‘Vox tua nempe mea est’
Dialogues with the dead in Roman
funerary commemoration
Maureen Carroll
I, who speak without a voice by means of the inscribed marble, was born in wonderful
Tralles, travelled often from Asia via all the houses of Baiae for the hot springs and
the joys of the sea. This honourable and unforgotten life of mine was commemorated
with this monument by my heir with 50,000, according to my wishes, setting up the
last temple to my Manes, for my ashes and for the obsequies. But you who read this, I
beseech you to call to me: Socrates, son of Aristomachus, may the earth lie lightly on you!
CIL XIV 480 [Ostia]Catalogue B166S1*
INTRODUCTION
In Roman funerary commemoration, the dead could communicate with the living through
the medium of the words inscribed on their monuments, provided these words were read.
The reader had a crucial role to play in the transmission of information and sentiments, and
this is especially the case with the epitaphs that are referred to in this study as ‘speaking’
stones. These addressed the traveller, stranger or passer-by, asked him to read the text, and
often implored him to speak a greeting to the person whose tomb the monument marked.
Although there is little doubt that Romans could and often did read some documents
silently, it was customary to read epigraphic texts aloud. In reading funerary inscriptions
and uttering the words whilst reading them, the reader lent his voice to the deceased and
engaged in a verbal dialogue with the dead. The invitation to interact with the words of the
deceased was extended not only to surviving friends and family, but also, and even primarily,
to people who had never known the commemorated while they were alive.
Although ‘speaking’ sepulchral inscriptions have been of some interest to scholars
exploring a range of themes expressed in Roman funerary commemoration, there has been
no systematic collection of such epitaphs, nor, I think, has their significance truly been
appreciated (Purdie 1935; Lattimore 1942; Häusle 1980; Koortbojian 1996; Bodel 2001).
Literary and linguistic aspects have represented the main focus of studies of the ‘speaking’
stones, especially those with inscriptions written in verse, but this is a rather narrow and
one-sided approach to the material (Lissberger 1934; Hoogma 1959; Popova 1976; Cugusi
1996; Sblendorio Cugusi 2005). The data collected and presented here consist of 554
funerary inscriptions in Latin gathered by examining all CIL volumes as well as other corpora,
epigraphic journals and collections of verse inscriptions. The earliest ‘speaking’ stones in
*translations throughout are by M. Carroll unless otherwise indicated;
see Appendix S1 ... for Latin & Greek sources
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MAUREEN CARROLL
Latin date to the late second and early first century BC, the latest to the sixth century
AD. The vast majority of these (300) are from Italy, and of those 120 are from Rome. The
Iberian peninsula has produced 115, followed by Africa with 53, North-East Europe and the
Eastern Mediterranean with 46, the four Gauls with 26, the German provinces with 13,
and finally Britain with a single stone. Numerically these represent a very small proportion
of the total known Roman funerary inscriptions (Saller & Shaw 1984: 124); despite their
modest numbers, however, the ‘speaking’ inscriptions are of considerable importance in
illuminating how the reading of monumental texts depended on the visual, vocal and oral
senses.
In this study, the collected data are used to explore how the survival of the memory of the
deceased in epigraphy required active participation by the viewer in voiced communication,
and how the response of the living was thought to bridge the gap between them and the
dead in a symbolic way. It is an essential part of this investigation to explore the ability of
individuals to read and write, especially since epitaphs that required reading and a verbal
response also appear in regions that traditionally are ranked rather low in literacy rates.
The information recorded in the inscriptions is used to assess the status of those who set
up such monuments and those who were given them in order to gain some insight into the
significance of at least appearing to be literate in certain sectors of society. Finally, we can
explore the extent to which this act of speaking or reciting the words inscribed in stone may
have been perceived as performative magic.
MONUMENTS, AUDIENCE AND MEMORY
Tombs in all their above-ground forms were among the most public monuments of Roman
settlements across the empire. Whoever approached a Roman town by any of the main
overland roads passed through a suburban community of the dead marked and remembered
by tombs inscribed with all manner of personal information (Hatt 1951; D’Ambrosio & De
Caro 1983; Kockel 1983; Eisner 1986; von Hesberg & Zanker 1987; Baldassare et al. 1996;
Heinzelmann 2000; Heinzelmann et al. 2001; Fig. 1). The road-side location of burial grounds
Fig. 1 View of the tombs along the road outside the Porta Nocera at Pompeii
Photo: author
Vox tua nempe mea est 39
on the outskirts of towns, often in close proximity to suburban houses and shops, allowed
these funerary monuments to be seen and visited by many. In the Roman countryside the
cemeteries associated with villas and farms also stood in visible and busy places along the
well-travelled country roads or in close proximity to the inhabited buildings of the estates.
Such locations facilitated frequent contact, and it was the visitors to the tombs – either
family and friends or complete strangers – who kept the memory of the dead alive. This
explains why the poet Ovid, banned by Augustus to the Black Sea, feared he would die in
exile
sed sine funeribus caput hoc, sine honore sepulcri,
indeploratum barbara terra teget
Ovid Tr. 3.3.45–46
without a funeral, without a tomb, unmourned, unhonoured, in a barbarian land
He would have been robbed of the company and participation of those who could have
visited his tomb to ensure his remembrance.
The more intimate and enclosed burial communities of the Roman columbaria, in which
the cremated remains of dozens or even hundreds of slaves, freedmen and individuals of
modest means were kept, were far less visible to passers-by, but even they attracted an
audience (Buonocore 1984; Nielsen 1996; Hope 1997; Caldelli & Ricci 1999). Visitors paying
their respects to their loved ones usually would find who they were looking for with the aid
of inscribed or painted labels under the urn niches, but they would also see many epitaphs
belonging to individuals who were strangers.
Whether located in suburban or in rural settings, or integrated in smaller burial groups,
the tombs, their images, and all their texts assumed and addressed an audience. Ovid, as we
have seen, lamented the lack of audience on foreign soil. The ‘speaking’ stones reach out to the
viewer by various means. They often refer to the reader as “whoever you might be” (quisquis
es, quicumque…), suggesting that their intended audience could be just about anyone who drew
near (Catalogue A19; A48; A55; A111; A114; B38; B84; B147; B153; C91; D11). The frequent appeal to the
traveller is something that really only makes sense if the inscription is on a monument seen
regularly by those on roads into towns. The tombs that stood out in the open on the main
thoroughfares can contain specific topographical references to their road-side location. The
inscription of Gaius Ateilius Euhodus, for example, asks “Stranger, stop and behold this heap
of earth on your left” S2(Catalogue A5). This inscription from the first half of the first century
BC was, in fact, found associated with a tomb on the left side of the Via Appia as one exited
the city. Gnaeus Gargonius Pallinus was buried on the Via Flaminia near Fulginium, and his
epitaph runs: “You who pass by on the Via Flaminia, stop and read this!” (tu qui via Flaminea
transis resta ac relege) (Catalogue B161). The inscriptions in the closed chambers of the columbaria
around Rome, in contrast, are never addressed to the passer-by. The ‘speaking’ stones of the
columbarium only address the stranger (hospes), viz., quicumque legis titulum (“whoever reads
the inscription”).
Roman legal texts define a memorial (monumentum) as a means of preserving memory
and as a vehicle for representing the “essence and dignity” (substantias et dignitas) of an
individual (Digest 11.7.2.6; 35.127). In Roman literature there are many references to
the commemorative role of tombs and inscriptions (Pliny the Elder, HN 34.17; Pliny the
Younger, Ep. 6.10.5, 9.19.3; Petronius, Sat. 71). The poet Propertius, for example, makes it
quite clear in his Elegies that he viewed his tomb as “the stones that guard [his] memory”
(lapides cana veni memores) (Prop. 2.13.40). What communicated to the audience of the tombs
was the inscription (titulus) of a few words, a verse, or a (sometimes lengthy) poem (Fig. 2).
The inscribed texts were thought to preserve memory for as long as they survived, that is
for as long as they were not defaced by man or worn away by the weather. “In my verses you
will live, however long it may be” S3, says the epitaph on a marble panel composed by the
husband of Allia Potestas in Rome.1
The written words on the tombs provided information about individuals, but that was
not their only role. Names, family histories, social rank, ethnic origin, careers, personal
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MAUREEN CARROLL
Fig. 2 The tombs of the freedmen Marcus Blaesius Malcio (left) and Marcus Lollius Nicia (right) with multiple
inscription panels (tituli) in the Fondo Pacifico south-east of Pompeii, late first century BC – early first century ADS4
Photo: author
tragedies, and emotional bonds were recorded for posterity (Carroll 2006). The texts were
chosen to communicate standing within the community and to embed the deceased and
the commemorators within it. Funerary monuments through their conformity could give a
sense of communal identity to those who lived and died within the parameters of socially
acceptable behaviour and who participated in this form of display. Furthermore, competition
with others on the same social level was made possible, as was the elevation over those of
lower social standing, and also the ‘correction’ of inequalities suffered in life.
Some of the epitaphs on these funerary monuments were chosen by the deceased
whilst still alive, others were selected by the surviving family, community or comrades. By
inscribing this information, the deceased or dedicator was “addressing a future society,
which he envisaged as valuing this message” (Susini 1973: 64). In many cases epitaphs were
thought to provide guidance on how to live. In fact, Varro connects the word monumentum
with admonere (to remind):
sic monumenta quae in sepulcris, et ideo secundum viam, quo praetereuntis admoneant et se fuisse et illos
esse mortalis
Varro, de lingua latina, 6.49
…the monuments which are on tombs and along the road…the dead remind the passer-by
that both they themselves, and those passers-by as well, are mortal
Epitaphs therefore tell us how people wanted themselves or those close to them to be
remembered and how they hoped to interact with the living in the future.
LITERACY AND SOCIAL STATUS
In his seminal study in 1989, Harris concluded that literacy was not widespread in the
Classical world. According to him, less than 10% of adult males in the western Roman
provinces in the first couple of centuries AD were literate, with adult male literacy in
contemporary Rome and Italy well below 20 to 30% (Harris 1989: 259, 272). If Harris’s
conclusions are correct, not only would most people in the Roman world not have been able
to read the inscriptions on grave monuments, they also would not have been able to give
the verbal responses so important to the ‘speaking’ stones. About 40% of the ‘speaking’
Vox tua nempe mea est 41
stones examined here explicitly ask the visitor to read the text or refer to the viewer as “the
reader” (lector). Sometimes the viewer is commanded to read: “Stop, traveller and read!”
(resta viator et lege) (Catalogue F4). For that reason, and because Harris (1989: 221–2) devoted
very little attention to funerary inscriptions, we need to consider the issue of literacy and
the extent to which these texts were read and understood.
Some scholars generally accept the picture painted by Harris of an absence of mass
literacy and find his estimates very broadly correct (Beard 1991: 39, n. 6). But many argue
that his estimates are too low and that his conclusions about the nature and function of
writing are misleading. For one thing, the participation of the non-elite majority in producing
and consuming texts was not given the attention it deserved, even though literacy clearly
was not a preserve of the elite (Bowman 1991: 123). Indeed, Franklin (1991) demonstrated
that literacy was more widespread than Harris would allow, as even labourers and whores in
Roman Pompeii could write. Although Ling (2007: 88) does not concern himself with actual
percentages and numbers of people who could read and write, in examining inscriptions
on mosaics and paintings he paints a less bleak picture than Harris in asserting that there
clearly “were enough people who were literate, if not well educated, to make the practice of
inscribing worth while”. Curchin (1995: 461) argues that Harris’s method focussed on the
quantity of inscriptions rather than their contents as a criterion of literacy, an approach
that allowed no discussion of why people in the western provinces became literate.
Beard (1991: 37) criticised Harris for seeing writing primarily as a practical tool and
as a record of the spoken language, and she explored the important issue of how writing
may transcend its original practical purpose. Indeed, Thomas (1992: 89) concluded that
the use of writing was not dependent on simple content alone, but that symbolic, religious
and visual elements also contributed to the function of the written text. As for inscriptions,
Thomas demonstrated that the symbolic significance of such texts was fundamental to their
existence and understanding. The very fact that funerary inscriptions were perceived by
Roman society as an ideal vehicle to prolong one’s life and memory symbolically is testimony
to the significance of these texts beyond the mere practical recording of data.
Nevertheless, there can be no dispute that not everyone had the ability to read, and that
sometimes inscriptions could only be understood with a bit of help. Consider the following
epitaph of the third century AD from SulmoS5 (Catalogue B57).
“Greetings, traveller, who passes on this road, your body still safe, stop and read…I ask all
of you, already born or who will be born, if some mistake escapes me, I who am a barbarian
by birth from Pannonia, disoriented by so many injuries and misfortunes, please pardon
me, I ask you. But now I invoke the gods so that if anyone damages or violates this tomb or
this inscription he may be troubled with misfortune and that in contrast good favour will
be shown to whomever will have read this inscription or heard it being read and that finally
they fare well for eternity those who will have read this inscription and its verses to say: May
the earth lie lightly on you!….”
This remarkable inscription refers to individuals reading the text or listening to someone
reading it. Attention was drawn by Harris and other scholars (1989: 34–5) to people listening
to reading, with a well-known wall-painting in the House of Julia Felix, of a gathering of people
in front of public notices in the forum at Pompeii being interpreted as individuals reading
and also listening to others reading these notices aloud (Harris 1989: 34-35; Franklin 1991:
82; Horsfall 1991: 70). This Harris (1989: 35) referred to as “second-hand literacy”. Corbier
(1991: 111–12) stressed the importance of such public writing, citing papyri that record the
initial vocal recitation of announcements and decrees that were subsequently written down
and posted in a prominent place. Legibility was important, and these documents were written
either in careful lettering on a whitened board or inscribed in marble or bronze in litterae
quadratae (Bowman 1991: 121; Corbier 1991: 111–12). If public inscriptions in the towns, be
they on buildings, arches, or the bases of honorific statues, prompted frequent reading and
listening to reading, then the no less public and visible inscriptions on funerary monuments
outside the towns also will have attracted this attention.
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MAUREEN CARROLL
Monumental writing is particularly important in considering literacy, as people, especially
in urban areas, were exposed constantly to a multitude of inscriptions. Petronius (Sat. 58)
makes the freedman Hermeros say that, although he was not particularly well educated or
familiar with literary criticism, he did “know his lapidary letters”. In other words, he could
read inscriptions or capital letters on inscriptions well enough to get by, but he had difficulty
with other written documents in cursive script. Corbier (1991: 107) depicted a man like
Hermeros as one who could have read all monumental inscriptions, including shop signs,
election posters, and announcements for games, but who would have struggled with reading
private letters or business accounts. Susini (1973: 52) suggested that public inscriptions,
with their legible and carefully executed letters, would have constituted the best reading
practice for those who learned to read informally, whether they were adults or children.
Horsfall (1991: 62) went a step further in suggesting that people could have learned to read
monumental writing by repeatedly hearing the texts being read by others, so that the words
themselves would be memorised. The step from passive reception (by listening to reading)
to active reading will not have been very difficult for many, once the substance of the texts
was lodged in the memory (Horsfall 1991: 74–5).
If some or even many people relied on listening to others reading inscriptions aloud, this
indeed suggests that there was an uneven distribution of literacy, but dividing the population
into ‘literate’ and ‘illiterate’ characterises the situation in terms that are too polar. A degree
of ‘limited literacy’ between these two extremes certainly existed, especially in regard to
monumental writing. Monumental writing of all kinds was generally very formulaic, relying
on standard abbreviations for a variety of terms and expressions. IMP CAESAR (Imperator
Caesar), PONT MAX (Pontifex Maximus), and COS (consul) are examples of abbreviations used
repeatedly on imperial inscriptions naming emperors and their offices. Abbreviations such
as IMP AUG (Imperator Augustus), PP (pater patriae) and TRIB POT (tribunicia potestas) appear
regularly on Roman coins throughout the Empire. Whether or not one was literate enough to
read something as complex as Latin verse, these standardised combinations of letters would
Fig. 3 Epitaph of Aemilia Proculina with an abbreviated request (DIC QLSTTL) of the viewer to read and
speak a greeting to the dead. Olaurum, late second-third century ADS6 (Catalogue C33)
Photo: Centro CIL II
Vox tua nempe mea est 43
have been widely understood because they always appear in the same contexts. Consider
also the inscriptions in the cemeteries of garrison towns on the Roman frontier. Through
such towns passed many soldiers and government officials, and many of the inhabitants
in and around the towns were dependants of actively serving soldiers or veterans. They
knew about troop types, military ranks and the nomenclature of army units. Abbreviations
such as LEG (legio) or COH (cohors), followed by a number, appear over and over again in
epitaphs of soldiers, and because of the familiarity of the town dwellers with things military
we have reason to assume that such abbreviations generally were comprehensible to those
who were literate as well as to those with limited literacy.
Even in the election notices written on many walls of Pompeian buildings abbreviations
are extremely common. Ligatures and single letter abbreviations abound. There is little
doubt that these abbreviations were nonetheless intelligible to voters, if only on account of
their constant repetition (Franklin 1991: 84). Even the names of candidates were sometimes
reduced to initials in campaign posters, and possibly it was the initials that were inscribed
by electors on their voting tablets (Franklin 1991: 84, n. 22).
The fact that the letter-cutter knew the correct abbreviations, Curchin (1995: 467)
maintains, is good evidence of a certain degree of literacy. He cites, as an example, a fairly
typical Spanish funerary inscription (CIL II.2724) in which only two of the twelve words are
written out completely, rather than abbreviatedS7 (D. M. Val. Rufine an. XII Lic. Anna m. pien. fil.
po.). The fact that not only the letter-cutter, but also the general reader of such texts, could
make sense of this writing also provides attestation of a certain degree of literacy. Woolf
(1996: 28) suggested that the abbreviations of words in inscriptions might “have been read
quasi-pictoriographically”. This idea has much to be said for it, especially in the context of
funerary commemoration, and it is particularly relevant for many of the ‘speaking’ stones
under consideration here. Frequently in epitaphs from the province of Baetica, in places
such as Hispalis, Astigi, and Corduba, for example, the deceased is referred to as pius in suis
or pia in suis (he/she looked after his/her own; he/she was dutiful to his/her own), followed
usually by hic situs/sita est, sit tibi terra levis, but it is very rare elsewhere in Spain and virtually
non-existent outside Spain.2 The complete and frequent abbreviation is P I S H S E S T
T L. In addition to the standard abbreviations such as H S E and S T T L, we find more
extreme examples on the ‘speaking’ stones. The request that the reader of the epitaph
greet the deceased was so popular in the first and second centuries AD in Baetica that the
phrase dicas/dicite qui legas/legitis sit tibi terra levis (say, you who read: may the earth lie lightly
on you!) or te rogo praeteriens dicas sit tibi terra levis (I ask you in passing to say: may the earth
lie lightly on you!) is often abbreviated as D Q L S T T (Fig. 3) or T R P D S T T L (Fig. 4)
respectively (as examples: Catalogue C9; C18; C23; C27; C35; C37; C45), or variants thereof.
The following two stelae from Astigi and Solia illustrate this particular use of
abbreviations:
1 ACILIA THIA
TIS ANN XXV
HIC SITA EST
DQLSTTL
I[n fro]NTE P XXV
IN AGRO P XX
Here lies Acilia Thiatis, who lived 25 years. Whoever reads this, say: May the earth lie lightly on
you! Frontage 25 feet, depth 20 feet
(Catalogue C38)
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MAUREEN CARROLL
Fig. 4 Epitaph of Lupus Taporus with the
abbreviated text (HSETRPDSTTL) asking
the reader to speak a greeting. Solia, early
first century AD
Photo: Centro CIL II
(Catalogue C62)
2
LUPUS CA
MALI TAP(orus)
ANN XX
XV H S E
TRPDS
TTL
Here lies Lupus Taporus, son of Camalus, who lived 35 years. I ask you in passing to say: May
the earth lie lightly on you!
(Catalogue C62; Fig 4)
These particular abbreviations were so common in Baetican cemeteries that we must
assume, I think, that they were indeed understood locally. This might well have involved the
reading of such abbreviations and word fragments as ‘pictograms’, whereby one imagined
the complete words and uttered them aloud whilst reading the single letters. Clearly the
environment and the context in which particular inscriptions were set up were important
in helping the reader to understand a text and possible abbreviations in it. D Q L S T T
L or T R P D S T T L, for example, is a combination of words peculiar to the environment
of a cemetery; it would never be encountered ‘out of context’ in a building inscription or
a votive dedication. The contexts here give visual clues. General cognition of a text and
Vox tua nempe mea est 45
Fig. 5 A series of very similar tombs built between the Augustan and Neronian periods outside the Porta
Nocera at Pompeii
Photo: author
its meaning, therefore, may not have been necessarily dependent on the ability to read
(Franklin 1991: 86).
The frequency and repetitiveness with which particular formulae or abbreviations
were used will also have increased the ability of people to decipher lapidary writing. In the
context of the cemetery, repetition is especially common, as people built their tombs in
emulation of other monuments in the same cemetery, settlement or region. One glance at
a series of tombs on the north side of the road outside the Porta Nocera at Pompeii makes
this abundantly clear (Fig. 5). A passage in the Digest (35.1.27), for example, refers to a man
who wrote in his will that he wished to have a monument “like that of Publius Septimius
Demetrius on the Via Salaria” (in Rome) which was “the model (exemplum) for his own
memorial”. Texts repeated over and over again in the same community clearly testify to
the practice of using specific inscriptions as exempla. In the island community of Palma, for
example, 13 of the total assemblage of 26 gravestones relevant to this discussion contain
a greeting, 12 of them including vale or have et vale in their message (Catalogue C92-104). In a
discrete and intimate community such as that of a columbarium the influence of epitaphs on
each other might be even greater. Epitaphs in the Monumentum Statiliorum outside Rome,
for example, make regular use of the ave/salve/vale greeting, because they were all modelled
on each other (Catalogue A21; A22; A23; A24). There is a sense of ‘sameness’ and ‘conformity’ here.
Ramsay MacMullen (1982) drew attention to the “sense of audience” that epigraphic texts
displayed in public places in general elicited. In the context of funerary commemoration,
this was an immediate, local audience involving people who saw the tombs often and who
understood and responded to the language of the tombs and what it represented visually
and ideologically. The conventions of form and the funerary context granted the stones a
fundamental comprehensibility (Koortbojian 1996: 219).
Inscriptions also played an active role in the reproduction and negotiation of social
status and relations, and a study of the ‘speaking’ stones allows us to recognise trends in
the social class and standing of the commissioners and recipients of these monuments.
In Rome the majority of those named in these epitaphs appear to be freedmen (53%),
followed by free-born individuals with 15% and slaves with 13%; 18% could be either free-
46
MAUREEN CARROLL
born or freedmen. The fact that freedmen dominate in the body of ‘speaking’ stones, and in
funerary epitaphs in general, reflects the desire of members of this sector of society to seek
legitimacy through funerary display, a phenomenon that has been noted in several studies
on commemoration (Taylor 1961; Treggiari 1969; Heinzelmann 2000: 104; Hope 2001: 3435; Carroll 2006: 247–53). The high percentage of slaves and freedmen in Rome and its port
towns is not matched elsewhere in the empire, and this sector of society, as a result, is not
so strongly represented in funerary commemoration outside the capital and its periphery.
The surviving ‘speaking’ stones indicate that in the rest of Italy free-born individuals are
in the majority with 35%, followed by freedmen and freedwomen (32%), 22% individuals
of uncertain status, and about 10% slaves. Free-born individuals dominate in the Iberian
peninsula with 40%, followed by freedmen (28%), individuals of unknown status (18%) and
slaves (14%). The proportion of epitaphs of free-born individuals is considerably higher in
Germany (54%), Africa (54%), North-East Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean (53%),
and Gaul (46%).
None of the commissioners of the ‘speaking’ stones is of very high social rank, and
certainly none is of senatorial status. The highest ranking free-born individuals are a
man who had risen to equestrian status in Madaura, an aedilis, duumvir and flamen of Liber
Pater in the same city, and an aedilis from Beneventum (Catalogue G33; G36; B45). All are selfcommemorating. The decurio Publius Hostilius Tertinus of Verona was the dedicator of his
son’s inscription, and a decurio and flamen from Colonia Apulum in Dacia is named as the
dedicator of a monument to his freedwoman wife (Catalogue B11; F23). Lower ranking free-born
individuals include a crier and theatre usher from Aquinum (Catalogue B107), priests from
Gades and Zarai (Catalogue C43; G25), a ship-builder from Arelate (Catalogue D8), a paymaster
from Florentia (Catalogue B136), a surgeon from Lucus (Catalogue B65), a doctor from Vietri
(Catalogue B79), a slave dealer from Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (Catalogue E19), and
a gladiator from Corduba (Catalogue C55). The free-born, especially in Germany, North-East
Europe, and Africa, also include actively serving and retired soldiers of the lower ranks
and NCOs (trumpeter, water engineer, centurion) (Catalogue A105; C16; C106; E12; E17; F13; F17;
F33; F34; F42; F45; G19). Parents who were once slaves take the opportunity to commemorate
their free-born children who, unlike the parents, were socially acceptable. Thus, a freeborn aedilis and duumvir at Vitolano was the recipient of an inscription commissioned by his
freedman father (Catalogue B51). The freedmen class commissioning ‘speaking’ inscriptions
include merchants and craftsmen, an architect, poets, several priests of the imperial cult
(seviri augustales), and a livestock breeder (pecuarius) (Catalogue A35; B155; B156; B162; B163; B164;
B165; C92; E14). Finally, slaves as well as imperial slaves are represented on ‘speaking’ stones
throughout the Empire (Catalogue A39; A107; C25; E16; F9; F41; G9).
We cannot be sure how many of these individuals were literate, although we can safely
assume that at least the magistrates and soldiers (especially the officers) were. In Roman
art, scenes of men and women writing or keeping accounts or holding book scrolls is an
image chosen to suggest or convey the impression that the depicted individual was educated
and well versed in reading and writing and also entitled to draw up a will. Similarly, the
act of setting up a monument with an inscription may have been a symbolic one that
acknowledged the power and status attached to appearing to be literate, whether or not the
person in possession of an epitaph truly had the ability to write or read the text himself. A
recent study of another body of writing in a different medium—inscriptions on mosaics and
paintings – in Roman Britain also clearly demonstrated the social importance of appearing
to be educated (Ling 2007). In some ways, the owners of monuments with texts may have
been displaying their intellectual pretensions and playing with the literate abilities of their
audience (Koortbojian 1996: 218). This certainly appears to be the case with a number of
inscriptions that are inscribed with a sort of word game that required an ability to read
and solve a puzzle. In one epitaph of this type set up in the second century AD by Trebius
Basileus in Rome the deceased plays with the text to attract the reader’s attention to his
wife’s name: “Touched from the very first word behold the verses on this inscription, I beg
you, and read them willingly if you want to know the name of someone who deserved it. You
Vox tua nempe mea est 47
will find the name of my dear wife”S8 (Catalogue A94). Her name is not written in the text, but
as an acrostic, the first letter of each line giving one letter of her name, Veturia Grata.3
EPIGRAPHS AND EPIGRAMS
It is important to ask how much of the desired dialogue at the grave-side can be attributed
to the selectors of the text – the deceased, or their families – particularly considering the
issue of literacy. Harris (1989: 222) credits the skilled mason with having contributed to the
formulation of the text of an epitaph, but there were many different ways of composing an
epitaph. It could be composed by the dedicator himself; he could dictate a text that he knew
from poetry; he could select from a collection the letter-cutter had; he could choose a readymade stone from the workshop; or a combination of all of these. As we have seen above, the
customer also could be inspired by epitaphs he had seen on other funerary monuments in
his community, choosing a text that conformed to local practice.
According to numerous epitaphs, the verse inscription to be cut might be composed by
the deceased or later by a relative, friend, or patron. Alexander, a doctor in Rome, credited
his wife with having composed his epitaphS9, and a man from CarsulaeS10 named himself the
composer of an epitaph for his wife.4 A man from TusculumS11 in the second century AD asks
the passer-by to read his inscription, in particular to read the “verse that I dictated and had
written down” (Catalogue B178). Lucius Praecilius Fortunatus, in making provisions for his
death in Cirta in the third century, also wrote his own inscription.5 Antigonus Vitalis, an
imperial slave from CarthageS12 who set up his own tomb and wrote his own epitaph advised
the viewer to do the same and to “set up your tomb while you are alive, if you are smart”
(Catalogue G9). The centenarian Titus Flavius PudensS13, a father and grandfather from
Numidian Madaura, claimed to have written his epitaph for the benefit of his descendants.6
This practice of composing epitaphs for oneself or others continued into late antiquity.
Sidonius Apollinaris wrote to his nephew around AD 467, asking him to have a new stone
slab inscribed for the tomb of Sidonius’ grandfather. The verse inscription to be used was
composed by Sidonius himself (Ep. 3.12; Handley 2003: 25–6).
In many cases the components of epitaphs will have been taken by the letter-cutter from
manuals or collections of formulae or books of poetry. This is the only explanation for the
inscription from Annaba that reads hic iacet corpus pueri nominandi (here lies the body of the boy….
insert name) (AE 1931: 112). The letter-cutter carried out his work without noticing that he
was to insert a specific name in the space provided. The use of manuals or collections of poetic
themes is also supported by the existence of identical, or almost identical, verses inscribed
on monuments that were found in different places. Thus we have an inscription of a retired
Praetorian guardsman dating to shortly after AD 29 in Rome that has the same verses as a
roughly contemporary one for a legionary soldier in Dalmatian Burnum, and there is also an
epitaph in Tarraco that is identical to that on another stone of the second century in Rome.7
Literature also may have played a role in the dispersal of epitaph texts (Lissberger 1934;
Hoogma 1959; Cugusi 1996). Earlier Greek epitaphs speaking to the traveller or stranger
inspired a literary genre that was both popular in Hellenistic Greece and influential in
Roman funerary epigraphy. This was the Greek sepulchral epigram, collections of which
were compiled in the Roman period and are known to us as the Anthologia Graeca (Paton
1916-1918; Beckby 1965-68). But Latin epitaphs copied from tombs also found their way
into literary collections of epigrams. Similarities exist between epigrams in such collections
and the texts actually found inscribed on tombs, as the two following examples illustrate.8
Aulus Gellius (NA 1.24.4) recorded the epitaph of the poet Pacuvius (died 130 BC). His
epitaph is of the type that speaks to the reader:
ADULESCENS TAM ETSI PROPERAS TE HOC SAXUM ROGAT
UT SESE ASPICIAS DEINDE QUOD SCRIPTUM EST LEGAS
HIC SUNT POETAE PACUVI MARCI SITA
OSSA HOC VOLEBAM NESCITUS NE ESSES VALE
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MAUREEN CARROLL
Young man, although you hurry, this stone asks that you look upon it and read what is
written there. Here lie the bones of the poet Marcus Pacuvius. I wished that you should not
be unaware of this. Fare well!
A very similar version of the text actually was used for the marble tablet of a funerary
monument in Rome that dates to the late second century BC (Catalogue A13).
ADULESCENS TAM ET SI PROPERAS
HIC TE SAXSOLUS ROGAT UT SE
ASPICIAS DEINDE UT QUOD SCRIPTUM EST
LEGAS HIC SUNT OSSA MAECI LUCI SITA
PILOTIMI VASCULARI HOC EGO VOLEBAM
NESCIUS NI ESSES VALE
Young man, although you hurry, this little stone asks that you look upon it and read what is
written there. Here lie the bones of Maecus Lucius P(h)ilotimus, a maker of table-wares. I
wished that you should not be unaware of this. Fare well!
The epitaph of Pacuvius was supposedly composed by the writer himself, but it is unclear
whether he really composed the text in the late second century BC, or whether later authors
invented it. Equally, the text could have been borrowed from contemporary Latin inscriptions
on actual funerary monuments. Catullus in Carmen 101 expresses sentiments and uses
phrases in the first century BC that are familiar in funerary verses. He writes of speaking
to the ashes of his brother at the grave-side, weeping copiously there, and taking leave of
his brother by saying “hail and farewell” (ave atque vale). Certainly Propertius, in describing
grave-side scenes in his Elegies, seems to be quoting from the epitaphs of contemporary
funerary monuments in the late first century BC. He speaks of the verbal greeting “may the
earth lie lightly on you”, for example, and he has Maecenas pass his grave, asking him to
stop, shed a tear, and say a few words in tribute to the dead poet (1.17.24, 2.1.75-78).9 Martial
Fig. 6 Inscribed grave altar of Claudia Homonoea asking the viewer to stop and read the words written on the
stone, Rome, mid-first century AD (Catalogue A46). The epitaph concludes (not shown) with a command to the
reader to greet the dead verbally
Photo: author
Vox tua nempe mea est 49
also wrote epigrams that appear to have been based on contemporary funerary monuments
in the late first century AD, some of which containing passages such as “you that read these
lines, give tears to my tomb”S14, or “hastening to weep, you must not here complain of life’s
short span”S15, and other expressions familiar in funerary epigraphy (5.34, 6.76, 7.96, 9.29,
10.60, 10.71, 11.91). His thirteenth epigram has in common with the earlier cited epitaph
of Gnaeus Gargonius Pallinus from Fulginium (Catalogue B161) that the reader of the text is
envisaged as someone travelling on the Via Flaminia (quisquis Flaminiam teris, viator…). At
any rate, collections of Greek and Latin epigrams deriving from funerary monuments easily
could have been in the possession of stonemasons or been consulted by those who wanted to
commission a funerary inscription.
ADDRESSING THE READER
The focus of this study are those Latin inscriptions that call out to the reader and
instrumentalise him as a participant in a dialogue, and here we can now explore these
inscriptions more fully. The viewer, who can be a traveller (viator), stranger (hospes), or
passer-by (praeteriens), is addressed, asked to stop, read and reflect on the brief or lengthy
details of the dead person’s life, and to utter a spoken greeting to the person whose name
the stone preserves before he resumes his journey (as examples: Catalogue A35; A37; A44; A55;
C65; C86; C106; E17; G20; G21).10 Seventy percent of the 554 epitaphs under discussion
have this structure (Fig. 6). This format ultimately has its origins in Archaic and Classical
Greece, as is evident by texts on gravestones such as “Greetings, passer-by! I lie low in
death. Come and read who of men is buried here…”.11 Perhaps the most famous of the
Greek memorial inscriptions that ‘spoke’ to the stranger is the one that was composed by
the lyric poet Simonides of Keos and put up to commemorate the Spartans who were killed
to the last man by the Persians at Thermopylae in 480 BC: “Tell the Spartans, passer-by,
here, obediently, we lie” (Herodotus 7.228)S16. This kind of inscription persisted in the
Greek-speaking world well into the Hellenistic and Roman periods, and it was clearly a
major source of inspiration for the Latin epitaphs of the kind discussed here. Unlike in the
Greek world, however, Roman ‘speaking’ stones using this device are far more widespread
geographically and they do not appear to have been the type of monument chosen by the
elite.
One of the earliest speaking epitaphs in Rome, dating to the late second or early first
century BC, is that of Olus Granius (Catalogue A1). It addresses the stranger and relays a few
details about the life and character of the deceased.
ROGAT ET RESISTAS HOSPES T[e] HIC TACITUS LAPIS
DUM OSTENDIT QUOD MANDAUIT QUOIUS UMBRAM TE[git]
PUDENTIS HOMINIS FRUGI CUM MAGNA FIDE
PRECONIS OLI GRANI SUNT OSSA HEIC SITA
TANTUM EST HOC VOLUIT NESCIUS NE ESSES VALE
A GRANIUS M L STABILIO
PRAECO
This mute stone asks you, stranger, to stop so it can reveal what has been entrusted to it by
him whose shadow it covers. The bones of a chaste, careful and very loyal man, the auctioneer
Olus Granius, are buried here. That is all. I wished that you should not be unaware of this.
Farewell! Aulus Granius Stabilio, freedman of Marcus, auctioneer.
Another early speaking stone dates to the late second century BC, and it adorned the
tomb of Marcus Caicilius (Fig. 7) on the Via Appia outside Rome (Catalogue A8). We learn
nothing about Caicilius, apart from the fact that he was clearly concerned to have his
epitaph read by strangers.
50
MAUREEN CARROLL
Fig. 7 Epitaph of Marcus Caicilius addressing the stranger, Rome, late second
century BC (Catalogue A8)
Photo: author
HOC EST FACTUM MONUMENTUM
MAARCO CAICILIO
HOSPES GRATUM EST QUOM APUD
MEAS RESTITISTEI SEEDES
BENE REM GERAS ET VALEAS
DORMIAS SINE QURA
This is the completed monument of Marcus Caicilius. I thank you, stranger, that you stop and
linger near my dwelling for a while. May you live well, be happy and sleep without a care.
Here we have, already fully developed, the classic structure of such speaking stones in
Latin that, with some variations, continued in use throughout the Imperial period.
Occasionally the text of the early epitaphs dismisses the reader rather abruptly once he
has read the message. The epitaph of Claudia in Rome asks the stranger in the late second
century BC to stop and read, but once that has been done, he is told: “That’s it. Now, go!”
(dici abei)(Catalogue A9). Manlia Sabina’s epitaph in Trebula Mutuesca dismisses the reader
with “Now go, stranger, live! Death will come”S17 (Catalogue B70). From the early first century
BC, however, inscriptions addressing the reader begin to expect him not simply to read
the text and then leave, but to engage actively with the dead before moving on. They can
conclude with a request or a plea that the reader say, in parting, “may the earth lie lightly
on you!” (sit tibi terra levis) (Catalogue A5). Latin funerary inscriptions with the sit tibi terra levis
formula, either written in full or abbreviated S T T L, have a wide distribution throughout
the empire. A few examples will suffice here to illustrate their format on the ‘speaking’
stones.
EUCHARIS LICINIAE L
DOCTA ERODITA OMNES ARTES VIRGO VIXIT AN XIIII
HEUS OCCULO ERRANTE QUEI ASPICIS LETI DOMUS
MORARE GRESSUM ET TITULUM NOSTRUM PERLEGE…
ROGO UT DISCEDENS TERRAM MIHI DICAS LEVEM
Eucharis, freedwoman of Licinia, learned, skilled in all the arts, a virgin, who lived 14 years.
You whose eye has happened upon this house of death, linger a little bit, behold and read
our inscription……I ask you in parting to say that the earth may rest lightly on me
(Catalogue A7)
Vox tua nempe mea est 51
DIS MANIBUS
ABASCANTUS CAESAR(is) N(ostri) SER(vus) VILIC
FORTUNATAE CONIUGI BENE MERENTI FECIT VIX(it) ANNIS XXX
QUISQUE MEUM TIT
ULUM STAT
LEGERIT ET
DICIT SIT TIBI TERRA LEVIS
To the spirits of the dead. Abascantus, slave of our emperor, overseer, set this up for his
deserving wife Fortunata, who lived 30 years. Whoever stops and reads my inscription, say:
May the earth lie lightly on you
(Catalogue B109)
C CAMERIUS
CLARANUS
MENSUM XI H S E
TE ROGO PRAETERIENS
DICAS STTL
Gaius Camerius Claranus. He lived 11 months. Here he lies. I ask you, in passing, to say:
May the earth lie lightly on you
(Catalogue C5)
The ‘speaking’ stones are often melancholic, especially when they commemorate the
life of someone who died too young. They sometimes depict the deceased as resigned to
his fate, however regrettable, but they are very rarely sarcastic or bitter.12 However they all
depict the deceased as desperate to be remembered and to communicate with someone.
Lattimore (1942: 243) sensed their “almost frantic reaching out for some connection with
the living”. Perhaps for that reason the traveller was often cajoled, begged, bribed, tricked
or threatened into stopping and reading the text, as one could not rely on the natural
curiosity of the viewer. Offering rest and relaxation was one method of catching the reader’s
attention. He is asked not to “be in such a hurry, take some time, stop and read…” by the
text of an epitaph in RomeS18 (Catalogue A2). Tired, dusty and thirsty, he is enticed to slow
down, rest and read the epitaph of Publius Atinius, set up at Val Bona in northern ItalyS19
(Catalogue B22). An epitaph from Hispellum invites him to “rest in the green grass. Don’t
hurry away when death begins to talk to you”S20 (Catalogue B149). The twenty-four-year-old
Gaius Clodius Paulinus from Forum Livium asks: “When you are passing by here, rest for
a little while. Why are you in such a hurry? No time is lost if you read…I beseech you, read
gladly, and read again; don’t let this get you down, my friend!”S21 (Catalogue B126).
Being thanked and offered a reward was another incentive for a passer-by to read an
inscription. The family of Titus Flavius Secundus in Cillium wished the reader of the epitaph
on their second-century mausoleum many happy years and all good things (Catalogue G3). The
parents of the two-year-old Marcus Aurelius Donatus in Rome composed an inscription that
blessed the reader: “Live, stay healthy, give and receive love until your fated day!” (Catalogue
A49)S22. An epitaph of the first century AD from Brindisium wished the stranger well, and
closed with the hope that there may always “be money in your bag, if you do not despise this
stone, but rather value it!” (Catalogue B39)S23.
Curiosity is aroused by posing questions or tasks to the reader, as is the case with an
epitaph of the first century BC from Eporedia: “Stranger, stop and behold this tomb…You
ask what name? Here it comes: Salvia! Live, stranger, hopefully happier than me” (Catalogue
B31)S24. A Milanese epitaph hopes to arouse the interest of the reader: “If you ask whose
bones lie in this grave, read these little verses. It will be revealed to you shortly” (Catalogue
B23)S25. “Whoever is curious and wants to know” about the deceased could do so by reading
the second-century epitaph of Gellia Mammosa in Madaura (Catalogue G34)S26. Two adolescents
are commemorated in an epitaph in Rome with: “Whoever you are, traveller, fix your gaze
on this poor sight and read what name is contained in this epitaph” (Catalogue A44)S27. There is
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MAUREEN CARROLL
a remarkable inscription of this type on the tomb of the freedman Publius Vesonius Phileros
in Pompeii (Catalogue B120). After Phileros erected this mausoleum for himself, his patroness
Vesonia and his friend Marcus Orfellius Faustus in the second quarter of the first century
AD, Phileros and Faustus clearly fell out with each other. Phileros then went to the trouble
of attaching a secondary inscription to denounce his former friend and vent his anger for
all to see (Fig. 8):
Fig. 8 Secondary inscription attached to the tomb of Publius Vesonius Phileros whose text denouncing his
friend is addressed to the “stranger”, Pompeii, first half first century AD (Catalogue B120)
Photo: author
HOSPES PAULLISPER MORARE
SI NON EST MOLESTUM ET QUID EVITES
COGNOSCE AMICUM HUNC QUEM
SPERAVERAM MI ESSE AB EO MIHI ACCUSATO
RES SUBIECTI ET IUDICIA INSTAURATA DEIS
GRATIAS AGO ET MEAE INNOCENTIAE OMNI
MOLESTIA LIBERATUS SUM QUI NOSTRUM MENTITUR
EUM NEC DI PENATES NEC INFERI RECIPIANT
Stranger, stay a little, if it is not too much trouble and learn what to avoid. This man
whom I had hoped was my friend, I am forsaking: a case was maliciously brought against
me; I was charged and legal proceedings were instituted; I gave thanks to the gods and to
my innocence, I was freed from all distress. May neither the household gods nor the gods
below receive the one who misrepresented our affairs.
Many texts attempt to make the reader feel pity, particularly those on the numerous
stones that were set up for individuals whose death appeared tragic. Lucius Caesennius
Magnus set up such a stele to his young daughter in Volsinii: “Traveller, if you read this
wondering what this place is, wanting to know what this is all about, read my inscription
and learn about a wonderful girl whom fate robbed of life” (Catalogue B140)S28. The reader is
often asked to read and “see how little life granted me” or “how short a time was given me
to live”, and in sympathy he is asked to shed tears (Catalogue A33; A52; A59; A69; A91; B100;
B104; B135; B148; C60; E20). The child Nome from Hispalis is to be pitied, and the reader
of her epitaph who “feels even a little for the life described here” is asked to say “May the
earth lie lightly on you!” (Catalogue C22)S29.
The gravestone of the twenty-eight-year-old Paulla, set up by her father in Mogontiacum
in the first century AD, reads: “Stranger, if you want to know the circumstances of this
grave, read this, because the cause of death was a sad one” (Catalogue E 15; Fig. 9). These
circumstances, unfortunately, are not explained in the remaining inscription.
More information on the sufferings of a young chariot racer in Spain is contained in his
epitaph of the second century AD in Tarraco: “Searing pains burned all my inner organs and
Vox tua nempe mea est 53
[excerpt]
H
S
E
(h)OSPES SI VACU(u)M
EST TUMULI COG
NOSCERE CASSUS
PERLEGE NAM MO
RTIS CAUSSA
DOLENDA FUUIT
(Catalogue E15)
Fig. 9 Epitaph of Paulla with a tale of woe
addressed to the “traveller” and asking any
“young man” passing by for a verbal greeting,
Mainz, first half first century AD (Cat. E15)
Photo: Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Mainz
no healing hand could save me”. His epitaph concludes with a plea: “Traveller, I beg you to
toss flowers on my grave!” (Catalogue C108)S29. As late as the fifth century epitaphs attempt
to evoke pity. Iulius Victor’s epitaph of 434 AD from Mechera-Sfa says: “Read and grieve!”
(Catalogue G53).
The reader also could be advised by the deceased. The epitaph of the shipbuilder Quintus
Caelius from Ausonia urges: “Stranger, stop and if it is not too much trouble read. Do not
annoy yourself. I advise you to drink mulled wine! Death is your fate. Farewell!” (Catalogue
B106)S30. An epitaph in Puteoli encourages the reader to live life to the fullest, “because
death is swiftly approaching!” (Catalogue B90)S31. Pompeius Catussa, a builder in Lugdunum,
offers the following rather melancholic advice in the third century AD: “You who read this,
go bathe in the baths of Apollo, as I used to do with my wife. I wish I still could” (Catalogue
E2)S32. The funerary inscription of the forty-five-year-old soldier Titus Flaminius who served
in the first century AD in the fourteenth legion at Wroxeter instructs the visitor as follows:
“I did my service, and now am here. Read this and be either more or less fortunate in your
lifetime. The gods prohibit you from the wine-grape and water when you enter Tartarus.
Live honourably while your star grants you time for life’” (Catalogue H1)S33. Flavius Agricola
in Rome addressed the visitor through his third-century epitaph: “Friends, who read this,
listen to my advice: mix wine, tie the garlands around your head, drink deep. And do not
deny pretty girls the sweets of love. When death comes, earth and fire consume everything”
(Catalogue A57)S34.
The passer-by who did not stop to read the inscription was deemed to have shown a lack
of respect, and could be threatened. The epitaph of a group of freedmen in Capena reads:
“Hail traveller, come here and rest a little. You refuse and say no? You’ll have to come back
here anyway!” (Catalogue B141)S35. Here the text refers not only the traveller’s return journey,
but also his inevitable death and burial in a similar tomb. The epitaph of Gaius Pirrius in
Mandela hopes that “whoever hurrying by sees our inscription saying something good or
54
MAUREEN CARROLL
bad, may he experience the same!” (Catalogue B179)S36. If damage is done to the tomb, the
epitaph can curse the desecrator. Gaius Maenius Cimber hoped that he who did no harm in
the first century AD to his tomb in Rome might rest in peace, “but whoever damages this
grave may he be received neither by the heavenly gods nor the infernal gods and may the
earth lie heavily on him!” (Catalogue A27)S37.
Having attracted the attention of the passer-by, the owner of the inscription could rely
on his text being read and on it prompting the reader to respond to its sentiments and
commands. The response of the reader involved voiced communication, as the following
texts make clear.
UTTERING SOUNDS AND LISTENING TO VOICES
In Roman antiquity, people could and did read silently in some situations, especially if
they were dealing with documents such as books and letters (Knox 1968; Gavrilov 1997;
Burnyeat 1997; contra Balogh 1927). Voicing the words in this context might have been
perceived as “a distraction to thought” (Burnyeat 1997: 75), but this certainly did not apply
to reading inscriptions. In fact, voicing the words and reading aloud was essential to them.
One might say, with Bodel (2001: 16), that inscriptions engendered and activated speech.
The cemetery, unlike perhaps a library, a study, or a private room, was not a place for quiet
reflection, rather it was a busy place visited by the living on all manner of occasions. It was a
public place, like the forum, and like the forum it was a place where texts were read aloud.
The ‘speaking’ stones offer a particularly strong reason to read them aloud because the
name of the deceased is thereby spoken and the reader assumes the voice of the deceased.
Because inscriptions clearly were read aloud with regularity, funerary texts are a
particularly fruitful arena for investigating the issue of voiced communication in writing
and the relationship between orality and literacy. Svenbro (1988), in his study on ancient
reading, clearly demonstrated how reading aloud was an integral part of the text in Archaic
and Classical Greece. Although the writer, or he who had commissioned the writing, had
disappeared after his words were inscribed in stone, these words were given voice later by
the reader. According to Svenbro, the writer “depends on the voice that the reader will
lend him” (1988: 45). There are numerous Roman epitaphs that make it perfectly clear
that reading the text involved speaking the words. The stone thus speaks in place of the
deceased, as we can see in the case of an Ostian epitaph of the third century, cited at the
beginning of this paper, that begins “I, who speak without a voice by means of the inscribed
marble” (Catalogue B166)S38. But more important is the idea that the reader’s vocalisation of
the words is not just for himself, but that this (temporarily) returns the power of speech
to the deceased. The third-century epitaph of Lucius Claudius Rufinus from Lugdunum
is explicit in expressing this relationship between written and spoken words: “And since
the letters on the stone preserve my voice, so will (Claudius Rufinus) live on through your
voice when you, whoever you might be, read these lines” (Catalogue E5)S39. An even clearer
demonstration of the importance of voiced recitation is provided by an epitaph from Ostia
that says to the traveller: “Your voice is really my voice” (vox tua nempe mea est)(Catalogue B163).
Here it would appear that the reader has relinquished his own voice. Reference is made to
the inscription taking on the role of “our voice” in a lengthy epitaph from the family tomb
of the Flavii in Cillium (Catalogue G3). In this case, the reader and the deceased seem to
share a voice, but, in reality, the voice belongs to the reader alone.
Viewers of the monuments sometimes are asked to ‘listen’ to the text on them, in the
sense that the words can be heard when someone reads them aloud. The epitaph of Titus
Cocceius Gaa and Titus Cocceius Patiens from the Via Labicana in Rome lists the various
adornments that were added to the tomb in AD 16, then concludes by addressing the reader:
“The reason for this expense you will read in the inscription, listen, I beg you” (Catalogue
A15)S40. The funerary inscription of Gaius Clodius Paulinus from Forum Livium asks:
“Listen to him who lives on in your speech, who speaks in your soft voice” (Catalogue B126)S41.
Vox tua nempe mea est 55
An epitaph of the second century AD from Interpromium asks: “Stranger, when you are
passing by I ask you to stop and linger and see whose shadow is covered. Listen for a little
while” (Catalogue B54)S42. Cocceia Thallusa was commemorated by her husband in Puteoli,
and he chose the following text: “Whoever reads this inscription wanting to know whose
name this is…you are asked to listen” (Catalogue B89)S43. A fragmentary funerary inscription
from Antipolis also refers to the sound of reading: “listen, if you please” (Catalogue D3)S44. The
third-century epitaph from Sulmo cited earlier demonstrated very clearly how the deceased
counted on the presence of someone who “read, or listened to one reading, the inscription”
(Catalogue B57)S45. In any case, the inscribed text provoked a reading and a rendering in sound
through the voice of the reader. The survival of the memory of the deceased thus required
active participation by the viewer in a dialogue with the deceased, the inscribed text acting
as the vocal medium.
I would argue that the same applies to epitaphs found throughout the Roman empire
from the first century BC that contain simple greetings at the beginning or end of the text.
These make up 30% of the ‘speaking’ stones. The words used in this context are have, ave,
salve, and vale (as examples: Catalogue A3; A76; A107; B40; B72; B113; B125; B133; B151;
B152; C19; C74). The following few inscriptions illustrate the format of these texts.
HOSPES R[esi]STE NISI MOLE(s)TUS[t]
PERSPICE MONUMENTUM QU[od]
SIBI PUBLIUS PUBLI GRANIUS
SIBI ET SUEI(s) QUE VIVOS FECIT
EUHODUS TURARIUS
SALVE VALE
Stranger, stop, and if it is not too much trouble, behold this monument which Publius
Granius, son of Publius, made for himself and his while alive, Euhodus Turarius, Greetings!
Farewell! (Catalogue B119)
MINUCIA N F
MAIOR SALVE
Minucia Maior, daughter of Numerius. Greetings! (Catalogue A11)
P VERGILIUS P L
SAMNIS HIC SITUS
EST AVE ET VALE
Here lies Publius Vergilius Samnis, freedman of Publius. Greetings and farewell! (Catalogue C84)
Who is actually extending these greetings? Lattimore, in discussing them in Greek
epitaphs, thought they “might be addressed either to the passing stranger or to the dead”
(1942: 232).13 However, when we imagine the reader of the text vocalising the words, it is
clearly he, as the living participant in the dialogue, who is hailing the deceased. Indeed
explicit in soliciting a spoken greeting is the text of an epitaph from Aquileia that reads:
“Greetings, traveller! You who pass by and read, say: Farewell!” (Catalogue B3)S46. Similar
sentiments are expressed in a consular dated epitaph of AD 180 from Vardagate: “Greetings
and may you fare well, whoever you are traveller, and do not neglect to greet me before you
go!” (Catalogue B36)S47. In some cases, the words provide a reciprocal dialogue in that the
deceased is greeted and he and is seen to return these greetings. This type of exchange
can be seen in the first century AD, for example, in the epitaph of Statilius Parra from the
columbarium of the Statilii in Rome: “Farewell to you and to you too” (tu vale et tu) (Catalogue
A24).14 The deceased and the speaker have active roles in epitaphs such as that set up for
Caelia Clauce in Ostia (Catalogue B167). Here the text reads: Clauce / habe vene valeas / qui me
salutas (Greetings Clauce! And you who greet me, fare well!). The first greeting is spoken by
the reader and it is addressed to Clauce, the second is imagined as coming from the dead
woman, but it is the voice of the reader who gives her life.
56
MAUREEN CARROLL
VII
NAMES, RITUAL AND MAGIC
Although names appear regularly and prominently in all types of Roman inscriptions,
names on tombstones were particularly important, as they preserved the identity of the
deceased (Woolf 1996, 28-29; Beard 1991, 46–8). Occasionally the epitaph on a Roman
funerary monument says that the body of the deceased is held by the earth, the name by the
stone, and the soul by the air.15 A freedman buried in the second century in northern Italy
was commemorated in Tusculum at the same time by a cenotaph, the textS48 on which tells
us, in the freedman’s words, “in Pollentia…there is my altar, my name, and my grave”.16 All
that remained of a person who once lived were the gravestone and the name, or at least that
is what an epitaph in Rome expressed.17 Pliny the Younger (Ep. 9.19.3) thought it perfectly
understandable that anyone “through the very words of his epitaph seeks to perpetuate
the undying glory of his name”. The preservation of the name was of extreme importance,
as otherwise the deceased was doomed to oblivion. For that reason, epitaphs attempted
to ensure that “the name of the family is not lost” or that “there is no loss of the name”
(Catalogue D16).18 For Propertius (3.1.24)S49, “a man’s name sounds greater on people’s lips”
after he had died and been buried, indicating that to speak of the dead by name aided in the
preservation and elevation of that person’s memory.
The name of the deceased is sometimes connected with a greeting such as have, ave or
salve. In epitaphs beginning with “Greetings Argentius” (Argenti have) or “Greetings Pudens”
(have Pudens), for example, the name of the deceased is called out explicitly (Catalogue A36;
B17). An inscriptionS50 of the first century AD from Mantua contains the instructions “now,
traveller, read the name in my epitaph”, and a textS51 of the same period in Carthago Nova
begins by asking the stranger not only to stop and read, but to “stop and read the name of
Thorax…” (Catalogue B15l; C86; Fig. 10). The interaction between the inscription and the
voice of the reader renders crucial the command to pronounce the name of the deceased
aloud. This dialogue is articulated “around a command and its execution”, with the result
that a mute name is given an “expression in sound” (Svenbro 1988: 61). Some of the
Fig. 10 Epitaph of Gaius Licinius Thorax, asking the “stranger” to stop and read his name,
Cartagena, late first century AD (Catalogue C86)S51 Photo: Museo Arqueológico Municipal, Cartagena
Vox tua nempe mea est 57
‘speaking’ epitaphs conclude with the command that the deceased be called by name by
the reader, meaning that the voiced greeting to the dead was the last act performed before
taking leave of the tomb. A few examples from various locations are reproduced here.
. . . TU Q(ui) [p]RAE
[ter]IS E[t] TITULOS MEOS LEGUERIS [dic]
AVE AMANDE ERIT TIBI VITA LONGA
. . . You who pass by and read my inscription, (and say) ‘Hail, Amandus’, will have a long
life
(Catalogue G39)
. . . (h)OSPES
QUI CASUS LEGISTI
NOSTROS ET PRECOR
UT DICAS SIT TIBI
RODINE TER(r)A LEVIS
. . . , read our fate and reflect and please say: Rodine, may the earth lie lightly on you!
(Catalogue E16; Fig. 11)
. . . SI QUI
PRAETERIENS LE
GERIS PETO DICAS
MANILIA DULCIS
SIT TIBI TERRA
LEVIS
. . .You who pass by and read this I beseech you to say: Manilia, sweet woman, may the earth
lie lightly on you!
(Catalogue G20)
Fig. 11 Funerary inscription of
Rodine, asking the “traveller” to
read and greet Rodine by name,
Mainz, early first century AD
(Catalogue E16)
. . . (h)OSPES
QUI CASUS LEGISTI
NOSTROS ET PRECOR
UT DICAS SIT TIBI
RODINE TER(r)A LEVIS . . .
Photo: Rheinisches Landesmuseum, Mainz
58
MAUREEN CARROLL
The act of speaking to, with or about the dead whilst stopping and contemplating the
tomb was instrumental in prolonging the memory of the departed. Roman literature also
alludes to verbal refrains, uttered prayers and tributes spoken at the grave in response to
the text on the monument. Propertius, for example, gave an angry warning to his estranged
mistress Cynthia that the traveller would pass by her grave, unheeding, and never say “This
dust was a learned maid”S52(2.11.5–6).19 Cynthia herself he envisages as “crying out his name
over his ashes”S53 and “calling back his silent shade”S54 (1.17.23, 2.13.57). Claudius Etruscus
in Statius’ Silvae (3.3.180) is seen calling out and speaking to his father’s warm ashes. Ovid,
miserable and in exile on the Black Sea, envisaged his wife at his death calling out her
“wretched man’s name in the void” (Tr. 3.3.50–1)S55, suggesting that crying out the name of
the dead was an essential part of funerary ritual, no matter how far the voice had to travel.
Calling to the dead, Propertius believed, would return that person “on a journey no law
permits” (2.27.15–16)S56. Clearly, this act did not revive the dead physically, but it conjured
up the personality of that person, much like other ritual acts such as commemorative
feasts or the impersonation of the dead during the funeral. As Connerton (1989: 69) in
his discussion of rituals demonstrates, the dead can reappear in the world of the living
“provided one knows how to recall them”. Recalling them may have involved ritual and
gestures, but clearly the performance of speaking in response to the written words on the
funerary monuments also bridged the gap between the dead and the living in a symbolic
way.
Calling to the dead and speaking the deceased’s name may have been considered
a powerful magical tool in preserving the memory of an individual. The texts of papyri
related to healing rituals, for example, include explicit instructions to mention the name
of the patient, but in some cases just thinking of the person would be effective enough
(Versnel 2002). Writing spells in Egyptian and Graeco-Roman texts was thought to be an
effective replication of the original, verbal rite, and engraving a curse on a curse tablet
whilst reciting it made the spoken words effective and permanent (Frankfurter 1994: 195;
Graf 1997: 131–3).20 The importance of the name in remembering, or condemning, the dead
is illustrated by a funerary altar commissioned in Rome in the late first century AD by a
man named Euphrosynus and his freedwoman wife for their young daughter who had just
died.21 His wife some time after this suffered a damnatio memoriae and her name was erased
from the epitaph panel by Euphrosynus after she allegedly committed adultery and ran
off with the slaves. Erasing her name damned her to oblivion, a much feared prospect in
antiquity. But in order to curse her, and to have that act be effective, Euphrosynus had to
name her, so he attached a second inscription containing her name and the curse in order
to secure netherworldly and subterranean assistance (their dead daughter?) in making her
suffer (Johnston 1999).
Cursors such as Euphrosynus wanted a secure mechanism for carrying speech across
distance and time (Culham 1999: 98). That mechanism may have been a stone tablet, but
more often it was an inscribed sheet of lead (tabella defixionum), folded up and deposited
in a river, a well, a tomb or some other subterranean place. The words of a curse were
made permanent and far more effective by writing them down. It did not matter whether
the commissioner of such tabellae were literate or instead needed to engage the help of a
professional scribe; the inscribed words still enabled the cursor to communicate with the
gods and to use them as a weapon, or at least he believed they did (Culham 1999: 100).
For the commissioner of a funerary inscription, the inscribed stone also carried speech
across distance and time. In this sense, we might consider whether the inscribed texts, and
especially the inscribed personal names, on funerary monuments might have replicated a
specific speech act: the calling out to and naming of the dead (conclamatio) in the primary
ritual of death and burial. The funerary text of the ‘speaking’ stones certainly prompted
the repetition of this naming and calling ritual by anyone who read the inscription out
loud, for as long as the text physically survived. Thomassen (1999) points out that speaking
emphatically turns speech into act, while acting with intense deliberation increases the
Vox tua nempe mea est 59
significative content of the act. This might involve bodily gestures, specific actions and
the pronunciation of words designed to enhance the active character of utterances. In the
context of funerary commemoration, reading the name of the deceased aloud made it
resound, the voice enhancing the active character of communicating with and speaking for
the dead.
Epitaphs leave no doubt about the importance of speaking to the dead by name. A soldier
of Legio II Adiutrix in Aquincum communicates with the reader about his wife by saying:
“…may you be happy who read…and speak with a solemn voice, Aelia Sabina: Greetings!”
(Catalogue F42)S57. And a son asked his mother in Rome to “call the name of your son, who lies
here, often; even if they are just words, they are most dear to my ashesS58”.22 The survival of
names was not simply a matter of remembering them, long gone, in silence or in everyday
speech. By reading aloud the names inscribed on the monuments visitors to the tomb
addressed the dead as still present amongst them.
It was important that the person commemorated with an inscription of the ‘speaking’
variety believed in the ritual power and symbolic efficacy that the reading and verbal
recitation of his inscription had in keeping him, his name and his memory alive. In order
for this to work, there had to be an audience possessing varying degrees of literacy skills
to whom, in more ways than one, the inscription spoke and was directed. These were the
readers of the ‘speaking’ stones. It was they who, however briefly and occasionally, breathed
life into the deceased in their dialogue with the dead.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I should like to thank the Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies for awarding me a grant from the Hugh
Last and Donald Atkinson Funds to carry out research at the British School at Rome in spring 2005. I am very
grateful to John Drinkwater and Anthony Birley for their helpful comments on an earlier draft. The invitation
to give this paper as part of the Accordia Lecture Series was much appreciated, as was the interest of John
Wilkins in publishing it here.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
NOTES
CIL VI.37965/Gordon 1983: 45–8/Friggeri 2001: 168–9/Bodel 2001: 40–1.
See, for example, CIL II.1206; CIL II.2720/ Knapp 1992: No. 299; CIL II2/5.1219=CIL II.1498; CIL II2/
5.1222=CIL II.1499; CIL II2/7.423; CIL II2/7.426=CIL II.2262/Bücheler, CE 1500a. For regional differences
in invocations, expressions and abbreviations in funerary epigraphy, see Carroll 2006: 133–6.
For other acrostic inscriptions, see CILIII.6306/ Bücheler, CE273; CILVI.20674/ Bücheler, CE436;
CILVIII.7156/Bücheler, CE512. Acrostic word games appear also in late Roman and Christian epitaphs
(CILV.6731/Bücheler, CE748; CILVIII.9159. 9170 and 20202/ Bücheler, CE1830) and, indeed, as late as the
eighth century (Bücheler, CE725–7).
CIL VI.9604/Bücheler, CE1253; CILXI.4631/ Bücheler, CE1846.
CIL XIII.7156/Bücheler, CE512.
CIL VIII.28082/ Bücheler, CE1967/Engstrom, CE186. A thirty-year-old woman from Conimbriga wrote her
own verses: CILII.391, suppl. p. 815/Bücheler, CE485.
Bücheler, CE991=CILVI.2489, identical to Bücheler, CE992=CILIII.2835; Alföldy 1975: No. 636=CILII.6130,
identical to CILVI.23942.
On epitaphs and Classical authors, see Sandys 1927: 6-19; Galletier 1922: 37–9.
On Propertius and funerary verse, see Popova 1973.
Sometimes the reader is addressed as homo or adulescens: Catalogue A13; B51; C109. Other times, the
inscription opens with “you who read this”: Catalogue A19; A32; A80; B25; C36, or with “you who pass by”:
Catalogue B87; B100, or with “you who stop”: Catalogue B135; C53.
IG XII 9.285=IG XII Suppl. p. 186/ Friedländer 1948: No. 140 (Eretria). See also from Athens “Stranger who
walk this path, mark the tombstone of these brothers who left their family”: IG II/III2.13102a/Clairmont
1970: No. 60. For similar texts, see also IG I2.976/Friedländer 1948: No. 135; IG II/III2.10435/Clairmont
1970: No. 44. The address to the wayfarer continues in Greek-language epitaphs of the Roman period, eg.
CIL III.8899. There is a long tradition in the ancient world of objects, including gravestones, that speak
in the first person, for which see Bodel 2001: 18-19; Häusle 1980: 48–9. From the sixth century BC Greek
funerary monuments can refer to themselves in the first person. Latin funerary inscriptions later take
60
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
MAUREEN CARROLL
up this motif, as we can see in an epitaph from Rome of the mid-first century BC: “I am Lucius Lutatius
Paccius, dealer in incense from the family of King Mithridates” (CIL I.1065=CIL VI.5639/ILS 7612).
The nihilistic and bitter phrase non fui, fui, non sum, non curo (was not, I was, I am not, I don’t care), found with
some regularity in Rome and northern Italy, is very rare on ‘speaking’ stones: Catalogue C63 (Mirobriga);
Catalogue B4 (Aquileia); Catalogue B69 (Forum Novum).
The greeting in Greek is ΧΑΙΡΕ or ΧΑΙΡΕΤΕ. This continues in the Roman period in Greek-language
epitaphs: CILIII.333; CILVIII.8854.
For other examples, see also Catalogue B69; B95; B115; B138; F8; F38.
CIL III.3247, suppl. 8003. An epitaph from Rome (CILVI.23083) says the people keep the name of the
deceased, the tomb the body.
CIL VI.16913. On cenotaphs and honorific tombs, see Frischer 1982-83; Ricci 2001; Carroll 2006: 163–8.
CIL VI.22215/Bücheler, CE801: Stat lapis et nomen tantum vestigia nulla.
See also CILVI.13203.
This seems to reflect a similar attitude expressed in Euripides, Alcestis1000-1004: “And those who go past
the curve in the road will say: She died for her husband long ago, and now she is a blessed spirit”. Elsewhere
Propertius mentions verbal comments made by visitors to tombs: 2.1.77–8, 3.7.27–8.
Such curse tablets were often placed in or near a tomb to give the dead power over the cursed victim. A
double curse tablet made of lead and dating to the first century BC, for example, comes from a small
cemetery south of Pompeii (Fondo Azzolini). In it a woman curses a female rival: CIL I2.2541; CIL IV.9251;
Stefani and Varone 1998: Catalogue N32, fig. p. 105.
CIL VI.20905/ Bücheler, CE 95/Lattimore 1942: 124. The inscriptions are discussed by Evans Grubbs 2002
and Carroll forthcoming.
CIL VI.15876/ Bücheler, CE 431. In another epitaphS58 a son asks his mother to speak his name because
the spirits like to hear their name: CIL VI.25182. Similar sentiments can be found in Latin literature:
Claudius Etruscus spoke to his dead father, “and sweet were his words to the happy father’s ear” (Statius,
Silv. 3.3.205–6).
Vox tua nempe mea est 61
APPENDIX
GREEK & LATIN SOURCE TEXTS
S1 HIC EGO QUI SINE VOCE LOQUOR DE MARMORE CAESO
NATUS IN EGREGIIS TRALLIBUS EX ASIA
OMNIA BAIARUM LUSTRAVI MOENIA SAEPE
PROPTER AQUAS CALIDAS DELICIASQUE MARIS
CUIUS HONOROFICAE VITAE NON IMMEMOR HERES
QUINQUAGINTA MEIS MILLIBUS UT VOLUI
HANC AEDEM POSUIT STRUXIDQUE NOVISSIMA TEMPLA
MANIBUS ET CINERI POSTERIISQUE MEIS
SET TE QUI LEGIS HAEC TANTUM PRECOR UT MIHI DICAS
SIT TIBI TERRA LEVIS SOCRATES ARISTOMACHI
Epitaph from Ostia, Catalogue B166, CIL XIV 480
S2 HOSPES RESISTE ET HOC AD GRUMUM AD LAEVAM ASPICE
Epitaph of Gaius Ateilius Euhodus, Rome, Catalogue A5
S3 QUANTUMCUMQUE TAMEN PRAECONIA NOSTRA VALEBUNT VERSICULUS VIVES
Allia Potestas, Rome, CIL VI 37965
S4 Inscriptions on tituli in Fondo Pacifico, Pompeii:
The Tomb of Marcus Blaesius Malchio (left) has three inscriptions, reading from left:
BLASIAE / L QUARTAE
Blasiae / Gaiae libertae Quartae
BLASIAE / C L NICAE / MALCHIO L
Blasiae / Cai libertae, Nicae / Malchio libertus
M BLAESIUS / L MALCHIO
Marcus Blaesius / Gaiae libertus Malchio
The Tomb of Marcus Lollius Nicia (right) has three inscriptions, reading from left:
M LOLLIUS / M L FELIX
Marcus Lollius / Marci libertus Felix
M LOLLIUS M L / LUCRIO
Marcus Lollius Marci libertus / Lucrio
M LOLLIUS M L / NICIA / LOLLIA M L / HERMIONA / ET LIBERTI ET LIBERTE
Marcus Lollius Marci libertus / Nicia / Lollia Marci liberta / Hermiona / et liberti et liberte
S5 SALVE VIATOR QUI ISTAC ITER FACIS
SALVO TUO CORPORE CONSISTE ET LEGE....
ET NUNC ROGO VOS OMN
ES NATOS NASCENTESQUE UT SI QUID LA(p)SUS
ME PRAETERIT HOMINEM BARBARUM NATU
PANNUNIUM MULTI ULCERI(bu)S ET MALIS
PERTURBATUM IGNOSCATIS ROGO AT NU(nc)
INPRECAMUS DEOS UT SI QUIS HOC SEPHULCR(um)
AUT HUNC TITULUM LAESERIT IN(tulerit sit illi)
FORTUNA MALA ET QUOD MER(itu)M SIT HUNC
TITULUMQUE QUICUMQUE LEGERIT AUT LEGE(ntem)
AUSCULTA(ve)RIT ALLEUET ILLOS FOR(tuna)
SUPERIOR ET VALEANT SEMPER (in aeterno)
QUICUMQUE IN HOC TITULO SCRIP(ta legerit verba)
QUIETIS SIT VOBIS TERRA LEVIS
Epitaph from Sulmo, Catalogue B57
S6 AEMILIA M F PROCULI
NA ANN XVI/PIA IN SUIS S[IT] T[IBI] T[ERRA] L[EVIS]
DIC Q[UI] L[EGIS] S[IT] T[IBI] T[ERRA] L[EVIS]
Aemilia Proculina, daughter of Marcus, dutiful to her own, 16 years old, may the earth lie
lightly on you! You who read, say: may the earth lie lightly on you!
Epitaph from Olaurum, Catalogue C33
S7 D M Val Rufine an XII Lic Anna m pien fil po
equivalent to:DIS MANIBUS. VALERIAE RUFIN[A]E, AN[NOS] XII LIC(INIA) ANNA, MATER, PIENTISSIMAE
FILIAE POSUIT
To the spirits of the dead and of Valeria Rufina, 12 years old, Licinia Anna did this for her most dutiful
daughter
Epitaph from Solia, Catalogue C62
62
S8
MAUREEN CARROLL
VEL NUNC MORANDO RESTA QUI PERGES ITER
ETIAM DOLENTIS CASUS ADVERSOS LEGE
TREBIUS BASILEUS CONIUNX QUAE SCRIPSI DOLENS
UT SCIRE POSSIS INFRA SCRIPTA PECTORIS
RERUM BONARUM FUIT HAEC ORNATA SUIS
INNOCUA SIMPLEX QUAE NUMQUAM SERBABIT DOLUM
ANNOS QUAE VIXIT XXI ET MENSIBUS VII
GENUITQUE EX ME TRES NATOS QUOS RELIQUIT PARBULOS
REPLETA QUARTUM UTERO MENSE OCTAVO OBIT
ATTONITUS CAPITA NUNC VERSORUM INSPICE
TITULUM MERENTIS ORO PERLEGAS LIBENS
AGNOSCES NOMEN CONIUGIS GRATAE MEAE
Acrostic Epitaph of Veturia Grata from Rome, CIL VI.28753, CE 108, Catalogue A94
S9
CONIUNX QUOD POTUIT TITU
LUM MIHI REDDIDIT UNI
S10 VIR TUUS INGENTI GEMITU FLETUQUE RIGATUS
HOS FECI VERSUS PAUCA TAMEN MEMORANS
Epitaph of Alexander from Rome, CIL VI.9604
S11 TE ROGO PRAETERIENS FAC MORA ET PERLEGE VERSUS
QUOS EGO DICTAVI ET IUSSI SCRIBERE QUENDAM
Epitaph from Carsulae, CIL XI.4631
Epitaph from Tusculum, Catalogue B178
S12 QUISQUE SAPIS IUVENIS VIVO TIBI PONE SEPULCHRUM
Epitaph of Antigonus Vitalis from Carthage, Catalogue G9
S13 HOS EGO IAM PROAVO
VERSUS PATER IPSE NEPOSQUE
TESTANTES VITAM MULTA PER SAE
CULA MISI
Epitaph of T. Flavius Pudens, Madaura, CIL VIII.28082
S14 da lacrimas tumulo, qui legis iste, meo
S15
Martial, vii, 96
. . . properas qui flere, viator,
non licet hic vitae de brevitate queri
Martial, xi, 91
S16 ὦ ξεῖν ̓, ἀγγέλλειν Λακεδαιμονίοις ὅτι τῇδε
κείμεθα τοῖς κείνων ῥήμασι πειθόμενοι
S17 VALEBIS HOSPES VEIVE TIBI IAM (mors venit)
Herodotus, vii, 228
Epitaph from Trebula Mutuesca, Catalogue B69
S18 (S)EI PROPERAS I NO(n ten)E(o) SEIN OTIUM HABES STA/PERL(ege)
Epitaph from Rome, Catalogue A2
S19 SI LUTUS SI PULVIS
TARDAT TE FORTE
VIATOR ARIDA SIVE
SITIS NUNC TIBI ITER
MINUIT PERLEGE)
Epitaph from Val Bona, Catalogue B22
S20 AT VIRIDI REQUIESCE VIATOR IN HERBA
(ne)U FUGE SI TECUM COEPERIT UMBRA LOQUI
Epitaph from Hispellum, Catalogue B149
S21 CARPIS SI QUIRUS PAULUM HUC DEPONE LA(borem)
CUR TANTUM PROPER(as) NON EST MORA.....
ORO LIBENS (relegas) NE TAEDIO DUC(as) AMICE
Epitaph of Gaius Clodius Paulinus from Forum Livium, Catalogue B126
S22 VIVAS
VALEAS AMES AMERIS
USQUE AT DIE
Epitaph from Rome, Catalogue A49
S23 HOSPES VIVE VALE IN SUMPTUM SUPERET TIBI SEMPER
QUA NON SPEVISTI HUNC LAPIDEM DIGNUMQ(ue) DICASTI
Epitaph from Brindisium, Catalogue B39
Vox tua nempe mea est 63
S24 HOSPES RESISTE ET TUMULUM HUNC EXCELSUM ASPICE.....
NOMEN EI QUAERAS EXORATURI SALVIAE
VALEBIS HOSPES OPTO UT SANCTIS FELICIOR
Epitaph from Eporedia, Catalogue B31
S25 HOC QUI SCIRE CUPIS IACEANT QUAE MEMBRA SEPULCHRO
DISCES DUM RELEGAS HOS MODO VERSICULOS
S26 SE(pulcrum)...
SI QUIS F(orte ve)
LIS CURIOSE SCI
RE VIATOR
Epitaph from Milan, Catalogue B23
Epitaph from Madaura, Catalogue C34
S27 QUISQUIS ES HUC OCULOS PAULAM CONVERTE VIATOR ET LEGE QUOD
NOMEN HIC TITULUS TENEAT
Epitaph from Rome, Catalogue A44
S28 QUOD LEGES MI
RANS VIATOR
ILLUT EST QUOD SC
IS BENE QUOD SI CA
SUS NOSSE QUAERES
PERLEGE TITULUM
MEUM DECIDI EX
ALTO PUELLA VI
TA(m) FATO REDDIDI
S29 USSERE ARDENTES INTUS MEA VISCERA MORBI
VINCERE QUOS MEDICAE NON POTUERE MANUS
SPARGE PRECOR FLORES SUPRA MEA BUSTA VIATOR
S30 HOSPES RESISTE ET NIS M
OLESTUST PERLEGE NOLI
STOMACARE SUADEO
CALDUM BIBAS MORIU
N(d)UST VALE
S31 VIVITE MORS PROPERAT
S32 TU QUI LEGIS VADE IN APOLINIS
LAVARI QUOD EGO CUM CONIU
GE FECI VELLEM SI ADUC POSSEM
S33 MILITAVI A(t)Q(ue) NUNC HIC S(u)M
(hoc) LEGITE ET FELICES VITA PLUS MIN(us) E(ste)
(d)I UVA VINI ET AQUA PROHIBENT UBI
TA(r)TAR(a) ADITIS VIVITE DUM SI(dus)
VITAE DAT TEMPUS HONESTE
Epitaph from Volsinii, Catalogue B140
Epitaph from Tarraco, Catalogue C108
Epitaph from Ausonia, Catalogue C106
Epitaph from Puteoli, Catalogue B89
Epitaph from Lyon, Catalogue E2
Epitaph from Wroxeter, Catalogue H1
S34 AMICI QUI LEGITIS MONEO MISCETE LYAEUM
ET POTATE PROCUL REDIMITI TEMPORA FLORE
ET VENEREOS COITUS FORMOSIS NE DENEGATE PUELLIS
CETERA POST OBITUM TERRA CONSUMIT ET IGNIS
Epitaph of Flavius Agricola, Rome, Catalogue A57
S35 (h)EUS TU VIATOR VENI HOC ET QUEIESCI
PUSIL(l)U(m) INNUIS ET NEGITAS
TAMEN HOC REDEU(n)DUS TIBI
Epitaph from Rome, Catalogue B141
S36 SI QUID PRAETERIENS TITULO VIS DICERE NOSTRO
SI BENE SIVE MALE DICIS HABEBIS IDEM
Epitaph of Gaius Pirrius, Mandela, Catalogue B179
S37 SI QUIS LAESERIT NEC SUPERIS
COMPROBETUR NEC INFERI RECIPIANT ET SIT ET TERRA GRAVIS
Epitaph of Gaius Meanius Cimber, Rome, Catalogue A27
S38 HIC EGO QUI SINE VOCE LOQUOR DE MARMORE CAESO
Epitaph from Ostia, Catalogue B166
64
MAUREEN CARROLL
S39 QUODQUE MEAM
RETINET VOCEM DATA LITTE
RA SAXO VOCE TUA VIVET
QUISQUE LEGES TITULOS
Epitaph of Lucius Claudius Rufinus from Lyon, Catalogue E5
S40 IMPENSAE CAUSAM TITULUM QUI PERLEGIS AUDI
S41 DUM LEG(is) AUDI
LINGUA TUA VIVUM MITIQUE TUA VOCE LOQUENTEM
Epitaph from Rome, Catalogue A15
Epitaph from Forum Livium, Catalogue B126
S42 SISTE GRADUM QUAESO SINE TE LEVET UMBRA TENACEM
HOSPES ITER DURUM EST QUID TERIS USQUE VIAM
AUDI PAUCA
Epitaph from Interpromium, Catalogue B54
S43 QUI LEGIS HUNC TITULUM QUID NOMEN SCIRE..... PRECOR AUDI
Epitaph from Rome, Catalogue A15
S44 VIATOR AUDI SI LIBET
Epitaph from Antipolis, Catalogue D3
S45 QUICUMQUE LEGERIT AUT LEGE(ntem)
Epitaph from Sulmo, Catalogue B57
S46 (have) VIATOR QUI
(tran)SIS ET LEGIS ET DICIS
(vale)
Epitaph from Aquileia, Catalogue B3
S47 AVE BE
NE VALEAS QUISQ(uis) ES VIATOR
(ne)Q(u)E VALE(at) QUI ME AMOVE(rit)
Epitaph from Vardagate, Catalogue B36
S48 POLLENTIA SAEVA SUBEGIT EST ET IBI
TUMULUS NOMEN ET ARA MIHI
Epitaph from Tusculum, CIL VI.16913
S49 maius ab exsequiis nomen in ora venit
Propertius, 3, 1, 24
S50 LEGE NUNC VIATOR NOMEN IN TITULO MEUM
S51 HOSPES CONSISTE ET THORACIS PERLEGE NOMEN
S52 cinis hic docta puella fuit
Epitaph from Mantua, Catalogue B15
Epitaph from Carthago Nova, Catalogue C86
S53 illa meum extremo clammasset pulvere nomen
S54 mutos revocabis, Cynthia, Manes
S55 clamabis miseri nomen inane viri
S56 concessum nulla lege redibit iter
S57 FELIX QUICUMQUE LEGES TE
NUMINA SERVENT ET PIA VOCE CANE AELIA SABINA VALE
S58 TU PIA TU MATER CINERES OPERIRE MEMENTO
SAEPIUS IN NATI NOMEN CLAMATO IACENTIS
VERBA MEO CINERI SALTEM GRATISSIMA DONA
Propertius, 2, 11, 5-6
Propertius, 1, 17, 22
Propertius, 2, 13, 57
Ovid, Tr. 3.3.50-51
Propertius, 2, 27, 15-16
Epitaph from Aquincum, Catalogue F42
Epitaph from Rome, CIL VI.15876
Vox tua nempe mea est 65
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Vox tua nempe mea est 67
ABBREVIATIONS
Bücheler, CE
CIL
CSIR
Digest
Engström, CE
ICUR
IG
ILS
RIB
Bücheler, F. 1895–1897. Carmina Latina Epigraphica, Vols. 1–2,
and Supplementum by Lommatzsch, E. 1926. B.G. Teubner, Leipzig.
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (1863–). Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der
Wissenschaften, Berlin.
Corpus Signorum Imperii Romani (1973–). Habelt, Bonn.
Watson, A. 1985. The Digest of Justinian, 4 Volumes. University of Pennsylvania Press,
Philadelphia.
Engström, E. 1912. Carmina Latina Epigraphica (post editam collectionem Buechelerianum in lucem
prolata). Eranos’ Förlag, Goteburg.
Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae (1922–1992). Pontificio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana,
Rome.
Inscriptiones Graecae (1924–). Walter de Gruyter, Berlin.
Dessau, H. 1892–1916. Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae. Weidmann, Berlin.
Collingwood, R.G. and Wright, R.P. 1995. The Roman Inscriptions of Britain (2nd edn.). Alan
Sutton Publishing, Phoenix Mill.
Aulus Gellius, NA
Ovid, Tr.
Pliny (the Elder), HN
Pliny (the Younger), Ep.
Petronius, Sat.
Varro, Ling.
Sidonius Apollinaris, Ep.
Statius, Silv.
Noctes Atticae
Tristia
Naturalis Historia
Epistulae
Satura
De Lingua Latina
Epistulae
Silvae
68
MAUREEN CARROLL
CATALOGUE OF FUNERARY INSCRIPTIONS
(addressing or greeting the viewer
and referring to
reading, listening and speaking)
A
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
ROME
CIL I2.1210=CIL VI.32311/ILS 1932; Bücheler, CE 53; Häusle 1980, 43–4
CIL I2.2997; Bücheler, CE 975
CIL I2.3002
CIL I.1072=CIL I2.1348=CIL VI.23227/ILS 8395
CIL I2.1223; Bücheler, CE 970
CIL I.1027=CIL I2.1212=CIL VI.9545/ILS 7602; Bücheler, CE 74; Lattimore 1942, 119
CIL I.1009=CIL I2.1214=CIL VI.10096; Bücheler, CE 55
CIL I.1006=CIL I2.1202=CIL VI.13696/ILS 8121; Bücheler, CE 11; Galletier 1922, 37–8,
218; Purdie 1935, 51–2; Lattimore 1942, 236
CIL I.1007=CIL I2.1211=CIL VI.15346/ILS 8403; Bücheler, CE 52; Lattimore 1942, 271,
229, 232; Häusle 1980, 93–4.
CIL I.1049=CIL I2.1295=CIL VI.16606
CIL I2.1340=CIL VI.22556
CIL I.1098=CIL I2.1408=CIL VI.28422/ILS 8396
CIL I2.1209=CIL VI.33919a/ILS 7703; Bücheler, CE 848; Galletier 1922, 38
CIL VI.40; Bücheler, CE 1518
CIL VI.10237/ILS 7870; Bücheler, CE 371.
CIL VI.2335/ILS 1967; Bücheler, CE 127b; Lattimore 1942, 236
CIL VI.2357/ILS 8204; Bücheler, CE 838; Lattimore 1942, 229
CIL VI.3608; Bücheler, CE 475.
CIL VI.5302; Bücheler, CE 1037; Purdie 1935, 101; Lattimore 1942, 263
CIL VI.5767; Bücheler, CE 1101, Lattimore 1942, 120, 236
CIL VI.6214/ILS 8419; Engström, CE 396
CIL VI.6457/ILS 8129a
CIL VI.6492/ILS 8129b
CIL VI.6548
CIL VI.6573
CIL VI.7419; Bücheler, CE 1016
CIL VI.7579/ILS 8190; Bücheler, CE 2170; Engström, CE 411; Lattimore 1942, 121
CIL VI.8012/ILS 8435; Bücheler, CE 134
CIL VI.8534b; Engström, CE 384
CIL VI.9024
CIL VI.9274/ ILS 7456; Bücheler, CE 1883; Engström, CE 394.
CIL VI.9280/ILS 8194
CIL VI.9437/ILS 7710; Bücheler, CE 403
CIL VI.9693; Bücheler, CE 1136
CIL VI.10097; Bücheler, CE 1111; Koortbojian 1996, 228–9, fig. 36
CIL VI.10268
CIL VI.10493; Bücheler, CE 1122; Häusle 1980, 41–2
CIL VI.10558/ILS 8135
CIL VI.10630
CIL VI.10651; Lattimore 1942, 236
CIL VI.10969; Bücheler, CE 443; Purdie 1935, 52; Lattimore 1942, 233
CIL VI.11743; Bücheler, CE 1498
Vox tua nempe mea est 69
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
CIL VI.11938
CIL VI.12009; Bücheler, CE 1218
CIL VI.12214
CIL VI.12652; Bücheler, CE 995; Galletier 1922, 224; Lattimore 1942, 204
CIL VI.12735; Bücheler, CE 132
CIL VI.12951; Bücheler, CE 1456
CIL VI.13075/ILS 8137; Lattimore 1942, 236.
CIL VI.13927 and 36631/ILS 8196
CIL VI.14537/ILS 8138
CIL VI.14578 and 34083; Bücheler, CE 502
CIL VI.17056; Bücheler, CE 1085
CIL VI.17342; Bücheler, CE 1049
CIL VI.1456
CIL VI.17844
CIL VI.17985a; Bücheler, CE 856; Häusle 1980, 98–9
CIL VI.18086; Bücheler, CE 1581
CIL VI.18385; Bücheler, CE 1184; Purdie 1935, 67
CIL VI.18659/ILS 8145
CIL VI.18938/ILS 8145; Bücheler, CE 131
CIL VI.19007; Bücheler, CE 562
CIL VI.19175; Bücheler, CE 1086
CIL VI.19683; Bücheler, CE 1582
CIL VI.20370; Bücheler 1544
CIL VI.20466; Bücheler, CE 1064
CIL VI.20480
CIL VI.20674; Bücheler, CE 436
CIL VI.21200; Bücheler, CE 973
CIL VI.21261
CIL VI.21848
CIL VI.22102; Bücheler, CE 92
CIL VI.22107
CIL VI.22203; Bücheler, CE 1478
CIL VI.22628
CIL VI.22855
CIL VI.23629
CIL VI.23685
CIL VI.24022; Bücheler, CE 2028; Engström, CE 210.
CIL VI.24368 and 34152; Bücheler, CE 1097
CIL VI.24800/ILS 8183; Bücheler, CE 1299; Lattimore 1942, 121
CIL VI.25092/ILS 8127a
CIL VI.25489/ILS 8128
CIL VI.25512; Engström, CE 70
CIL VI.25537
CIL VI.25548/ILS 6192
CIL VI.25703; Bücheler, CE 1537
CIL VI.26003; Bücheler, CE 1495
CIL VI.26020; Bücheler, CE 1013
CIL VI.26554/ILS 8139
CIL VI.26680; Bücheler, CE 1173
CIL VI.27247
70
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
116
117
118
119
120
B
MAUREEN CARROLL
CIL VI.27365/ILS 8201a
CIL VI.28753; Bücheler, CE 108
CIL VI.28877; Bücheler, CE 1036
CIL VI.28942; Bücheler, CE 96
CIL VI.29265
CIL VI.29580/ILS 8450
CIL VI.29629; Bücheler, CE 1067
CIL VI.29952/ILS 8161; Bücheler, CE 247
CIL VI.30121
CIL VI.30123; Bücheler, CE 401
CIL VI.30124
CIL VI. 30553; Bücheler, CE 1775
CIL VI.32808; Bücheler, CE 474
CIL VI.33865
CIL VI.34285/ILS 8123
CIL VI.34416; Engström, CE 179
CIL VI.35653; Bücheler, CE 2127; Engström, CE 294
CIL VI.35887/ILS 8168; Bücheler, CE 1532
CIL VI.35979/ILS 8135a; Bücheler, CE 2217; Engström, CE 290
CIL VI.36202; Bücheler, CE 1545
CIL VI.36656; Bücheler, CE 1458; Lattimore 1942, 72
CIL VI.36631; Bücheler, CE 1884; Engström, CE 30
CIL VI.38710
Revue Archéologique 1928, 371; Purdie 1935, 65
Bücheler, CE 1402
Bücheler, CE 857; Lattimore 1942, 119
Kockel 1993, Cat. L22, pl. 107e; Koortbojian 1996, 225–6, fig. 35.
ICUR V.13655
ITALY
Gallia Cisalpina; Liguria; Venetia and Histria; Transpadana; Alpes Cottiae; Alpes Maritimae
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
CIL V.1191=CIL I.1459=CIL I2.2206
CIL V.1727; Bücheler, CE 2007; Engström, CE 200
CIL V.8519
CIL V.1939/ILS 8165; Bücheler, CE 1585; Galletier 1922, 223
CIL V.8974; Bücheler, CE 214
CIL V suppl. Ital. 335; Bücheler, CE 124
CIL V.2402; Lattimore 1942, 237
CIL V.2435; Bücheler, CE 369
CIL I2.2172= CIL V.2866
CIL V.3012
CIL V.3403; Bücheler, CE 1004
CIL V.3466/ILS 5121
CIL V.3496/ILS 8457; Bücheler, CE 2171; Engström, CE 392
CIL V.3996
CIL V.4078; Bücheler, CE 84; Critini 1998, 161–6
CIL I.1431=CIL I2.2138=CIL V.4111/ILS 8122; Bücheler, CE 119; Lattimore 1942, 329
CIL V.4629
CIL.V.4654
Vox tua nempe mea est 71
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
CIL V.4656; Bücheler, CE 1091
CIL V.4879
CIL V.4887
CIL V.4905; Bücheler, CE 982; Lattimore 1942, 233; Galletier 1922, 219
CIL V.5719; Bücheler, CE 1449
CIL V.5927/ILS 7552
CIL V.5961; Bücheler, CE 639
CIL V.6128; Bücheler, CE 473
CIL V.6134; Bücheler, CE 1309
CIL V.6295; Bücheler, CE 1433
CIL V.6698
CIL V.6739; Bücheler, CE 779
CIL I2.2161=CIL V.6808; Bücheler, CE 63; Lattimore 1942, 237
CIL.V.7047
CIL V. suppl. Ital. 1305; Bücheler, CE 1539
Bücheler CE 1968; Engström, CE 208
CIL V.7430; Bücheler, CE 1464
CIL V.7465
CIL V.7570
CIL V.8699/ILS 8125
Calabria; Apulia; Samnium; Sabine Hills; Picenum
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
64
CIL IX.60; Bücheler, CE 1533
CIL IX.164
CIL IX.6112
CIL I.1267=CIL I2.1702=CIL IX.605; Bücheler, CE 57
CIL IX.1527; Bücheler, CE 73
CIL I2.3197
CIL IX.1658
CIL IX.1764; Bücheler, CE 76; Lattimore 1942, 232; Häusle 1980, 26
CIL IX.1817; Bücheler, CE 1055
CIL I.1220=CIL I2.1732=CIL IX.1837; Bücheler, CE 960; Lattimore 1942, 176
CIL IX.1983
CIL IX.2105/ILS 8142
CIL IX.2128; Bücheler, CE 83; Lattimore 1942, 232
CIL IX.2272; Bücheler, CE 1523; Buonocore 2005, 2. Cat. 1
CIL IX.3009; Bücheler, CE 1280; Buonocore 2005, 4, Cat. 12
CIL IX.3071; Bücheler, CE 1212; Lattimore 1942, 233; Galletier 1922, 219; Buonocore
2005, 6, Cat. 18
CIL IX.3122; Bücheler, CE 1213; Buonocore 2005, 6, Cat. 19
CIL IX.3125
L’Année Épigraphique 1989, No. 247; Bodel 2001, 16; Buonocore 2005, 18, Cat. 9
CIL IX.3193/ILS 7553; Bücheler, CE 209; Buonocore 2005, 19, Cat. 14
L’Année Épigraphique 1983, 324; Buonocore 2005, 8, Cat. 28
CIL IX.3358; Bücheler, CE 1125; Galletier 1922, 53, 66, 106; Purdie 1935, 154; Buonocore
2005, 9, Cat. 34
CIL IX.3473; Bücheler, CE 186; Buonocore 2005, 10, Cat. 38
L’Année Épigraphique 1985, 330; Buonocore 2005, 10, Cat. 40
CIL IX.3821; Bücheler, CE 241; Galletier 1922, 283; Buonocore 2005, 11, Cat. 44
CIL XI.3895; Bücheler, CE 90; Buonocore 2005, 11–12, Cat. 46
72
65
66
67
68
69
70
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
MAUREEN CARROLL
CIL IX.4508
CIL IX.4796/ILS 7542; Bücheler, CE 437; Galletier 1922, 99, 102, 109, 247; Purdie 1935,
96–97; Buonocore 2005, 15, Cat. 63
CIL IX.4810; Bücheler, CE 1305; Galletier 1922, 121; Buonocore 2005, 15, Cat. 64
CIL IX.4840/ILS 8166; Bücheler, CE 1496; Buonocore 2005, 15–16, Cat. 66
CIL I2.1836=CIL IX.4922; Bücheler, CE 62; Buonocore 2005, 16, Cat. 67
CIL I.1306=CIL I2.1837=CIL IX.4933; Bücheler, CE 54; Buonocore 2005, 16, Cat. 68
CIL IX.5279/ILS 7732
CIL IX.5258; Bücheler, CE 61
CIL IX.5401; Bücheler, CE 1514
CIL IX.5608
CIL IX.5867
CIL IX.5922; Bücheler, CE 1517
Notizie degli Scavi 1893, 28; Bücheler, CE 117
Brutium; Lucania; Campania; Latium adiectum; Sicily; Sardinia; Corsica
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
CIL I.1256=CIL X.388/ILS 7791
CIL X.589
CIL X.619
CIL X.633/ILS 8132; Bücheler, CE 1308
CIL X.1152; Bücheler, CE 1056
CIL X.1275; Bücheler, CE 213; Lattimore 1942, 235
CIL X.1517
CIL X.1909
CIL X.1971/ILS 8193
CIL X.2246
CIL X.2311; Bücheler, CE 420
CIL X.2503; Bücheler, CE 1231; Lattimore 1942, 262
CIL X.2538
CIL X.2601; Tuck 2005, No. 152
CIL X.2712; Bücheler, CE 1482
CIL X.2723; Engström, CE 93
CIL X.2752; Bücheler, CE 1053
CIL X.3258
CIL I2.3121
CIL X.4183; Bücheler, CE 222
CIL X.4352/ILS 8175; Bücheler, CE 16
CIL X.4428; Bücheler, CE 1083
American Journal of Archaeology 1898, 396, No. 60; Bücheler, CE 2179; Engström, CE 404
Tuck 2005, No. 234
CIL X.4915; Bücheler, CE 1319
CIL X.4961
CIL X.5020; Bücheler, CE 1084
CIL X.5099; Bücheler, CE 1480
CIL X.5371/ILS 7734; Bücheler, CE 118
CIL X.5429
CIL X.6053; Bücheler, CE 71
Notizie degli Scavi 1889, 112; Bücheler, CE 1463
CIL X.6616; Bücheler, CE 127; Lattimore 1942, 237
CIL X.6620
CIL X.6984
Vox tua nempe mea est 73
113
114
115
116
117
118
119
120
CIL X.7010
CIL X.7129
CIL X.7143
CIL.X.7566, 7579; Bücheler, CE 1551 B and C; Lattimore 1942, 102, 132
CIL X. 7697; Bücheler, CE 808
CIL X.8131; Bücheler, CE 428; Lattimore 1942, 233
CIL I2.3146
D’Ambrosio and De Caro 1983, Tomb 23 OS; Cooley and Cooley 2004, 152–3
Umbria; Etruria; Aemilia
121
122
123
124
125
126
127
128
129
130
131
132
133
134
135
136
137
138
139
140
141
142
143
144
145
146
147
148
149
150
151
152
153
154
155
156
157
158
CIL XI.6753; Bücheler, CE 1326
CIL XI.434
CIL XI.481
CIL XI.512
CIL XI.530
CIL XI.627 and ad n. 627 p. 1236; Bücheler, CE 513; Lattimore 1942, 233, Häusle 1980,
45–6
CIL XI.6841 and 6842; Notizie degli Scavi 1898, 479–80, fig. 3; Bücheler, CE 2027; Engström,
CE 209
CIL XI.1036
CIL XI.1118; Bücheler, CE 98; Critini 1998, 111–7
CIL XI.1122b; Bücheler, CE 1273; Critini 1998, 118–21
L’Année Épigraphique 1953, 98; Critini 1998, 124–9
CIL XI.1260
CIL XI.1389
CIL XI.1563; Bücheler, CE 1130
CIL XI.7024; Bücheler, CE 1542
CIL XI.1616; Bücheler, CE 1190
CIL I2.3339
CIL XI.2748
CIL XI.2784
CIL XI.7376; Bücheler, CE 1901
CIL XI.4010; Bücheler, CE 120; Bodel 2001, 18
CIL XI.4126; Bücheler, CE 194; Lattimore 1942, 125
CIL XI.4188
CIL XI.4311; Bücheler, CE 457
CIL XI.4339; Bücheler, CE 2026
CIL XI.4565; Bücheler, CE 1877; Engström, CE 22
CIL XI.7856; Bücheler, CE 2068
CIL XI.5335; Bücheler, CE 1813
CIL XI.5357; Bücheler, CE 1098; Lattimore 1942, 233
CIL XI.5530
CIL I2.3387 =CIL XI.6043
CIL I2.3388
CIL XI.5569; Engström, CE 91
CIL XI.6125; Bücheler, CE 986
CIL XI.6243; Engström, CE 43
CIL XI.6435; Bücheler, CE 434
CIL XI.6507
CIL XI.6551; Bücheler, CE 1088; Lattimore 1942, 229
74
159
160
161
MAUREEN CARROLL
CIL XI.6577
CIL XI.6578
CE 1152
Latium vetus; Ostia
162
163
164
165
166
167
168
169
170
171
172
173
174
175
176
177
178
179
180
C
CIL XIV.316
CIL XIV.356; Bücheler, CE 1450; Häusle 1980, 44–5
CIL XIV.380
CIL XIV.439/ILS 6156
CIL XIV.480; Bücheler, CE 1255; Häusle 1980, 45
CIL XIV.1169
CIL XIV.1309
CIL XIV.1473/ILS 8116
CIL XIV.1697
CIL XIV.1824; Bücheler, CE 87
CIL XIV.1873/ILS 8134; Bücheler, CE 128
CIL XIV.5021; Notizie degli Scavi 1913, 140; Bücheler, CE 2082
Calza 1940, 301.
Notizie degli Scavi 1907, 128; Bücheler, CE 2083; Engström, CE 305
CIL XIV.2485; Bücheler, CE 1564
CIL I.94=CIL I2.1476=CIL XIV.3331
CIL XIV.2605; Bücheler, CE 477
CIL XIV.3480; Bücheler, CE 1459
CIL XIV.3565; Bücheler, CE 1504
SPAIN AND PORTUGAL
Lusitania
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
CIL II.59 and 5186; Bücheler, CE 1553
CIL II.369
CIL II.5241; Bücheler, CE 1452
CIL II.415; Bücheler, CE 1453
CIL II.540
CIL II.558; Bücheler, CE 1451
Bücheler, CE 2111; Engström, CE 327
CIL II.5304
CIL II.5327
CIL II.611
L’Année Épigraphique 2001, 1174
Baetica
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
CIL II.952
CIL II.1092
CIL II.1094
CIL II.1099
CIL II.1126
CIL II.5376
CIL II.5378
CIL II.6279
CIL II.1220
CIL II.1229
Vox tua nempe mea est 75
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
39
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60
61
62
63
CIL II.1235; Bücheler, CE 1316
CIL II.1273
CIL II.1293; Bücheler, CE 1103
CIL II.5419
CIL II.1415=CIL II2/5.1114
CIL II.1419
CIL II2/5.1074
CIL II2/5.1075/76
CIL II2/5.1078
CIL II.5058/5471=CIL II2/5.924
CIL II.1634=CIL II2/5.925
CIL II2/5.947
CIL II.1463
CIL II2/5.997
CIL II.1487=CIL II2/5.1190
CIL II.1498=CIL II2/5.1221
CIL II2/5.1189
CIL II2/5.1227
CIL II.1512=CIL II2/5.1323; Engström, CE 289
CIL II.1634
CIL II.1699; Bücheler, CE 1123
CIL II.1728/ILS 8131; Gómez Pallares et al 2005, CA 3
CIL II.1752
CIL II.1810
CIL II.1821/ILS 8130; Bücheler, CE 1566; Gómez Pallares et al. 2005, CA 8
CIL II.1837
CIL II.1853
CIL II.1877; Bücheler, CE 1500; Gómez Pallares et al 2005, CA 11
Gómez Pallares et al 2005, CA 7
CIL II2/5, 686
CIL II.2146
CIL II.2262=CIL II2/7.426/Bücheler, CE 1500a
CIL II.2295
CIL II2/7.357
CIL II.2314=CIL II2/7.473
CIL II2/7.359
CIL II2/7.516
CIL II2/7.567
Bücheler, CE 723
CIL II2/7.737
CIL II2/7.767
CIL II2/7.869
Tarraconensis
64
65
66
67
68
69
70
CIL II.2567; Engström, CE 288
CIL II.3181; Bücheler, CE 123
CIL II.3186
CIL II.3256; Bücheler, CE 1196
CIL II2/14.290; Bücheler, CE 2183; Engström, CE 450
CIL II.3296; Bücheler, CE 1797
CIL II.5907; Bücheler, CE 1193
76
71
72
73
74
75
76
77
78
79
80
81
82
83
84
85
86
87
88
89
90
91
92
93
94
95
96
97
98
99
100
101
102
103
104
105
106
107
108
109
110
111
112
113
114
115
D
MAUREEN CARROLL
CIL II.3448
CIL II.3465
CIL II.3476
CIL II.3478
CIL II.3480
CIL II.3488
CIL II.3490
CIL II.3492
CIL I.1479=CIL I2.2273=CIL II.3495; Engström, CE 410
CIL II.3505
CIL II.3506
CIL II.3507
CIL II.3511
CIL II.3512
CIL II.3519
CIL I2.3449d=CIL II.3475; Bücheler, CE 980
CIL I2.3449e
CIL I2.3449f
CIL I2.3449i
CIL II.3540
CIL II.5975; Bücheler, CE 1457
CIL II.3671
CIL II.3672
CIL II.3674
CIL I.1487=CIL I2.2277=CIL II.3676
CIL II.3677
CIL II.3679
CIL II.3680
CIL II.3683
CIL II.3686
CIL II.3688
CIL II.3689
CIL II.3692
CIL II.3693
CIL II.6064=CIL II2/14.618; Bücheler, CE 2069
CIL II2/14.814
CIL II.4174; Bücheler, CE 127a; Alföldy 1975, No. 696
CIL II.4314; Bücheler, CE 1279; Alföldy 1975, No. 444
CIL II.4315; Bücheler, CE 500; Alföldy, 1975, No. 445
CIL II.4379; Bücheler, CE 122; Alföldy, 1975, No. 605
CIL II.4427
CIL II.4428; Bücheler, CE 981
Alföldy 1975, No. 566
Alföldy 1975, No. 441
Alföldy 1975, No. 447
SOUTHERN GAUL
Gallia Narbonensis
1
CIL XII.213; Bücheler, CE 580
2
CIL XII.218; Bücheler, CE 466
Vox tua nempe mea est 77
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
E
CIL XII.5732; Bücheler, CE 121
CIL XII.533; Bücheler, CE 465; Lattimore 1942, 219
CIL XII.743; Bücheler, CE 454
CIL XII.861
CIL XII.915 and ad n. 915, p. 819
CIL XII.5811/ILS 7726; Bücheler, CE 1191; Lattimore 1942, 234
CIL XII.1981; Bücheler, CE 438
CIL XII.2916
CIL XII.3349/ILS 7534
CIL XII.4938/ILS 8147
CIL XII.5026; Bücheler, CE 1276
CIL XII.5271; Bücheler, CE 1021
CIL XII.5275; Bücheler, CE 1467
CIL XII.5276; Bücheler, CE 1073; Häusle 1980, 66–7
Bücheler, CE 1892
GAUL AND GERMANY
Gallia Aquitania
1
CIL XIII.1568; Bücheler, CE 1956; Engström, CE 173
Gallia Lugdunensis
2
3
4
5
6
7
CIL XIII.1983/ILS 8158; Engström, CE 412
CIL XIII.2058/ILS 8126
CIL XIII.2073/ILS 8141; Engström, CE 88
CIL XIII.2104; Bücheler, CE 1278; Galletier 1922, 40; Häusle 1980, 46–7
CIL XIII.2216/ILS 8140; Bücheler, CE 1500b
CIL XIII.2219; Bücheler, CE 1198
Gallia Belgica
8
9
CIL XIII.3983
CIL XIII.4280/ILS 8124
Germania Superior
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
CIL XIII.5386/ILS 8143
CIL XIII.6857=CSIR 1,5.95; Selzer, 1988, No. 17
CIL XIII.6969
CIL XIII.7002; Bücheler, CE 1100
CIL XIII.7070=CSIR II,6.52; Bücheler, CE 1007; Lattimore 1942, 194; Selzer, 1988, No.
116
CSIR II,6.30; Selzer, 1988, No. 96
CIL XIII.11889=CSIR II,6.50; Bücheler, CE 2092; Engström, CE 373; Selzer 1988, No.95
CIL XIII.7234=CSIR 1,5.79; Bücheler, CE 1005; Selzer 1988, No. 5
CIL XIII.7592
Germania Inferior
19
20
21
22
CIL XIII.83448
CIL XIII.8355/ILS 7756; Bücheler, CE 219; Galletier 1922, 219
CIL XIII.8644
Bücheler, CE 799
78
MAUREEN CARROLL
F
EASTERN MEDITERRANEAN AND THE DANUBE PROVINCES
Syria
1
2
CIL III.6660
CIL III.271, 2729; Bücheler, CE 246
Pontus; Bithynia
3
CIL III.341
Asia
4
5
6
CIL III.371/ILS 2783; Häusle 1980, 26
CIL III.405
CIL III.14190; Bücheler, CE 2160; Engström, CE 403
Epirus
7
CIL III.582
Macedonia; Thessaly
8
9
10
CIL III.594
CIL III.14206/ILS 7479
CIL III.14406a; Bücheler, CE 1878; Engström, CE 25
Thrace
11
CIL III.14406g
Moesia Inferior
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
CIL III.6155; Lattimore 1942, 233
CIL III.7545
CIL III.7549
CIL III.7584
CIL III.12484; Engström, CE 82; Häusle 1980, 30
CIL III.12392
CIL III.12396; Bücheler, CE 1879; Engström, CE 27
CIL III.12430
CIL III.12437; Bücheler, CE 1323
Moesia Superior
21
22
CIL III.12478
CIL III.1653 and 8143; Bücheler, CE 2162; Engström, CE 401
Dacia
23
24
CIL III.7868
CIL III.1626/ILS 8136
Dalmatia
25
26
27
28
29
CIL III.1992; Bücheler, CE 1465
CIL III.2277
CIL III.9314; Bücheler, CE 1205
CIL III.9623; Bücheler, CE 627
CIL III.14850; Bücheler, CE 1950; Engström, CE 235
Vox tua nempe mea est 79
30
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
CIL III.14855; Bücheler, CE 2218; Engström, CE 425
CIL III.148864; Bücheler, CE 2024; Engström, CE 175
CIL III.2722 and 9729; Bücheler, CE 1536
CIL III.6416; Bücheler, CE 82
CIL III.9733; Bücheler, CE 77; Lattimore 1942, 233
Bücheler, CE 1876; Engström, CE 23; Galletier 1922, 230, 233
CIL III.3146
CIL III.3171
CIL III.3195b
Pannonia Inferior
39
40
CIL III.3396
CIL III.3397; Bücheler, CE 555
Pannonia Superior
41
42
43
44
45
CIL III.6475; Bücheler, CE 1310
CIL III.10501; Bücheler, CE 489
CIL III. Suppl. 10947; Bücheler, CE 1209
CIL III.15195; Bücheler, CE 1902; Engström, CE 24
CIL III.4483; Bücheler, CE 1082
Noricum
46
G
CIL III.13529; Bücheler, CE 1992; Engström, CE 240
AFRICA
Byzacena
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
CIL VIII.11257
CIL VIII.22971; Bücheler, CE 1829; Lattimore 1942, 232
CIL VIII.213; Bücheler, CE 1552/Purdie 1935, 61
CIL VIII.218; Bücheler, CE 450; Häusle 1980, 43
CIL VIII.440=CIL VIII.11520; Bücheler, CE 1235
CIL VIII.369 and 11549; Bücheler, CE 572; Häusle 1980, 68
CIL VIII.647
Africa Proconsularis
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
CIL VIII.12118
CIL VIII.1027; Bücheler, CE 484; Purdie 1935, 16
CIL VIII.1042; Bücheler, CE 1286
CIL VIII.12866; Bücheler, CE 126
CIL VIII.13134; Bücheler, CE 1606
CIL VIII.13265; Bücheler, CE 135
CIL VIII.24787; Bücheler, CE 1943; Engström, CE 185; Lattimore 1942, 120
CIL VIII.1523; Bücheler, CE 1237
CIL VIII.27248; Bücheler, CE 1987
CIL VIII.1557
CIL VIII.15724
Numidia
19
CIL VIII.2841/ILS 8097
80
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32
MAUREEN CARROLL
CIL VIII.3109
CIL VIII.3727
CIL VIII.4120; Bücheler, CE 133b
CIL VIII.4122; Bücheler, CE 133a; Engström, CE 28
CIL VIII.4502
CIL VIII.4504; Bücheler, CE 1457a
CIL VIII.5749 and 19146; Bücheler, CE 2163; Engström, CE 380
CIL VIII.5784; Engström, CE 379
CIL VIII.7156; Bücheler, CE 512
CIL VIII.7277/ILS 7943
CIL VIII.7759; Bücheler, CE 1327
Engström, CE 108
Bücheler, CE 2025; Engström, CE 233
Numidia Proconsularis
33
34
35
36
37
38
CIL VIII.4681; Bücheler, CE 511
Bücheler, CE 2107; Schmidt 1997, 949–950.
Engström, CE 181
Bücheler, CE 1868; Lattimore 1942, 228
Bücheler, CE 1952
CIL VIII.5370; Bücheler, CE 112
Mauretania Sitifensis
39
CIL VIII.20394; Engström, CE 26
Mauretania Caesariensis
40
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50
51
52
53
H
1
CIL VIII.9158
CIL VIII.9170, 9159 and 20808; Bücheler, CE 1830
CIL VIII.9350
CIL VIII.9439 and 21334; Bücheler, CE 2221; Engström, CE 452
CIL VIII.9496; Bücheler, CE 1455
CIL VIII.9508; Bücheler, CE 1234
CIL VIII.21008; Bücheler, CE 125
CIL VIII.21031; Bücheler, CE 479; Galletier 1922, 41
CIL VIII.21179; Bücheler, CE 429
CIL VIII.21284
CIL VIII.21461
CIL VIII.9642; Bücheler, CE 1603
CIL VIII.9729; Bücheler, CE 1330
CIL VIII.21553
BRITANNIA
CIL VII.154; Bücheler, CE 806; RIB 292