“SAPIENZA” UNIVERSITÀ DI ROMA DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE DELL’ANTICHITÀ – MUSEO DELLE ORIGINI ORIGINI PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore PREHISTORY AND PROTOHISTORY OF ANCIENT CIVILIZATIONS XL 2017 PREISTORIA E PROTOSTORIA DELLE CIVILTÀ ANTICHE Thematic issue PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore © Proprietà letteraria riservata Gangemi Editore spa Via Giulia 142, Roma www.gangemieditore.it Nessuna parte di questa pubblicazione può essere memorizzata, fotocopiata o comunque riprodotta senza le dovute autorizzazioni. Le nostre edizioni sono disponibili in Italia e all’estero anche in versione ebook. Our publications, both as books and ebooks, are available in Italy and abroad. ISBN 978-88-492-3418-3 ISSN 0474-6805 Thompson Reuters, Master Journal List, Arts & Humanities Citation Index. ERIH-PLUS Journal list. ORIGINI PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore PREHISTORY AND PROTOHISTORY OF ANCIENT CIVILIZATIONS PREISTORIA E PROTOSTORIA DELLE CIVILTÀ ANTICHE XL 2017 CONTEXTUALISING TEXTILE PRODUCTION IN ITALY IN THE 1ST MILLENNIUM BC Edited by Margarita Gleba and Romina Laurito Gestione editoriale e distribuzione Origini è una rivista annuale soggetta a processo di peer-review ed è pubblicata da / Origini is subject to a peer-review process and is published yearly by: “SAPIENZA” UNIVERSITÀ DI ROMA Dipartimento di Scienze dell’Antichità Direttore Responsabile / Editor in chief: Marcella Frangipane PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore Curatori Associati / Associate Editors: Francesca Balossi Restelli, Cecilia Conati Barbaro, Savino Di Lernia, Lucia Mori, Alessandro Vanzetti Comitato scientifico / Scientific Board: Peter M.M.G. Akkermans (Leiden), Barbara Barich (Roma), M.Giovanna Biga (Roma), Andrea Cardarelli (Roma), Alberto Cazzella (Roma), Mireille David-Elbiali (Genève), Nick Drake (London), Anthony Harding (Exeter), Adria LaViolette (Charlottesville-Virginia), Cristina Lemorini (Roma), Mario Liverani (Roma), Alessandra Manfredini (Roma), Joseph Maran (Heidelberg), Peter Mitchell (Oxford), Margherita Mussi (Roma), Paola Piana Agostinetti (Roma), Mark Pearce (Nottingham), Catherine Perlès (Paris), Susan Pollock (Berlin), John Robb (Cambridge), Manuel Santonja (Burgos), Jiri Svoboda (Brno), Norman Yoffee (Santa Fe, New Mexico), Daniela Zampetti (Roma). Revisione grafica / Graphic editing: Giovanni Carboni Responsabile dei cambi / Appointee for review exchanges: Maurizio Moscoloni Rivista Origini, Museo delle Origini, Sapienza Università di Roma, P.le Aldo Moro 5 - 00185 Roma origini@uniroma1.it I manoscritti da sottoporre per la pubblicazione vanno inviati a / Submission of papers to be considered for publication should be addressed to: Rivista Origini, Museo delle Origini, Dip. di Scienze dell’Antichità, Sapienza Università di Roma, P.le Aldo Moro 5 - 00185 Roma e-mail: origini@uniroma1.it Ordinativi e Abbonamenti vanno indirizzati a / Orders and subscriptions should be addressed to: GANGEMI EDITORE SPA Via Giulia, 142 – Roma www.gangemieditore.it Registrazione al Tribunale di Roma n. 35/2000 (già registrata al n. 11810/1967) La Rivista è stata stampata con il contributo dell’Ateneo ORIGINI XL, 2017: 65-82 THE CLOTHES MAKE THE (WO)MAN: HISTORICAL AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS OF ETRUSCAN FEMALE COSTUMES BETWEEN 8TH AND 7TH CENTURY BC PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore Alessio De Cristofaro* Alessandra Piergrossi** ABSTRACT – Starting with the analysis of a recent discovery in an Orientalising necropolis at Veii, and by re-examining some new and old discoveries of textiles from female Etruscan and Latial tombs, this paper aims to define the female ceremonial dress between the Late Iron Age and the Orientalising age. This dress, which takes on a symbolic significance in special occasions and rites of passages of aristocratic life (marriage, death, birth), was used to affirm the gender identity acknowledged by the community. Women enhanced their beauty by wearing precious jewellery and garments enriched by the application of decorative glass and amber beads, pendants and metal plaques, studs and buttons, but these accoutrements also underlined their wealth and social status. Women’s elaborate adornment may have been thought to provide some protective measures, and visually communicated a sign of fertility and displayed their aesthetics and/or sexual value. She herself is an agalma and with her dowry a valuable resource for the oikos. In addition, this paper will contextualise the use of specific clothes in the wider gentilician ceremonial world, by taking the textiles and female ornaments in question, as part of a larger program made up of figurative ornaments, but also sounds, smells, food and words that we can only imagine. KEYWORDS – Female identity, Ceremonial dress, Adornment, Veii. RIASSUNTO – Partendo dall’analisi di una recente scoperta in una necropoli di età orientalizzante di Veio e riesaminando alcune nuove e vecchie scoperte di tessuti provenienti da tombe femminili etrusche e laziali, questo contributo mira a definire il vestito cerimoniale femminile dell’età del Ferro e del periodo orientalizzante. L’abbigliamento, che assume un significato simbolico in occasioni speciali e durante i riti di passaggi di vita aristocratica (matrimonio, morte, nascita) veniva utilizzato per affermare l’identità di genere condivisa dalla comunità. Le donne hanno rafforzato il loro aspetto indossando preziosi gioielli e indumenti arricchiti dall’applicazione di perline in vetro e ambra, ciondoli e appliques in bronzo, borchie e bottoni, ma questi accostamenti hanno anche sottolineato la loro ricchezza e lo status sociale. L’elaborato ornamento delle donne ha anche svolto alcune funzioni protettive, ha visivamente comunicato la fertilità e ha mostrato l’estetica e / o il valore sessuale. La donna stessa serviva da agalma e costituiva, con la sua dote, una risorsa preziosa per gli oikos. Inoltre, questo articolo cercherà di contestualizzare l’uso di vesti specifiche delle cerimonie gentilizie, considerando i tessuti e gli ornamenti femminili nell’ambito di un ampio programma composto da decorazioni, suoni, odori, cibo e parole figurative. PAROLE CHIAVE – Identità femminile, abiti cerimoniali, ornamenti, Veio. 65 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore De Cristofaro, Piergrossi Gods, language and customs are the distinctive criteria by which ancient Greek ethnography, since the time of Herodotus, classified the peoples of the world with which they had come in contact over the centuries (Her, II, 104-105; generally on the topic see Dorati 2000; Vassallo 2004; Skinner 2012; Herodotus was called father of anthropology and ethnology already in the 1920s of the last century: see Ebeling 1920: 44). We do not know if the Greeks shared this approach with the other peoples of the ancient Mediterranean, although in many cases we can presume it. Specifically for the Etruscan and the Archaic Latial worlds, we know that ethnic self-definition certainly was expressed through the awareness of a linguistic autonomy and originality and through the recognition of identity in ancestor cults, both for the individual cities and for the entire nomen. We conclude, therefore, that even costumes, in the broadest sense of the term, constituted for these people a considerable value of identity-creating significance. In this paper, we will address a particular aspect of Etruscan and Latial costumes: the female aristocratic ceremonial dress used between the final phase of the Iron Age and Middle Orientalising periods. In particular, the costumes used during the funeral ceremonies of women of rank will be examined1. These were usually produced in the aristocratic oikos and probably also used at weddings, as we can determine now from a mass of archaeological and iconographic sources (among others, fundamental are Bonfante 2003; Gleba 2008 and 2016). This analysis will try to trace the symbolic meanings underlying the individual components of this attire, and then will draw some broader folkloric and historical conclusions. The dress type examined is obviously an abstraction, resulting from the collation of all the elements that seem to be repeated in the different contexts analysed. It is quite clear that, in ancient reality, there did not exist a definitive single type of identical and valid dress for the entire EtruscanLatial world. Not only did each centre had its own specific characteristics and uses, but also the individual costumes will have presented “variations on a theme” from one burial to another in the same cemetery, as the archaeological record does not fail to show. Despite this variety, the custom was to share some fixed basic elements, that clearly bore a specific semantic value. It should not be too dissimilar to what is found, on comparative basis, in regional Italian ceremonial costumes before the unification of Italy, where some garments and ornaments varied in many ways from place to place but carried the same meaning (on the issue see Levy Pysetzky 1978; in addition, a general framework in Silvestrini 1986). Our starting point is the recent discovery of garment remains in a female 1 We would like to thank Romina Laurito and Margarita Gleba for inviting us and Margarita also for having read and revised our English. We are also thankful to the reviewers for their helpful and inspiring suggestions. In antiquity for the aristocracy of the Mediterranean, textiles and garments should have had a status symbol value, as well as a political, cultural and symbolic function: they were agalmata and were also family heirlooms in the pre-monetary economy (see, among others, the recent contribution of A. Benincasa 2012; on the economic power of textiles see Pitzalis 2016: 66-68). On the features of the Etruscan funerary costume see Bartoloni, Pitzalis 2016a: 823-824. 66 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore The clothes make the (wo)man historical and anthropological considerations on Etruscan female costumes... Fig. 1 – The fibulae pinned to the garment with textile traces (Image: A. Piergrossi). 67 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore De Cristofaro, Piergrossi tomb at the Poggioverde necropolis in the territory of Veii. The remains consist of a series of mineralised textile fragments pertaining to four different fabrics that were in contact with several iron fibulae decorated with copper inlay work (Fig. 1): the oxidation of the metal, releasing corrosion products into the textiles and creating a complex ferrous chemical compound, resulted in their subsequent mineralisation and preservation (De Cristofaro 2006; De Cristofaro, Gleba, Piergrossi forth.). The necropolis of Poggioverde was discovered between 1999 and 2001, during works for the extension of the Rome-Viterbo railway line (De Cristofaro, Santolini Giordani 2005; De Cristofaro, Piergrossi 2012), along the Roman via Triumphalis (De Cristofaro 2016). Poggioverde was one of the small settlements in the Ager Veientanus, consisting of single-family houses, presumably related by kinship links, which, as demonstrated by the material culture, belonged to an aristocratic group that appears to be at a lower social level when compared to the princely leaders buried in the urban and suburban necropoleis of the city. This minor aristocracy from Veii was well-entrenched in the territory and directly undertook rural activities, with the help of servants, in order to control the ager, as demonstrated by their location along via Trionfale (De Cristofaro, Piergrossi 20152016). The existence of a permanent settlement is proved in this case unequivocally by the road of the necropolis which, in fact, climbs the hill and reaches its upper terrace (De Cristofaro, Santolini Giordani 2005: 163-164, De Cristofaro 2016: 21-23). The graves brought to light date between the Middle Orientalising Period (second half of the 7th century BC) and the Archaic period (6th century BC). It is possible to isolate two distinct types of burials, corresponding to different social groups. The first and more numerous group (see the list in De Cristofaro, Santolini Giordani 2005: 165, note 10) is represented by the chamber-tombs of the classic type. Their structure consists of a corridor (dromos) that leads to one or more small irregular underground rooms, sometimes provided with funerary benches, without any trace of decoration. As in many of Veii’s contemporaneous cemeteries, the dead were buried with grave goods which reveal a mid-range level of wealth2: banqueting sets composed of locally produced pottery; perfume containers (unguentaria); tools symbolising the role of women such as spindle whorls; and weapons, in particular spears, for men3. The owners of these tombs seem to share a similar status, but certainly some may have held important roles and 2 For an overview of the Orientalising Veii burials see Bartoloni et alii 1994. The most common chambertomb form is extremely simple, consisting of a small irregular quadrangle, sometimes with a bench, and a short corridor (that often can also take the form of a pit) and is adopted in the necropoleis located southwest of the plateau (Monte Campanile, Casalaccio, Comunità, Pozzuolo), starting from the Middle Orientalising period. This tomb typology is also widespread in the wider territory (Pantano di Grano, Volusia, Colle Sant’Agata and via d’Avack; for Pantano di Grano: see De Santis 1997; Carbonara, Messineo, Pellegrino 1996: 17, fig. 5; Caprino 1954; Arizza, De Cristofaro, Piergrossi, Rossi 2013). 3 Scarano Ussani 1996 recognises in Latial burials with spears, men with full citizenship and associated rights of property. 68 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore The clothes make the (wo)man historical and anthropological considerations on Etruscan female costumes... Fig. 2 – Map of site and tomb XIII. decision-making responsibilities within the group. This is, at least, the impression given by the Tomb XIII, that belongs to perhaps the highest-ranking female individual of the community for the Middle Orientalising phase (De Cristofaro 2006: 537-539); and by Tomb VIII, belonging to a male buried with a spear and a rich set of unguentaria (De Cristofaro 2006: 535-536). The second and less numerous group of burials can be interpreted as labourers who were probably working for the individuals buried inside the chambertombs. Based on stratigraphy, this second group appears to be contemporary with the first one, but it shows a different type of structure and the absence of grave goods (De Cristofaro, Santolini Giordani 2005: 165-166). The chamber Tomb XIII is oriented north-south (Fig. 2). An aniconic stone with traces of red paint was placed in a cavity above the dromos, in order to mark the entrance. Along the west wall of the dromos was found a burial niche (Tomb XIV): this loculus belonged to a woman, as attested by the presence of a spindle whorl4; she was buried some years after another woman was buried in the main chamber (and was perhaps her daughter). An arched door gives access to a mediumsized room with a rectangular plan, which was entirely carved out of the bedrock, with a pitched roof imitating a hut. At the time of the excavation, it was hermetically 4 It was impossible to perform lab analysis on the skeletons to determine sex and age as the very acidic soil completely destroyed the bones. 69 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore De Cristofaro, Piergrossi sealed by two superimposed, roughly shaped, parallelepipedal blocks. Only faint traces of the bones of the deceased remained on the chamber floor, mixed with the decomposed organic material, probably belonging to a wooden structure on which the body had rested. The body was probably buried with the head towards the south as shown by the presence of two silver hair-spirals. The banqueting set was laid on the floor of the chamber along the left side of the body, at her feet and around the head. The majority of the vessels were of brown impasto (three amphoras5, a small olla, an olpe, a bowl, and a chalice, Fig. 3a-f, l); a plate in red impasto6 (Fig. 3m); some bucchero drinking vases7 (Fig. 3g-i); a fineware attingitoio8 (Fig. 3j) and an olla9 (Fig. 3k). All the artefacts seem to suggest a dating around 640-630 BC (De Cristofaro 2015: 121). At the moment of deposition, the body must have been dressed in a rich ceremonial dress and the head was probably veiled, according to the EtruscanItalic custom. The noblewoman wore a long tunic of linen plain weave, enriched at the neck and chest by the application of a series of coloured glass paste beads now reduced to powder. The cloak, fastened at chest height by fibulas, was made of wool twill and finished with a tablet-woven border. Another miniature fibula pinned the thin veil of plain weave wool fabric, of a finer quality than the tabby used for the inner garment (for the complete analysis of the fabrics see M. Gleba in De Cristofaro, Gleba, Piergrossi forth.). The woman wore a necklace of coloured glass beads with various forms and colours and an ithyphallic pendant, alluding to the sphere of marriage and fertility. In order to better understand this new discovery, we initiated a larger scale review. The first notable aspect is related to the treatment of the body. The dead always appear dressed in clothes that fully cover the body: a long tunic extending down to the shins, often a cloak and a veil placed to cover the head (Pitzalis 2011: 141; Ambrosini 2015: 79). The idea is to respect the ritual taboo against nudity, highlighting the decorum of the deceased. This idea is also confirmed by the hairstyles, where hair is usually gathered in one, two or more braids, as shown by the ubiquitous precious metal helikes attested in tombs and some unequivocal 5 The large, richly decorated amphora (inv. 445488) can be ascribed to type B of Colonna (Colonna 1970) or III of Beijer (Beijer 1978) and can be dated from the first to the third quarter of the 7th century BC. The more precise comparisons come from Veii and its territory (Monte Michele, t. C, 660-630 BC, see Cristofani 1969: 25, n. 1, fig. 7/1; Volusia, t. 10, see Carbonara, Messineo, Pellegrino 1996: 95-96, figs 182-184a, Pantano del Grano, t. 2, 675-650 BC, see De Santis 1997: 129, fig. 21/2) and from Caere (Monte Abatone, t. 352, see Milano 1980: 219, fig. 1; t. 89, 650-600 BC, see Milano 1986: 54, n. 4, fig. 4). The small amphorae belong to an evolution of type B Colonna and IIB Beijer. 6 The type (inv. 445496), widespread in Veii and its territory, but also in the Faliscan area, can be dated by comparison to the Middle Orientalizing phase (see ten Kortenaar 2011: 151, type 290 Cc2). 7 A chalice (Rasmussen 1979, type 4b: 100, pl. 29/132); a kyathos (Rasmussen 1979, type 1e: 112, pl. 35/191) and a kantharos (Rasmussen 1979, 2 type: 101-102, tav. 30). 8 The attingitoio belongs to type Bb1a of Neri’s classification of Etruscan Geometric pottery, though the decoration is slightly different (Neri 2010: 120-21, tav. 22). 9 The stamnoid olla (inv. 445499) with a double wavy band on the neck is almost exclusively found in Veii and is dated between 675 and 630 BC (Neri 2010: 113, tav. 20). 70 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore The clothes make the (wo)man historical and anthropological considerations on Etruscan female costumes... Fig. 3 – The funerary set (Image: A. Piergrossi). 71 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore De Cristofaro, Piergrossi iconographic documents (Martelli 1984 and 1987: 263-264, fig. 37; Pitzalis 2011: 221; Bartoloni, Pitzalis 2016b: 816-817). This hairstyle represents a visual signal of the deceased’s modesty and moderation, controlling the seductive power of the hair and preventing the loss of emotional control shown by the loosening and the tearing of hair, as in the case of weeping ritual mourners10. However, in such a display of virtue and self-control, quite a few elements are used to enhance and appreciate female body parts of more explicit sexual value. Firstly, the belts, such as the lozenge-shaped belts of Villanovan tradition and the later examples made in perishable material with hooks in precious metal: they clearly emphasize hips and stomach, the region of a woman’s reproductive capacity (Pitzalis 2011: 221). According to a suggestive hypothesis by Gilda Bartoloni (2003: 133; 2006: 16-18), the bronze rings found especially in Latial tombs placed over the belly or the hips of women could allude to procreating prerogative. Also the breasts are usually emphasised by rich necklaces arranged in concentric rows on the chest or, more rarely, by real pectorals (Pitzalis 2011: 223). The analysis of these ornaments, unfortunately often poorly preserved and dislodged from their original position, reveals some aspects of great interest. These necklaces are made of beads of fine materials: glass paste, amber, precious metals. Most of them are discoidal, cylindrical, globular or conical shape, but in addition to these more simple beads, one or more amulets can appear which were not serving a purely ornamental function. Some have the form of a spindle whorl (Pitzalis 2011: 222-223) or an axe (Pitzalis 2011: 223), and on the basis of the comparison with similar objects from the Roman period, they can be interpreted as crepundia (Cianfriglia, De Cristofaro 2007). These small personal talismans accompanied the deceased during her lifetime, positively anticipating and promoting the development of some of the activities typical for the female gender, such as spinning and weaving. There are some figured pendants that we can assume, with a certain degree of assurance, had an apotropaic and propitiatory function in relation to the fundamental experiential field of matronly fertility: ithyphallic or clapper-shaped pendants (eg. from Veii: Rome 2013: 63, fig. II.3; Vulci: S. Carosi in Rome 2014: 79, fig. 23.1-2; from Falerii and Narce: Rome 2013, 67, fig. II.14; 73-75, fig. II.22), flint arrow points (Pitzalis 2011: 41, 51, 74) and above all, scarabs and amulets in faience of oriental production or inspiration (Hölbl 1979). Particularly interesting are the talismans reproducing the ancient Egyptian deities associated with fertility and protection of mothers and infants, such as Sekhmet and Bes. It can be assumed that some general information about the function and power of these talismans had been transmitted to the Italic populations by Eastern and Greek merchants responsible for their importation in Etruria and Latium11. 10 See De Martino 1958; for prothesis scenes in Etruscan art: Camporeale 1959 and Brigger, Giovannini 2004; for Greek art among others see at least: Huber 2001. 11 For the Eastern trade in the Mediterranean, see, among others, Botto 1981 and 2004, Martelli 2008: 120-126; on the loans of Eastern symbolism in Etruria and in particular on Bes and its connection with the world of infancy and feminine see also Sannibale 2006, especially 127. 72 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore The clothes make the (wo)man historical and anthropological considerations on Etruscan female costumes... Moreover, in addition to their strictly economic value, the precious materials of these necklaces should have been polysemous, in association with religious beliefs or magical rites: the amber, with its therapeutic and apotropaic qualities well known since antiquity (Pliny, Nat. Hist. 37, 11, 44)12, the gold and silver, metals of the gods (Tortorelli Ghidini 2014). The effect these necklaces produced, having arranged in several concentric strands on the chest, could be recovered only in rare cases from the available archaeological records. Some clay statues from Lavinium, though of a later period, represent a useful comparison, depicting nubendae with wedding garments in the act of sacrificing at the time of their crucial passage of status (Torelli 1984: esp. 222-225). Jewellery, albeit completely different from the Etruscan Orientalising examples, occupies the area of the chest and breast with a horror vacui, not only showing an ostentation of wealth and well-being, but also the enhancement of the female body parts which are an instrument of seduction and also at the same time of breastfeeding to ensure the prosperity of the offspring. The wealth of the deceased could also be emphasised by the use of other types of ornaments: brooches, armillae, bracelets, and earrings. In the case of the richest tombs, these objects reach an impressive size, number and quality. The fact of the simultaneous presence of a substantial number of these ornaments in different burials introduces us to another theme, so far only marginally considered by research: the sounds, or rather the noise, generated by these ornaments. Without doubt, once worn, especially in the case of fibulae and belts adorned with pendants, these objects were able to produce, instead of a pleasant sound, a constant rattling. Cristiano Iaia has proposed a connection between these sound-producing properties of female ornaments and ritual dances (Iaia 2007b: 35): rare iconographic depictions show us how, in fact, even with elaborate and heavy costumes, women could perform complex choreographies13. However, the function of these jingles should also be considered in a wider context of the use of the ceremonial dresses, known primarily thanks to funeral records, but worn in other important ceremonial occasions of women’s lives: first as wedding dresses, but also as official ‘uniforms’ in festivals, religious ceremonies, and meetings among peers (Bartoloni 2013; De Cristofaro 2015: 127-129, with ref.). Numerous ethnographic comparisons 12 Many exhibitions have been devoted to this precious material and its use in jewellery: Rimini 1994; Napoli 2007, Roma 2013. For Etruria and Latium and, in particular, on the early presence, and probably production, at Veii of human and animal figurines in amber, see Michetti 2007. The Villanovan tombs of the necropolis of Veii display in their funerary assemblages many precious objects decorated with amber inserts (sceptres, distaffs, fibulae etc.), but also, as in t. HH 11-12 at Quattro Fontanili, elements belonging to the garment of the deceased, confirming the precocious use of this practice more widely diffused in the Orientalising phase (Berardinetti Insam 2001: 105). 13 A male ritual dance is depicted on the famous Etruscan Orientalising amphora by the Heptachord Painter (Martelli 1988); a fundamental iconographic testimony from Apulia is provided by the well-known Tomb of the Dancers of Ruvo di Puglia, dating in late 5th-early 4th century BC, illustrating a female funerary dance, where participants wear dresses reaching down to their ankles and head scarves (Gadaleta 2002 with ref.). 73 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore De Cristofaro, Piergrossi demonstrate how, for instance during the wedding procession, composite ornaments structurally similar to those discussed here, had the function of expelling evil spirits through their jingling and shining, while announcing the bride’s arrival to the onlookers. The moveable metal parts, such as tintinnabula, could have had the purpose of protecting the future matrona from dangerous and invisible presences (see, e.g. for the Near East, Gansell 2007: 464-466). In addition to the sound, the ceremonial costumes examined also have another interesting aspect relating to sensory perception: brightness. Many of the graves, in fact, have furnished rich decorations applied to fabrics whose function, as well as to emphasise the condition of well-being of the deceased, was undoubtedly to direct additional light onto women’s bodies and to enhance their appearance. In the earliest Villanovan tombs, we usually find bronze buttons (Fig. 4g), but also amber beads (see note 11). From the Orientalising period onward, the use of enriching the apparel fabrics with glass paste and amber beads, often present in tens if not hundreds, is widespread (Fig. 4g). The appliqués are sometimes concentrated on individual parts of the dress, often the lower part of the tunic (see e.g. Bentini, Boiardi 2007, figs. 15-16 reproduced in Fig. 4a), or the chest, or the borders. Sometimes they were located on the veil or the mantle, as at Verucchio (Stauffer 2002: 210-211; 2008: 247); other times presumably they were distributed more evenly over the entire garment. A net tunic of colourful beads (30.000!) has been suggested for one of the deceased in the so-called tomb of Isis (Polledrara tomb) at Vulci (BubenheimerErhart 2012: 150-151). 74 In the Faliscan and Etruscan areas bronze appliqué plates, quadrangular or in swastika or zeta shapes, were frequently sewn or attached to the material to form decorative patterns (among others see Pitzalis 2011: 41, 221; Tabolli 2013: figs. 5: 27, 31, see Fig. 4b-c; Roma 2013: 7375; Bentini, Boiardi 2007: 132-133; for a Villanovan precedent see Berardinetti Insam 2001: 101, fig. I.G.5.27). In some rare cases we find the same fabrics interwoven with gold thread or enriched with studded precious metals, as the tunic in purple cloth with gold leaf enveloping the human funerary urn from Chianciano (Bonfante 2003: 11) or from the Latial tomb 101 of Castel di Decima. In the later case, the dead woman wore an extraordinary dress embroidered with amber and blue glass beads from the waist to the feet, and a breastplate in gold foil decorated with geometric and zoomorphic motifs and amber inlays (Bedini 1976: 287-88, cat. 92, illus. LVIII.B, LXI.AB; Pitzalis 2009: 145). The most famous example is represented by the princess of the Regolini Galassi Tomb, adorned with precious ornaments in gold and silver - among which the extraordinary funerary fibula; the golden pectoral, bracelets and necklace of gold and amber - and dressed in luxurious fabrics embellished with hundreds of decorated gold foil appliqués (Sannibale 2008: 341, figs. 5-6; 2012: 311, see Fig. 4d). Recently, a new garment with bronze buttons covered with gold foil and laminae in gold and silver was found in the Tomb of the Silver Hands at Vulci (S. Carosi in Rome 2014: 79 , 81, figs. 24-26): it allegedly wrapped the noble woman or, rather, the statue in mixed media to which the silver hands belonged. These garments are the antecedent, so to speak, of the auratae PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore The clothes make the (wo)man historical and anthropological considerations on Etruscan female costumes... Fig. 4 – a) Graphic reconstruction of the clothes of Verucchio women (Bentini, Boiardi 2007: figs. 13-14); b-c) the Faliscan noble woman from tomb A30 of Narce and examples of precious metal ornaments from clothes (Tabolli 2013: fig. 5.27, fig. 4.53); d) Reconstruction by G. Pinza of the mantle from the Regolini Galassi Tomb with the pectoral on the back and the decorative motifs made on the basis of the gold appliqués. Tempera on canvas by Oreste Mander, Vatican Museums (Sannibale 2008: fig. 6); e-f ) Colourful garments from Verucchio (Von Eles 1995: figs. 33-34); g) glass paste beads for clothes (von Eles 1995: fig. 36). Graphic elaboration by L. Attisani (Isma-CNR). 75 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore De Cristofaro, Piergrossi Fig. 5 – Traditional Italian female folk costumes, which show remarkable richness of colours and ornaments: a-b) from Benevento (Campania) and Cagliari (Sardinia) (Toschi 1967); c) from Sardinia (Image: C. Marras). Graphic elaboration by L. Attisani (Isma-CNR). vestes of historical age that we know from Greek and Roman literary sources (Chioffi 2004). These metal, amber and glass appliqués, under certain natural or artificial lighting conditions, made the clothes reflect the light they captured: the women wearing such clothes were hence invested with sparkles and a diffuse glow that would have surrounded their figure as a sort of soft shining aura. Homer attests that brightness and splendour was primarily the goddesses’ and supernatural characters’ prerogatives (e.g.: Od, V, 230; X, 543; see Shelmerdine 1995). Besides this, European folklore and ethnography14 provide us with further examples: suffice it to think of the fairy tales and Cinderella’s shining costume (Fig. 5). It is reasonable to assume that the good 14 76 fortune of these bright clothes fashionable in the Etruscan and Latial area in the Orientalising period derived in some way from Greek and Oriental imported fabric or clothes. In fact, in the registers of votive offerings within the Greek temples, we read that the chitons and cloaks dedicated to goddesses and the garments used to dress the cult statues were often enriched with gold threads. The one for Artemis from the catalogue of the hieropoioi of Delos is described as a red linen dress interwoven with gold threads (Brøns 2015), similar to the one from Chianciano. Wherever their origin was however, it is important to highlight here how the clothes’ brightness had, in our view, the function of bestowing upon the deceased a sort of occasional supernatural status, bringing them closer to the On the ability of identity change offered by clothing, see Imbriani 2011. PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore The clothes make the (wo)man historical and anthropological considerations on Etruscan female costumes... goddesses through the attribute of light15. It must have been, nevertheless, only an allusive juxtaposition aimed to emphasise the social prestige, certainly not intended to deify the dead in the manner of Eastern royalty. In addition to radiating brightness, these clothes were enriched with the strong colours of the yarns, although this quality is almost hopelessly lost along with the organic materials of the fabrics. Thanks to exceptional cases such as those of Verucchio (Fig. 4e-f) (von Eles, 1995: 49-55; Raeder Knudsen 2002 and 2012; Stauffer 2002 and 2012) and the contemporary testimony of the early funerary paintings, we can reconstruct garments were coloured in primary colours: bright red, yellow, blue, with their variations and shades. We are accustomed to the virginal purity of modern Christian bride dressed in white, indeed almost unique in the world of folklore, while these Etruscan-Latial ceremonial costumes appear, including colours and bright hues, with the joyfulness that is typical of the festive time. To conclude, we could say that the Etruscan-Latial burial customs for women, between the middle of the 8th and the 7th century BC, give us the image of a casta, pudica, pulchra, prolifica and lanifica woman (Torelli 1997). This appearance is in consonance with the concept expressed by the funerary sets of personal ornaments and by some fundamental iconographic evidence such as the tintinnabulum of Bologna (Morigi Govi 1971; Bartoloni 2007: 19-22) and the wooden throne of Verucchio (Torelli 1997; von Eles 2002; Verger 2011). These features, as we know now after decades of gender studies, distinguish the traditional and stereotyped image of the matron and decent woman in the Greek, Etruscan, Italic and then Roman world. At the same time, the noblewoman is also represented as an agalma (Vernant 1973: 56; Guzzo 1982: 60-61; Iaia 2007a: 529), with her more or less rich heritage of dowry and herself as a valuable resource for the oikos (Finley 1955; Bartoloni, Pitzalis 2011: 138 with bibliography; Bartoloni, Pitzalis 2016b). However, how much can this image, constructed during the funeral drama, reflect the historical reality of female aristocratic status in the period under review? Studies of folklore, in fact, show us that the ceremonial costumes tend to represent and portray especially the traditional and fundamental values of the community of which they are an expression; they depict genders as a sort of ideal masks of the main players in the society, instead of a characterisation centred on the biographies of the individuals that make up the society. If, therefore, the female image projected by these funerary clothes correspond to the role that the tradition of the mos maiorum provided for well-born women, it is equally true that it must be augmented with information from other sources, which are able to better express the historical and contextual role of women in Etruscan and Latial society of this period. It is a difficult task, since the sources at our disposal are often fragmentary and not always easy to understand and decode. As already noted, the Archaic Etruscan onomastics seems to reveal that the 15 G. Bagnasco Gianni (1999a) analysing the harpax, a controversial object for which she supports the function of a torch, interprets it, on the basis of iconographic and archaeological finds, as an attribute related to the goddesses of light who preside at initiation rites. 77 PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore De Cristofaro, Piergrossi Orientalising aristocratic women were in possession of property rights (Colonna 1977: 191; 2000: 37). Roman literary sources, based on a very reliable old tradition (the story of Demaratus), testify that at Tarquinia the princesses were able to ennoble foreigners with their lineage and to promote their political rise with active participation (Sordi 1981; Grottanelli 1987). Moreover, special funerary objects such as knives, axes or incense burner and rattles in Etruria and Latium, have been interpreted as attributes of women who held priestly roles, serving aristocratic and community cults (Pitzalis 2011: 264-266; Pitzalis 2016: 68)16. Suggestive is also the theory that Etruscan matrons were the main agents of literacy teaching and education, thanks to some evidence related to textile tools (Bagnasco Gianni 1999b). Some echo of a more dynamic and complex aristocratic female condition than the one graphically reflected by funerary clothes, can be grasped, at least in Caere, in the early and emblematic version of the Greek myth of Medea, the barbarian princess both sorceress and mistress of her own destiny (depicted in the famous olpe from the second tumulus of the necropolis of San Paolo: Rizzo 2008 with ref.). Her fortune we could hypothesise was favoured by 16 the female segment of society, perhaps already accustomed to a certain autonomy in the wedding agreements and dynamics. It is a less rigid stereotypical portrait of the woman condition than the one provided by the burial customs, which certainly had its nuances and particularities according to the social contexts of every single Etruscan and Latial city. In maritime cities such as Vulci, Tarquinia, Cerveteri, or the cosmopolitan centres such as Veii and Rome, the aristocratic women enjoyed a different status from those resident in the inland centres less open to contact and integration of foreigners. However, these nuances and particularities, unfortunately, are difficult to disentangle, and the historical research has the task of recovering them case by case and contextby-context, avoiding easy and seductive generalisations. * Alessio De Cristofaro DAM srl, Roma a.decristofaro@lateres.it ** Alessandra Piergrossi Istituto di Studi sul Mediterraneo Antico del Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche, Monterotondo, Roma alessandra.piergrossi@isma.cnr.it A. Babbi notes the frequent presence of axe-pendants in many female tombs in the Bronze and Early Iron age from many places in Italy (Babbi 2002: 446-452). 78 The clothes make the (wo)man historical and anthropological considerations on Etruscan female costumes... 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La tomba del Trono, All’Insegna del Giglio, Firenze. GESTIONE EDITORIALE E DISTRIBUZIONE GANGEMI EDITORE Spa KEYWORDS PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore World Prehistory and Protohistory Anthropological Archaeology Theory Material Culture In this volume: Textile production, Iron Age, 1st millennium BC, Italy, Denmark, Greece, Hallstatt, Experimental archaeology, Textile tools, Iconography, Written sources. In copertina / Cover illustration: Drawing of a loom with two beams (Mannering fig.1); Wool tubular textile from eastern Jutland, Denmark-National Museum of Denmark (Mannering, fig. 6); Loom weights from Kaulonia (Luberto, Meo, fig.7); Spool with decorated ends (Gambacurta, fig.5); Magnified mineralised purple fabric (Gleba Mandolesi, Lucidi, fig. 6c). TEXTILES TEXTILES IN PRE-ROMAN ITALY: FROM QUALITATIVE TO QUANTITATIVE APPROACH M. Gleba NEW TEXTILE FINDS FROM TOMBA DELL’ARYBALLOS SOSPESO, TARQUINIA: CONTEXT, ANALYSIS AND PRELIMINARY INTERPRETATION M. Gleba, A. Mandolesi, M. R. Lucidi TEXTILES AND RITUALS IN CUMAEAN CREMATION BURIALS M. Gleba, I. Menale, C. Rescigno THE CLOTHES MAKE THE (WO)MAN: HISTORICAL AND ANTHROPOLOGICAL CONSIDERATIONS OF ETRUSCAN FEMALE COSTUMES BETWEEN 8TH AND 7TH CENTURY BC Alessio De Cristofaro, A. Piergrossi BICONICAL VASE AND “OLD LACE” AT NARCE. NEW DATA FROM THE NECROPOLIS OF LA PETRINA PDF Estratto copia riservata Autore J. Tabolli TEXTILE PRODUCTS, CONSUMERS AND PRODUCERS IN THE HALLSTATT CULTURE K. Grömer TEXTILES AND CLOTHING TRADITIONS IN EARLY IRON AGE DENMARK – U. Mannering EXPERIMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY MOTION CAPTURE AND TEXTILE EXPERIMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY, A POSSIBLE COMBINATION E. Andersson Strand, S. Lindgren, C. Larsson TESTING ANCIENT TEXTILE TOOLS IN SOUTHERN ETRURIA (CENTRAL ITALY): EXPERIMENTAL ARCHAEOLOGY VERSUS EXPERIENTIAL ARCHAEOLOGY – R. Laurito TRACING THE THREAD: SPINNING EXPERIMENTS WITH ETRUSCAN SPINDLE WHORL REPLICAS E. Ciccarelli, A. Perilli TRACEOLOGICAL ANALYSES APPLIED TO TEXTILE IMPLEMENTS: THE CASE STUDY OF THE MILLENNIUM BCE CERAMIC TOOLS IN CENTRAL ITALY – V. Forte, C. Lemorini 1ST TOOL STUDIES SPINNING AND WEAVING IN THE PILE DWELLING OF MOLINA DI LEDRO (TRENTO, NORTHEASTERN ITALY): NOTES ON WOODEN TOOLS P. Petitti, R. Laurito, E. Pizzuti, M. Gleba, P. M. Guarrera, D. Bordoni TEXTILE TOOLS FROM THE AGER FALISCUS AREA IN THE IRON AGE: ARE THEY ALWAYS FUNCTIONAL TOOLS? – M. A. De Lucia Brolli, R. Laurito A LOOM FOR THE GODDESS – TOOLS FOR SPINNING AND WEAVING FROM THE SANCTUARY OF THE GODDESS REITIA IN ESTE (PADUA) – G. Gambacurta TEXTILE PRODUCTION ALONG THE IONIAN COAST OF CALABRIA DURING THE ARCHAIC PERIOD: THE CASE OF KAULONIA – M. R. Luberto, F. Meo TEXTILE PRODUCTION AND TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGES IN THE ARCHAIC SOCIETIES OF MAGNA GRAECIA: THE CASE OF TORRE DI SATRIANO (LUCANIA, ITALY) – A. Quercia ICONOGRAPHY AND WRITTEN SOURCES THE FEMALE PENSUM IN THE ARCHAIC AND HELLENISTIC PERIOD: THE EPINETRON, THE SPINDLE, AND THE DISTAFF – H. Di Giuseppe INSCRIBED OBJECTS ASSOCIATED WITH TEXTILE PRODUCTION: NEWS FROM TARQUINIA G. Bagnasco Gianni, M. Cataldi, G. M. Facchetti TEXTILE PRODUCTION IN IRON AGE GREECE: THE CASE OF THE AMORGINA TEXTILES S. Spantidaki ISSN 0474-6805 THEMATIC ISSUE: CONTEXTUALISING TEXTILE PRODUCTION IN ITALY, 1ST MILLENNIUM BC