 royal protection for officials, 374 refuses tribunal to New Granada, 456 Philip III, his instructions for Sicily, 33 his circular letter to viceroys, 35 efforts to learn receipts, 216, 344 issues Concordia of 1610, 251 regulates competencias, 253 excludes Bibles from colonies, 267 royal protection for officials, 374 his subvention for Cartagena tribunal, 460, 500 IV orders the via ordinaria, 99 Philip enforces the exequatur, 95 subjects inqrs. to alcavala, 215 claims return of subvention, 220 demands accounts from tribunals, 216, 221, 345, 348 his gratification at autos, 233, 240 regulates competencias, 253 issues Concordia of 1633, 254 on Philippine commissioners, 310 proposes subdivision of Peru, 338 on secret prison of Cartagena, 480 on visitation of Martin Real, 481, 484 V abandons Naples, 102 Philip orders foreigners expelled, 176 rebukes Inq. of Canaries, 187 Pius IV opposes Spanish Inq., 86 agrees to it, for Milan, 125 Pius V objects to exequatur, 90 as inqr. of Como, 122 his decree as to Inq., 132, 531 proposes Spanish Inq. for Venice, 132 his quarrel with Mantua, 133 his advice as to the Indies, 199 Pizarro, Maria, case of, 396 Placido di Sangro sent to Charles V, 74, 76,77 Plata, Juan, case of, 242 Poblete, Jose" Millan de, 313, 316 Pointis, Baron de, captures Cartagena, 467 Poisonings in Cartagena, 486 Political functions of Canary tribunal, 190 of Mexican tribunal, 272, 275 Ponte y Andrade, inqr. of Lima, 365 Popular sovereignty a heresy, 275 Portorubio, Bp. of Malta, as inqr., 46 Portuguese Judaizers, 229 complaints in Peru of, 337, 341, 421 ordered to leave Peru, 433 prosecuted in New Granada, 466 Poverty of Mexican Inq., 213 Prado sent as visitador to Peru, 357 on commissioners, 335 his charges against Ulloa, 358 Ulloa's charges against him, 359 his proposed reforms, 360 prosecutes viceroy, 376 Pragmatic sanction of 1732, 42 Pralboino, Claudio, escapes burning, 123 Prebends for colonial tribunals, 216, 347, 501, 503, 504, 508 Precautions against heretics in Lombardy, 135, 530 Precedence in competencias, 253, 267 in bull-fights, 254 Pre-emption forbidden, 251, 254 Printing-office, none in Cartagena, 470 Prison, secret, in Canaries, 157, 158 confinement in, 480 penitential, in Mexico, 214 Prisoners, cost of maintenance, 353 care for them, 519, 521 INDEX Prisoners, English, claimed by Inq., 357 of war, trials of, in Peru, 414 their rights respected, 418 Privileges of officials in Sicily, 10 in the colonies, 245 Procedure of Roman Inq., 97 of episcopal Inq., 105 Profits of jurisdiction, 28 Prohibited books, strictness as to, 274 given to Archbishop, 289 in Philippines, 306 Propagandism, Protestant, dread of, Property, efforts to conceal, 427 Receivership, dangers of 111, 114 Reconciliation entails confiscation, 421 Records of the tribunals, 190, 288, 298, , 317, 320 Recruits pretending Catholicism, 271 Reforms attempted yi Sicily, 13, 18, 518 proposed, in Peru, 360* Refugees from Sicily in Naples, 64, 65 Reggio, persecution in, 86 arrests by Sicilian Inq., 89 Registers, parish, falsified, 434 imperfect, 514 Relaxations in Canaries, 154 Remittances from Mexico, 219, 221, 224, 225 Propositions, heretical, 392, 441, 455, in Canaries, 160 Repartimientos of Indians, 215 Requisitions by Inq., 251, 252, 254 Resistance to sanbenitos, 24 Revolution, French, influence of, 272 Revolution of Mexico, its ferocity, 281 470 Renegades Protestantism, dread of, 200 Protestants, in Canaries, 167, 175 in Mexico, 198, 205, 207, 208, 226 in Peru, 321, 325 in New Granada, 466 Punishment, capricious, in Lima, 437 Purchase of offices, 372 AUAKERESSES in Maltese Inq., 47 H! 561 Quarantine against heretics in Lombardy, 530 Quarrels with bishops, 35, 182, 257, 476, 491 of inqrs., 355, 359, 363, 366, 479, 485, 488, 490 with authorities, 373, 473, 484, 488 financial, in Mexico, 212, 217 Quebrantamientos de escrituras de juego, 349 Queipo, Bp. of Mechoacan, 275, 290 Quemadero in Mexico, 206 Queretaro, censorship in, 266 Quevedo, Juan, Bp. of Cuba, 195 Quicksilver, distribution of, 255 Quietism of Juan de Valdes, 68 Quietists in Sardinia, 119 in Peru, 406, 410 Quinonss, Dr., his confiscation, 343 Quiroga, Inq.-genl., his letter to Bp. of New Granada, 506 Reyes, Luisa de los, a beata, 304 Ribagorza, Viceroy, controls papal Inq., 56, 524 Ribera, Teodoro de, case of, 392 Riciullo, Bp., acts as inqr., 96 Rio de Janeiro, Portuguese arrested, 421 Rising of 1516 in Palermo, 15 of 1547, in Naples, 72 Rivas, Geronimo, case of, 375 Roda, Giacomo, inqr. of Sicily, 2 Rodriguez, Juan, his complaint, 266 Rodriguez, Rafael Gil, case of, 273 Roelas, Alonso de las, case of, 161 Rojas, Jos6 Ant., sentenced for liberalism, 273 Rome, citations to, 89 prisoners sent there, 79 burnings in, 80, 88, 135 Romero, the sisters, embusteras, 235, 239 Romo, Bartolo, alcaide, 367 Romualdo, Fra, burnt in 1724, 40 O Vera, 181 AFEGUARD, royal, for officials, 202 Quiros, Bernardo de, Inqr. of CartaSagro Monte della Pieta in Naples, 67 gena, 489, 490, 491 Quito, Bp. Pefia of, his legacy, 344 Sailors, foreign, prosecution of, 169 ^ Sola DANZANO, 2 Bp., inqr. of Sicily, **' Real, Martin, his visitation, 348, 481, 483 Real estate, alienations of, 14 Rebeldia, 182 Rebiba, Scipione, in Naples, 78 reflexa, 387 Salaries of Sicilian tribunal, 6, 9 of Sardinian tribunal, 109 regulated by confiscations, 114, 528 for Inq. of Naples, 57 in Mexico, 212, 289 in Peru, 350, 451 Salas y Pedroso, inqr. of Cartagena, 488, 489 Recalde, Fray Joseph, case of, 449 Receipts, statements of, refused, 216, Salar, Bp. of Manila, his Inq., 299 219, 345, 504 Salazar, Luis Ruiz de, case of, 152 36 INDEX 562 Salcedo, Governor of Philippines, his Sequestrations not applicable to prisoners of war, 417 imprisonment, 311 Servants of officials, their privileges, 31, Salcedo, inqr. of Cartagena, 460, 476 Salerno, Prince of, sent to Charles V, 74 245, 474 Saldana, Fray Juan de, case of, 242 Sessa, Duke of, Governor of Milan, 127, Salice, Hercole, a heretic, 129 128, 129 Salinas, Dr., 360, 376, 379 Seville, composition of, 193 in Vera its jurisdiction over Canaries, 141 Salinas, Gregorio de, comr. Cruz, 268 Sgalambro, Dr., inqr. of Sicily, 6, 8 in Sanbenitos, opposition to, Sicily, 15, Shaw, Robert, case of, 413 24, 523 Sheep given to a Jew, 143 for Waldehses, 83 Ships, detention of, 252, 254, 333 discarded from churches in Canaries, Sickness, efforts to convert in, 175 188 Sinaloa, governor of, excommunicated, 249 burnt, 189 in Mexican cathedral, 196, 226 Sixtus IV asks Inq. for Sicily, 1 use made of them, 289 Sixtus V places a commissioner in of Morelos, 296 Naples, 92 of prisoners of war, 417 Slavery, escape from, is apostasy, 149 Sanchez, Miguel, case of, 113 Slaves, Christian, sold by Inq., 19, 520 in Canaries, 144, 148, 149, 152, 159 Sanders, John, case of, 145, 168 of officials, their immunity, 251, 474 San Lorenzo, Tribunale de, 55 their exemption abrogated, 388 San Sisto, Waldenses of, 81, 82, 83 false witness of, 437 Santa Clara, nuns of at Cartagena, 491, , negro, in New Granada, 462 Snuff-boxes, censorship of, 178 Sobranis, Ana de, a beata, 183 Socaya, inqr. of Cartagena, 483 Solicitation in Canaries, 163 in Mexico, 227, 228, 241, 271 Santangel, Luis de, refuses Pantolosa's in Philippines, 302 bills, 51 in Peru, 344, 393 Santiago, commissioner of Chile, 346 Santo Domingo, subject to Lima, 333 Solis, Jose, case of, 407, 410 to Cartagena, 457 Soranzo Bp. of Brescia, case of, 122 Jews allowed in, 469 Sorcery in Naples, 101 in Canaries, 147, 148, 165 St. Augustine, attempts to found Inq. in Mexico, 206, 228 there, 458 in Peru, 391, 439 St. John, Order of, in Malta, 45 See Inq. of Sardinia. in New Granada, 462 Sardinia. Sartolo, Bernardo, S. J., 405 Soto, Juan de, case of, 160 Savoy, Sicilian Inq. under, 40 Spinelli, Abp., his Inq., 104 obtains Sardinia, 119 forced to resign, 107 Scrutinium Scripturarum, 423 Spinello, lord of La Guardia, 80, 85 493 Santa Cruz, Domingo de, case of, 110 Santa Marta, Diego de, case of, 166 Santa Marta, see of, 453 bishop of, 492, 493, 494 Stevenson, W. B., 373, 447 Stomeo, Giantonio, case of, 94 Atoning penitents prohibited, 432, 438 Suarez de Figueroa, inqr. of Cartagena, Scourging in Mexico, 206 in Peru, 431, 438 Sebastian, Inqr., attacked, 23 his activity, 26 Secretaries of Suprema, payments to, Secular jurisdiction 524 Naples, 56, 66, over heresy Sedelia, Ant. de, inqr. of Louisiana, Seggi of Naples, 54 Sentence of Waldenses, 83 of Morelos, 298 of Fran9ois Moyen, 443 495, 498 Subdivision of Peru proposed, 337 in Subsidy, Sicilian, to Charles V, 22 Subvention, royal, of Mexican tribunal, 350 459 Sentences not enforced, 20, 520 Sequestrations in Mexico, 223 in Peru, 348, 429 commerce destroyed by, 428 not applied by commissioners, 301 212, 216, 218, 220, 222 Lima tribunal, 342, 344, 347 Cartagena tribunal, 500, 501, 502 Sueldo, value of, 6 Superstitions in New Granada, 462 Superunda, Viceroy of Peru, 370, 387 Suppression of Sicilian Inq., 43 of of of Neapolitan, 107 of Sardinian, 119 of Milanese, 137 INDEX Suppression of Canary Inq., 189 of Mexican, 270, 288, 298 of Peruvian, 354, 447 of New Granadan, 507, 510 Suprema, its large receipts from Mexico, 219 its duplicity and concealment, 219, 221, 223, 224, 348 on Salcedo's arrest, 315 relations with colonial tribunals, 331 urges subdivision of Peru, 337 payments to its secretaries, 350 contributions to, from Cartagena, 502 505 its demands for remittances, 513 Swiss, their relations with Milan, 129 Symbols, sacred, prohibited, 265 Syndics, Jesuit, in solicitation, 303 Syracuse, Bp. of, his quarrel with Inq., 36 rriABALORO, CARLO, case of, 38 -1- Tagal book, heresy in, 307 Tanner, John, case of, 173 Tanucci, Regent of Naples, 107 his bills of 563 Travel in heretic lands, licence for, 130, 136, 137 Treaty of 1604 with England, 171 Trent, Council of, opposes Spanish Inq., 127 on episcopal power over heresy, 211 Trevifio, Tomas, his martyrdom, 233 Treviso, licences to travel required, 136 Tribaldos, Bart., first Canary inqr., 140 Tucuman, its conquest by Aguirre, 322 solicitation in, 393, 394, 395 Tuscany, arrests require assent of ruler, 137 Tumult of 1516 in Palermo, 15 of 1547 in Naples, 72 TTBAU, PEDRO, U case of, 353, 407, 410 Ulloa, Ant. Gut., inqr. of Peru, 355 complaints against him, 356 Prado's charges, 358 his sentence, 360 visits his district, 361 his dismissal and death, 362 prosecutes viceroy, 376, 544 ex- Ulloa, Antonio de, on Peruvian clergy, Tarragona, Abp. of, change, 51 Tattooing, censorship of, 266 Taxation, exemption from, in Mexico, 215 Tello de Sandoval, inqr. of Mexico, 197 Tenerife, foreigners in, 172, 175 Terracina, Domenico, 72 Terranova, Duke of, case of, 25 Terror aroused by Inq., 98 Tezcoco, cacique of, burnt, 196 Thimbles, crosses on, erased, 266 Toledo, Pedro de, Viceroy of Naples, 66 urges introduction of Inq., 70 bombards the city, 73 his vindictive triumph, 76 Toledo, Viceroy of Peru, on condition of colony, 319 gets rid of Aguirre, 323 controls royal subvention, 342 curbs the Inq., 374 Toleration proclaimed in Colombia, 510 Tormentors, 448 Toro, Pedro de, case of, 396, 398 Torquemada appoints inqr. for Sicily, 2 Torres, Comr. of Popayan, 454 Torture administered by physician, 142 severity of, in Lima, 429 implements of, 447 Trade forbidden to officials, 251, 254 with heretics creates suspicion, 130, 136, 137 danger of, in Canaries, 168 Traffic in offices, 372 Transportation of penitents, 234, 235 514 Ulloa, Francisco de, S. J., case of, 406, 410 Ulloa, Ullos, Juan Fran, de, case of, 367 Juan de, case of, 393 de, inqr. of Peru, 352 property sequestrated, 352 confiscated jewels, 354 scandals, 366 arrest, 368 release and death, 370 condemns Quietists, 410 Universities, compulsory degrees of, 252 University of Lima favors suppression, 449 Unnatural crime, 244 Urban VII suppresses canonries in Peru, 346 Urban VIII defends Fra Petronio, 95 grants prebends to colonial tribunals, 216 Unda, Diego his his his his his Uriarte, Juan de, secretary, 479, 482, 486, 487, 488 Utrecht, treaty of, 40 Uzstariz, Commissioner, his zeal, 305 yALERA, FRANCISCO, 491 .inqr. of Cartagena, his quarrel with Bp. Benavides, 492 is transferred to Lima, 495 his actions condemned, 365, 498 insists on royal subvention, 503, 504 as inqr. of Lima, 364 INDEX 564 Valera, Francisco, tries ranza, 400, 404 Angela Car- his jubilation, 365 Valderrama, Francisco de, 356 Vakils la Vandera, 269 Juan de, his influence, his disciples in Reggio, 86 Valdes, 67 Yillar, his submission, 378, 544 his appeal to Philip II, 379 hands over prisoners of war, 414 Abp. of Mexico, 257 Bp. of Chile, 346 Ant. Hernandez, case of, 393 Villareal, Yillaroel, Villaroel, Visitas de navios, in Canaries, 176, 179 in Mexico, 266 in Philippines, 304 Valtelline, foreign priests expelled, 136 Visitations of Canaries, 148, 149 its territory violated, 135 of Mexico, 261 of Peru, 357, 367 Vandenbosch, Franz, case of, 170 of Cartagena, 481, 485 Vanegas, Diego, case of, 361 of districts of Peru, 332 Van Hoflaquen, Georg, case of, 170 Varas of alguazil, sale of, 224, 225, 349, Vitoria, Elena de, case of, 464, 465 Valdivia, Dutch attack on, 418 as place of punishment, 438 501 Voz activa, officials deprived of, 14 Vargas, Ant. de, case of his will, 387 Vazquez, Francisco, case of, 394 in Calabria, 49 Vega, Viceroy, relations with Inq., 25 eradicated, 79 Velazco, Governor of Cartagena, his in Apulia, their fate, 85, 524 complaints, 473 446 Velazco, Juan Francisco, case of, 407, Wall-papers, censorship of, Watches undergo censorship, 471 410 Wealth of Peruvian clergy, 515 Velazco, Viceroy, complains of Inq., 380 White horse, parade of, 430, 437 Velez, Fray Andres, case of, 399 Widows of officials, their privileges, 31, Velez, inqr. of Cartagena, 477 42 transferred to Mexico, 478 Will case, quarrel over, 387 Venadita, Viceroy, suppresses Mexican Wine, exportation of from Canaries, 156 Inq., 298 Witchcraft in Canaries, 167 Vendeja, inqr. of Cartagena, 499 in New Granada, 464 Venice, its regulation of Inq., 132 Witnesses' names, suppression of, 26, 97 residence of foreign heretics, 531 438 Vera, Bp., his quarrel with Canary Inq., Women, scourging of, 431, 181 Vera Cruz, mutineer sailors in, 268 "VIMENES, CARD., his appointment Verdugo, Bp., on suppression of Inq., -^- of colonial inqrs., 195 189 Ximenes, Martin, inqr. of Canaries, 141, Verdugo, Francisco, inqr. of Lima, 363 180 WALDENSES Vessels, service of, for seizure of, 156, 169 Via ordinaria, 106, 526 Roman Inq., 91 142, Xuquil, Indians of, their idolatry, 211 87, 90, 97, 99, 100, 102, Vicente, Juan, case of, 466 Vicente de Santa Maria as inqr., 196 Viceroyalty of New Granada, 453 Viceroys ordered to favor Inq., 35, 250, yANEZ, GONZALO, case of, 248 Yepes, Rodrigo de, case of, 248 Ynes de Tarifa, case of, 143 Yucatan, visitas de navios in, 267 374 excommunication of, 32, 375 not to be excommunicated, 252 Vico, Marquis of, case of, 90 7ALDUEGUI, & Lima, 372 PEDRO, inqr. of Zapata, Governor of Cartagena, 485 Vienna, Sicilian Ina. subject to, 40 Zarate, Fray Francisco de, case of, 243 Viera y Clavijo, his history of Canaries, Zarate, Ortiz de, Inqr. of Cartagena, 494 180 Zayas, Bravo de, visitor of Canaries, Villadiego, Inqr. of Cartagena, 482, 483, 148, 161 485, 486, 487 Zuazo, Alonso de, on New Christians, 194 Villar, Viceroy, on clergy of Peru, 320 banishes Catalina Morejon, 356 Zubieta, Pedro de, case of, 395 his complaints of tribunal, 357 Zumarraga, Bp., burns cacique of Tezhis troubles with Inq., 374 coco, 196 is excommunicated, 375 Zufifga, Viceroy, his subservience, 94 is prosecuted, 376 Zurita on Sicilian finances, 24 m

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