Linguistic identity of pottery craftsmen in Salento
Ekaterina Golovko, University of Bologna, )taly
Linguistic research into the identity of social type can take on
numerous different forms. The intention here is to use lexicon as the
main focus of observation. This paper considers local identity
categories that are directly related to the focus of the research: pottery
production in southern )taly. These categories were elaborated as a
result of ethnographic observation and fieldwork. The current
production of pottery is characterized by the presence of both modern
and traditional types of production. At the same time, the linguistic
repertoire of the community is characterized by the presence of
different varieties of language. Not all craftsmen using traditional
production methods use traditional dialect. This paper sought to
approach the question of identity by combining an analysis of linguistic
variation with an examination of pottery production as well as a
consideration of the identity assumed by the craftsmen themselves.
Keywords: )dentity; Regional )talian; Standard )talian; Localness; Tradition;
Pottery
1. Introduction
This paper is a part of a PhD research project that focuses on the production
of traditional pottery in Salento. Salento is a region of Southern )taly situated
in the extreme south of the country and characterized by a strong presence of
local dialect. This research was conducted between
and
. )n this
paper attention is given primarily to lexical choices as identity construction
markers. )t gives particular attention to the linguistic structures used for the
transmission of know-how and the varieties of language adopted for these
means. The analysis centers on the intersection between the linguistic
situation and the cultural circumstances of production and tries to use a
principle which considers linguistic and social dimensions as equivalent.
2. Background
)n this section, first of all a short introduction to the cultural and linguistic
situation in Salento will be presented. Then, the theoretical basis of the
present study will be discussed.
As a first step, it is important to describe the situation under consideration.
The researcher worked with craftsmen producing regionally characteristic
pottery, and attention was mainly given to cultural and linguistic dimensions.
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| Ekaterina Golovko
She wanted to see how the tradition and dialect as representations of the
old world , new progressive machinery, mass/serial produced objects, and
the )talian language are balanced, and how craftsmen identified themselves
with these elements of their craft. She sought to answer the following
questions: Which values do craftsmen continue to hold as important? Which
language )talian or local dialect do they prefer? (ow is it connected to the
content of their speech?
2.1. Salento
Salento is characterized by its pottery production: the museum of Lecce has
samples of ceramic production dating from the )V century B.C. The region was
poverty stricken until )taly s economic revitalization in the s and s. This
revitalization contributed to the overall growth of the nation, but, at the same
time, it accentuated an economic divide between north and south in as much
as industrial development took place primarily in the northern regions such
as Piedmont, Lombardy, Veneto and Emilia-Romagna concentrating wealth in
and around their respective major cities, such as Turin, Milan, Venice and
Bologna. This development also entailed a massive migration of manpower
from the south towards the north in search of employment and economic
wellbeing which subsequently impacted all levels of )talian society; new
contacts, mixture of languages mostly everyone spoke dialects and not
standard )talian , and changes in the society s social structure ensued.
For the traditional pottery industry, that period was crucial as well. )n that
period, the pottery industry was literally dying because many craftsmen
preferred to move to the North of )taly and abandon the activity of their
ancestors. Needless to say at that time, traditional pottery was closely
associated with poverty and an old style of life. All the houses of the peasants
were full of pottery and objects made of clay, as the cheapest material in the
area. Another factor contributing the death of the pottery industry was the
discovery of plastic—used as a material in everyday life. When it began to be
used, it became the major competitor with clay because the advantages of
plastic in use and convenience outperformed those of pottery. One craftsman
said:
Non c’era la plastica, ma proprio in
quegli anni.. La plastica è scoppiata
…infatti c’è stata proprio la crisi in
quegli anni li. Perché qui, pensa,
c’erano 50 di botteghe a Cutrofiano.
Poi siamo rimasti 7-8-10.
Ultimamente 7, 8.
At first, there was no plastic, but right at
that time when there was already a real
crisis, plastic exploded. Because here,
think of it, there were 50 workshops in
Cutrofiano. Then we remained only 7, 8,
10. And now, there are only 7or 8 of us.
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)n
the craftsmen who survived that period of difficulty organized
consortia and began to hold annual exhibitions of their products. This proved
to be a decisive moment of change, and the production of traditional pottery
began to grow and new workshops were opened. The researcher s interest,
however, was not historical, but synchronic.
(er aim was to have an overview of the present situation in pottery and
conciliate two dimensions: ethnographical and linguistic. What we observe
now among these craftsmen is the result of how their production has
developed and how the production cycle has changed. )n this paper identity is
presented as a result of self-representation done by craftsmen and by the
positioning on the market of their objects.
The social composition of these potters is not as homogeneous as it once was.
Today, one finds single craftsman, large factories, and medium workshops all
situated next to one another. Moreover, today, there is little interaction
among them, and there is no support because the entire scene is dominated
by a sense of competition, in spite of the fact that many craftsmen, because
they have their own target clients, their own niche, are not in competition
with others.
Before moving to a theoretical part dedicated to the question of identity, it
seems necessary to mention a few points concerning the particularity of the
linguistic situation in )taly in general and in Salento in specific. The first and
the most important point is that there is a coexistence of two separate
linguistic systems: dialects in )taly, and the )talian language; the claim is that
dialects are not a variety of )talian; rather, they are independent linguistic
systems. The term regional )talian, in the rest of this paper, will mean a
geographical variety of )talian influenced by a local dialect at different levels.
As Tempesta
, p.
puts it, L italiano regionale è una varietà
essenzialmente parlata, anche da persone istruite, in una determinata area
geografica, e si caratterizza per le distanze dalle varietà di altre zone da una
parte, dall italiano standard dall altra. That is, Regional )talian is a variety of
)talian, essentially oral, spoken even by well-educated persons, in a
determined geographical area, and is characterized by its distance from the
varieties of other areas, on one hand, and from the Standard )talian, on the
other. The )talian term “dialetto” does not correspond to the English term
dialect , and in this article, inasmuch as it is concerned with )taly, the
researcher has used this term in its )talian sense; in other words, a dialect is
the non-standard language and linguistic system of an area. Therefore, when
the researcher discusses the coexistence of three main linguistic varieties in
the repertoire of the languages spoken by the craftsmen whose speech
samples she analyzed analyze, she is referring to a )talian, b Regional
)talian, and c local dialect. All three of them create a certain linguistic chain,
| Ekaterina Golovko
one related to another, but each maintaining its own freedom and
distinctiveness.
2.2. Identity
)dentity can be thought about from different perspectives: social, national,
professional, and others. This paper is based on the concept of identity as that
which emerges through interaction and does not precede it, as set forth in
Bucholtz and (all s article
. They define identity as an
intersubjectively achieved social and cultural phenomenon p.
. This
definition gives us the possibility to study identity from different angles and
to consider different factors which are involved; and of course we must
consider that we are dealing with partial identities and not a complete
representation of the craftsmen as personae in their totality. )n this paper, the
focus is only on their professional representation through language and the
construction of form and meaning during the interviews.
)n their paper, Bucholtz and (all
discuss various methods of
approaching identity. They conclude that identity should be viewed as a
social, cultural, and–most fundamentally–interactional phenomenon p.
. )dentity, they argue, . . . does not reside within the individual, but
takes its shape thanks to the processes of sameness and difference, realness
and fakeness, power and disempowerment Ibid . The basis of identity is a
strategy of the self in opposition to others, or in differentiation from others.
Bucholtz and (all carefully analyze such characteristics of identity, as, for
example, consciousness, or habitualness. They write:
identity may be in part intentional, in part habitual and less than fully
conscious, in part an outcome of interactional negotiation, in part a
construct of others perceptions and representations, and in part an
outcome of lager ideological processes and structures p.
.
The kind of identity discussed in this paper is for the most part a cultural
phenomenon, and it is more unconscious than conscious, more implicit than
explicit, insofar as it is not directly discussed in any of the interviews. We can
generally divide the types of identity as explicit and implicit, even if this
division is rather abstract. Explicit identity is an identity which is affirmed by
speakers and one which they want to transmit to the researcher. )mplicit
identity is that type of identity which is created out of the constellation of
various linguistic and cultural features which appear during the interaction
which occurs between the researcher and the interviewee. Needless to say,
this kind of identity is based on the personal understanding of the researcher,
and is based on her preferences and methodological choices.
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)dentity is a concept which emerges simultaneously at several different levels
Bucholtz & (all,
, and the conclusion in this paper was that if the
researcher noticed different levels of identity in the narrative lines of the
craftsmen, it would mean that there would as well be differentiations in their
way of speaking at more profound levels of speech as syntax or lexicon. This
research aimed at highlighting the different social categories represented by
craftsmen, especially as they were revealed in their speech. Therefore, the
type of identity searched for in this study was an interactive, non-static,
discursive construct as defined by Bucholtz and (all,
, p.
.
The group whose speech samples were analyzed in this research had two
binding restrictions:
a a geographical factor: only speakers born and working in Salento
were considered; and
b a professional factor: only those who still worked with a potter s
wheel were interviewed.
Other factors were secondary and sorted out subsequently. For example, the
researcher found that there was a socially mixed group based on the
professional affiliation of the members.
Another theoretical statement relied on in this study was variability and
negotiability of identity Fuller,
. The kind of identity the researcher
was interested in was the kind of professional self-representation the
craftsmen presented to foreigners . The question was: what kind of a mask
do craftsmen put on while working and while showing their work place and
cultural circumstances to someone whom they perceived as being not a part
of their community? The researcher initially positioned the craftsmen as
artisans and creators who are still involved in a traditional production (arré
& Van Langenhove,
. During the interviews, craftsmen constructed their
representation of production and in this way positioned themselves.
Often, at a theoretical level, studies of identity are divided in two general
groups: collective and individual. This dichotomy between collective and
individual social identity was not present and was not considered because
the studied group could not be considered as a unique quasi-being Auer,
, p. . Even if the generalization of identities could emerge from single
individual identities, the research process here was much more close to the
process of assemblage than to the consideration of a monolithic identity for a
group. Attention was focused on the individual; an ensemble of all individual
dimensions creates a collective dimension considering all the individual
| Ekaterina Golovko
differences and particularities and trying to homogenize the collective image.
As Jenkins
, p.
affirms:
. . . there are two different types of collectivity, and hence two
different types of collective identity. )n the first, the members of
the collectivity can identify themselves as such: they know who
they are. )n the second, members may be ignorant of their
membership or even of the collectivity s existence. The first exists
inasmuch as it is recognized by its members; the second is
constituted in its recognition by others.
The analysis of the construct of identity in this research was based on an
analysis of lexical choices; these choices are directly connected to the type of
production the craftsmen were involved in. As Kroskrity
noted:
)dentity construction is completed through the use of particular
linguistic choices as well as through communicative practices. Clearly,
language choice is not the only means through which these speakers
construct their social identities, and ultimately language choice is
intertwined with other communicative practices in the performance of
identity. pp.
.
The attention in this research was concentrated on the narrative lines of the
discourse found in the speech of craftsmen. Narrative lines talks can be
defined as topical directions of speech that is, geographical, linguistic,
professional, . . . aspects of speech ; some of the speakers in this research
talked about their past, and were always comparing a past experience with
one of the present; others talked about the differences between Salento and
other production centers and about traditions. Through these geographical,
linguistic, and professional aspects, which could be considered fundamental,
the researcher tried to explore the identities constructed by craftsmen during
the interviews. This approach to linguistic variation as a constellation of
features, brings us to the stylistic dimension of variation studies. Differences
in speech with regard to the use of particular local/regional/ dialectal and
other forms can be conceived of as sources for shaping identities and a
further creation of a sociolinguistic style Coupland,
; Eckert & Rickford,
.
Style, in its sociolinguistic sense, was the main theoretical concept involved in
the analysis. )n modern sociolinguistic theory, style is a concept which
mediates between linguistic variability and practices of the social
categorization of self or others. Linguistic variability is seen as a resource for
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constructing socially interpretable and interpreted styles Eckert,
. )t
should be emphasized that linguistic identity and style are not independent
concepts; they are created by the speaker in a concrete context which
includes the interlocutor and the situation. The researcher does not use the
term style in a Labovian sense, but in a new modified sense which was
introduced into sociolinguistics in the
s and later developed by Eckert
, p.
: Different ways of saying things are intended to signal
different ways of being, which includes different potential things to say. This
research shows a linguistic situation where every speaker can choose one
word or way of saying over another, and this choice is the index of his way of
being and the way he presents himself to the community or researcher. As
Eckert notes, Variables occur only as components of styles, and interpreting
variables requires an analysis of these components
, p.
.
)rvine
added a very important aspect to the definition of style. For her,
style is a method by which one distinguishes oneself. A speaker uses one style
or another in order to distinguish his or her self from another speaker, and
to underline differences: styles in language or elsewhere are all part of a
system of distinctiveness )rvine,
, p.
. Using this somewhat broad
concept of style, the researcher investigated different dimensions of variation
and finally characterized their speech as a complex phenomenon with
different traits. Every relevant trait used by a speaker is summed with other
traits, and constitutes a style, which is a way of expression and a mode of
constructing one s identity; it also represents a set of communicative
strategies. Linguistic style cannot be equaled to linguistic identity. They
correspond partly, because linguistic style is about elements of language
while craftsmen s identity includes elements of language, representation of
production, and of objects produced—stylization as a linguistic process of
distinction from a broader group or from the holistic vision of the totality of
craftsmen as a unique group that each speaker performs. To make the social
meaning of style evident, we need ethnographic investigation to uncover
groups that may seem homogeneous through a wider analytic lens, but
become sharply differentiated when ethnographic details are brought into
close focus Bucholtz & (all,
, p.
.
)n fact, ethnographic investigation helped the researcher to expand her point
of view on variation, and to introduce a larger criterion for analysis. She tries
to make evident which meaning the variation has for speakers and how it is
expressed in words. (er analysis was based on the claim that the relationship
between variables and demographic categories that exist was indirect.
Another very useful suggestion came from Johnstone and Kiesling
who claim that not all variants have social meaning p.
. The current
researcher searched for correlations other than the classical sociodemographical ones used in sociolinguistics.
| Ekaterina Golovko
3. METHOD
3.1. Data Procedures
This research was conducted on site, through semi-structured interviews
with the craftsmen. A wide range of questions concerning the production
cycle was asked of them. The questions were all concerned with production
and technical issues, and not linguistic questions. The interviews were as
open as necessary, and their only goal was to obtain all information possible
about the production of pottery, expressed in the most casual way possible.
Each interview lasted between
minutes and one hour. To have minimal
influence on the interviewees way of speaking, the researcher did not explain
to them what exactly she was researching, but just said that she was
interested in their way of production. The craftsmen mostly thought that she
was interested in learning the techniques of pottery production, and it did not
seem that they were observing their linguistic uses.
She interviewed
craftsmen, all born, living, and working in Salento. All the
speakers came from one of the three different locations: Grottaglie, San Pietro
in Lama, or Cutrofiano. Recordings of only
of them were used in the
quantitative analysis. The data consisted of more than hours of interviews,
all of which were completely transcribed.
3.2. Analysis
3.2.1. The first level of analysis
First, a potter s glossary taken from the interviews was created which
consisted of more than
terms referring to the production of pottery. All
the words used by the craftsmen and pertaining to pottery production, even
those used only once, were added to the glossary. This dictionary Golovko,
is the first attempt to give an overview of the lexicon of pottery in
Salento. Every word has a note including frequency of usage, examples of
usage, and semantic comments. Based on this glossary, the researcher created
a quantitative grid of terms used most often by the craftsmen. she grouped
semantically related terms to observe the frequency and variability of pottery
terms. This grid includes
terms and is the basis of present research. This
grid is particularly interesting in the analysis because it consists mostly of
words related to the same semantic area but belonging to different varieties:
dialect, regional )talian, and Standard )talian. For this research, the
investigator selected items belonging to semantic chains to analyze the
coexistence of synonyms.
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General
Technical Special
Dialect
Regional
Graph 1. Proportion of pottery terms in )talian different languages and dialects.
The first level of analysis is based on the distribution of types of lexicon, the
lexical marks given to the items in the main dictionary of the )talian
language—Grande Dizionario Italiano dell’Uso edited by De Mauro
considered by many to be the standard reference for the )talian language .
Every item in De Mauro s dictionary has been marked as common, specialtechnical, dialectal, regional, and so on.
The researcher wanted to see the general distribution of the lexicon she had
created. As is evident in the first graph, the lexical items in the collection
belong mostly to the general category, i.e., words of the basic vocabulary of
every speaker of )talian language. For example, clay is not a specific term of
pottery production, but a general term available and used in the discourse of
everyone. Explaining this tendency is very easy: special terms in pottery
production for the most part are not monosemous but polysemous, and they
form a part of the general vocabulary of every person. There are not many
cases of monosemy among the technical terms of pottery.
| Ekaterina Golovko
3.2.2. The second level of analysis
70
60
Savigno
Benegiamo
Monteroni
Coli
Pinca
Fasano
Colì jr.
Maglio
Corineo
Totò
Francesco
50
40
30
20
10
0
Dial
TS
Gen
Reg
Graph 2. Proportion of pottery lexicon in potters language.
The second level is analysis of a quantitative, intra-speaker distribution of the
lexicon. This level of analysis served to verify that, for individual potters, the
distribution reflects the general lexical distribution shown in the first graph.
We can clearly see that a common lexicon Gen is the one most frequently
used by speakers. A Technical lexicon TS is the second most used category,
while Dialectal and regional terms tend to be used with same frequency. This
graph shows that intra-speaker variation reflects similar results as the
general infra-speaker variation.
3.2.2.1. Silverstein’s indexical order theory
The next step in the research concerned the application of Silverstein s theory
of indexical orders to those lexical choices made by the craftsmen. For a
detailed explanation of the theory of Silverstein, see Johnstone and Kiesling
, and Eckert
. The lexical markers analyzed not only have
different levels of indexicality, but also, according to the classification by
Silverstein, of indexical order. Using Silverstein s theory, the researcher found
all the three types of indexicals in the speech of craftsmen:
‚
‚
‚
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order indexicals are those that an outsider could observe
and use as indexes of differences in identity, but which the
informant, or craftsmen in this case, use without any particular
meaning and without an ideological background;
st
order indexicals are those which become associated with a
style of speech and can be used to create a context for that
style ; and
nd
order indexicals include a conscious use of nd order
indexicals in order to underline and make explicit the sense of
localness.
rd
As Johnstone and Kiesling
noted, we need to be careful not to assume
that the people we are studying draw on the same theories as we do p.
.
)n fact, the researcher s interest was external observation of the emic type—a
description of behavior or a belief in terms meaningful consciously or
unconsciously to the potters. The job of the researcher as a fieldworker was
to uncover the categories which were emergent in the discourse, and to
interpret them. These are categories which are not explicit, or which do not
lay on the surface, but are incorporated in the speech patterns of those
studied. As Jenkins
argued, Our categories don t have to be
consequentially real to the people to whom they refer, in order to have
consequences for us p.
. Silverstein s theory helped the investigator to
distinguish between different types of lexical uses that craftsmen make.
3.2.2.2. Examples of words of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd order
‚
‚
‚
order index: torniante e tornitore craftsman working on a potter s
wheel —tornitore is regular and torniante is an irregular form: the
first term is formed with a regular suffix—tore, signifying the
profession and the second one is a form of a present participle as a
noun. Craftsmen use both of them and the irregular one is part of their
slang. The difference however can be noticed by an outsider because
this difference is of a grammatical type.
st
nd order index: speakers observe the difference between local and
standard words: tornio e roda rota potter s wheel ; they know
that one rota) belongs to the local dialect and tornio is standard.
order index or the use of the nd order index for stylistic means: )n
this case, craftsmen use the word rota to mark that the potter s
wheel is an ancient instrument, that it is not new, and that it is not an
electric-powered device. The word itself is a dialectal word and
belongs to the old, traditional dimension of production.
rd
| Ekaterina Golovko
Dialect a dialect as a non standard language of any region, not )talian is a
variety frequently stigmatized outside of Salento and in general, outside the
area of its use . The use of dialectal words can be interpreted in a very
negative manner, but considering the researcher s personal interest in dialect,
the craftsmen using dialectal expressions were not afraid of leaving a
negative impression of themselves. One must recall that dialects are a variety
of speech associated by its native speakers throughout )taly with those people
who have a low level of education. The use of dialects in Salento is not all that
stigmatized, and since the
s, when there was a certain dialectal
renaissance, it began to gain much more social and cultural prestige. )t should
be linked to the old/ traditional dimension of production.
3.2.2.3. The creation of categories
Silverstein s theory is very useful for the classification of lexical choices made
by craftsmen, but in the case of the current research it was not sufficient for
understanding the social meaning of variation. Semiotic relations between
linguistic variants and social meaning are not always direct and cannot
always be extracted from the linguistic form alone. )t is argued here that
ethnographic work and the observation of practices made by the fieldworker
are essential.
The concept researched in this study is not explicit; the category of identity
and especially of professional identity is not something that is openly
discussed by craftsmen. While speaking, the craftsmen introduced two
opposing images of their group: traditional and modern, and that was related
to the type of production adopted. )n the common perception, localness and
tradition were associated with local dialect and this connection is indexically
direct. When the researcher was working on the interviews, however, she
found that this was not always the case. There were two categories instead of
one: tradition and localness, and they were not the same thing.
The investigator did not want to identify immediately the use of local dialect
with a projection of localness but to investigate what kind of meaning it could
carry for the speaker himself. What she was searching for was categories
incorporated in the speech of craftsmen and in their vision of the world. She
was interested in their categories and tried to crystallize them from
spontaneous speech rather than from asking direct questions. She did not
want to ask direct question like what do you think about dialect? because of
the subjectivity of the question.
Not everyone, however, who uses a dialect is local, and wants to be local, and
that is because after a careful examination of the narrative lines it was found
that the use of local dialect can index localness or traditionalism. This was a
simple remark sorted out through ethnographic observation and was then
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reinforced by the highly inspiring article of Johnstone and Kiesling
who based their research on the principle of the fundamental indeterminacy
of relations between forms and meanings p.
. They claimed that the
range of possible social identities and/or indexical forms is typically
determined by the researcher Ibid, p.
. The researcher introduced
categories based on her comprehension and interpretation of what craftsmen
wanted to express—the etic side. These categories helped to investigate what
linguistic meaning had the variables and what social/cultural meaning they
produced. For example, forms considered local and not traditional belonged
to second-order indexes because they were not used by craftsmen in stylistic
purposes and there were difference in their social meaning.
Categories can be defined as cultural beliefs and values linked to language
choices. There is a choice: craftsmen can say one thing in at least three
different ways. Referring to Eckert
, the researcher underlines that if
craftsmen use different words for the same concept or object, this does not
mean that the object remains unchanged, but that as form varies, so does the
content. )t is a choice, therefore, that is of major interest. The categories
adopted were related to general, macro sociological categories which are
present in every community involved in the production of traditional articles:
local, traditional, modern. Even if these categories are common to any society
and any reality, in this paper these categories have a particular filling, or
content, connected to a specific context: pottery production in Salento. These
categories are indexes of a relation between macro-sociological general
categories and the content of micro-sociological categories which emerge in
concrete interactions. The analysis in this research aimed to find out how
semiotic agents access macro-sociological plane categories and concepts as
values in the indexable realm of micro-contextual Silverstein,
, p.
.
Macro-social and micro-social categories were selected as a projection and
generalization of lexical features and narrative lines which emerged from the
interviews. )dentity categories are the reflection of both local and general
categories, at the same time, because they can be adopted everywhere, but its
characteristics are typical to the concrete context of Salento.
The introduction of macro-sociological categories and filling them with
specific content seemed to be a good methodological approach to avoid
classical sociolinguistics categories as sex, age and social class. As Bucholtz
and (all
note, the [s]peakers language use does not conform with the
social category to which they are normatively assigned p.
. Bucholtz
and (all use the example of transgender identities of hijra p.
. )t was
found in this research that level of education and age are not directly
connected to the quantity of non-standard features used in craftsmen s
speech. Craftsmen involved in this research represented a wide range of
| Ekaterina Golovko
sociological characteristics but their linguistic uses did not confirm the
classical dialectological law: the oldest speakers use more non standard
features and the youngest with higher levels of education do not use them at
all, or just a minimum part. )n the interviews, the general absence of a direct
link between these factors was noticed, and therefore the researcher turned
to the other possibility of evaluation: to the categories representing cultural
values through linguistic lens.
3.2.3. The third level of analysis
Category Distribution
140
120
100
I1
I2
I3
I4
I5
I6
I7
I8
I9
I10
I11
80
46
60
40
20
0
Loc
Graph 3. Category distribution.
Tr
Mod
The third level of analysis was a quantitative intra-speaker category which
regards the distribution of the lexicon. Some speakers do not interpret
variables and forms in the same way other speakers do and especially in this
case the researcher wanted to introduce the labeling of categories as general
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and not stated by speakers. This brought her to the introduction of two types
of local categories. Category creation and labeling aims to make sure that
labeling is done based on the content/form relation and not only on
superficial form. This action of labeling shows the analysis of unifying
language and material culture.
What is evident from graph is the other type of variation of lexical uses
based on stylistic distribution. To produce this graph, three types of
labels/categories were assigned to the most frequent terms in the speech of
craftsmen: traditional, local, and modern. Common general vocabulary was
decidedly avoided because it could not be labeled in any way other than
neutral. We can immediately notice that the distribution of lexical choices is
no more homogeneous or similar than it was in the first two steps of analysis.
To exemplify, the researcher first shows the co-existence of words in the
same semantic area; )n the following examples words belonging to standard
)talian are written with a normal font, terms belonging to the regional )talian
are in bold characters, and dialectal words are in italic.
Figulo; cotamaro; tornitore; torniante: These are words all signifying
craftsman . The first one, figulo , is an )talian standard word of a
distinguished variety of language. Cotamaro’ is local dialect and
known only in this particular area because it is a derivation from a
local word signifying clay—cutra. Tornitore is an )talian word
signifying who works on a potter s wheel , and the last one is a
synonym but non-standard because of its irregular formation.
Torniante can be attributed to regional )talian because it is typical of
craftsmen in Salento to use this word for those craftsmen working on
a potter s wheel. The choice of one of these terms is significant for the
researcher whereas in some cases, the use of these terms is done
unconsciously or remains totally insignificant for the speaker himself.
As examples of labeling, cotamaro and torniante are labeled as local,
obviously, because they are non standard local forms of regional
)talian.
Argilla; creta; crita; terra: These are examples of words signifying
clay . Argilla clay is a standard )talian word and it can be labeled
only as neutral. All other three words are labeled as local because of
their relation with a local reality of production and their crossreference to the traditional way of clay extraction.
Cofano; limbo. )n this case two words belong to the old kind of
production because cofano was kind of a washtub where the clay
was put with water not to give it a good consistency. This word exists
in )talian and in the salentino dialect with the typical –u ending. The
label given to this word is traditional because it was used in the past
| Ekaterina Golovko
and only craftsmen talking about the past used it. Today, the clay is
worked in a totally different way since it is bought ready-for-use from
the North of )taly. The second word limbo’ is marked as local
because it is a dialectal word for cofano which has a very limited use,
only in Salento. )t is very interesting to note that limbo in standard
)talian means the same thing as in English: the bode of the souls of
unbaptized infants, and of who died just before Christ's coming . )t can
be related to the intermediate state of clay after its extraction and
before its being worked.
Sbalzo; shock termico; sciocco termico: This group shows the coexistence of modern and local words. The only English word used by
craftsmen, which is, by the way, already assimilated into the )talian
vocabulary, is shock , and it signifies the shock produced by the sharp
change of the temperature when the oven is opened while it is still
hot. These words are labeled as modern because earlier, when wood
stoves were used, they could not be opened sharply. This problem
arose when new types of ovens started to be used and which could be
opened to lower temperatures. The last example is marked as local
because it evidences how the adaptation of the standard and at the
same time foreign word happens: from shock it becomes a more
)talianized sciocco with a vowel at the end, typical for all )talian
words, at the same time signifying stupid in standard )talian.
Tornio; rota; roda: This is the key example for pottery production
because these are different names for potter s wheel . Tornio is
)talian and it is not marked in any way because it is a neutral word,
being part of a general vocabulary and not only of pottery production.
The other two are dialectal and are related to different localities
inside of Salento. We can observe a consonant changing t-d, frequent
in Salento dialects. Both words were labeled as local but they reflect
also a traditional dimension as mentioned earlier in the section
dedicated to the st, nd and rd order indexicals above .
)n the following paragraph, types of identities are elaborated on and their
characteristics are discussed.
3.3. Emerging Identities
As a result of analyzing and labeling the potters lexicon, three identities
emerged: modern, local and traditional. The frequency of the terms used in
interview samples was the main criterion. The maximum number of lexical
choices for one category was the basis for assign that label to the speaker and
as a consequence that type of identity. For example, the researcher labeled as
traditional those expressions and words which described traditional,
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preindustrial objects and instruments, and identified how their production
was organized. Generally these terms and expressions are )talian, or regional,
but rarely dialectal. What was called local was mostly represented by dialect
words describing local instruments, and it was mono semantic as was
generally the case with words referring to ancient objects. The modern
category refers to modern customs and new technologies. These are all
standard )talian items and sometimes belong to the technical-specialist area.
After calculating the number of lexical choices made by every speaker and
assigning him to one of the categories, the researcher observed
demographical characteristics such as age, level of education, and narrative
lines of the interview to create a descriptive content for each identity. So, the
content , or the characteristics of identities were established, following the
analysis of linguistic choices. Maintaining what is called the local is rare and
difficult in modern society. Being closed off from the rest of the country is
virtually impossible, mostly because of economic conditions of production
and other external factors. For example, the machinery for potters in Salento
is all bought from the north of )taly, and even the clay, as mentioned earlier, is
not local but bought from the North. Even if some craftsmen claim that they
are totally independent and totally Salentino in their production, this is
simply not the case, although it makes for a better image.
Those included in the category of traditional identity are speakers aged
between
and
years. Their level of education is very heterogeneous and
it goes from elementary school up to higher education master s degree . This
group contains craftsmen from the previous generation, those who worked
when their production was totally manual, as well as those who witnessed
this era, and also those who witnessed the insertion of more modern
technology and the passage to industrial production. At a professional level,
these craftsmen are connected by their capacity to work on the potters wheel
but they belong to different types of workshops and small plants.
)n this group there are craftsmen and of them still work on potters wheel.
The other three have become owners of factories and work mostly in the
commercial sector. The values which seem most important to these craftsmen
are the quality of their products, and the maintenance of a tradition. Even if
some of them work in the industrialized sector, they continue to value
tradition and the print marks of the creator on the pottery.
During our conversations-interviews, many of them talked about the past and
about how they used to produce pottery. They are very well aware of the fact
that at present, few persons continue to follow the traditional way of
production, but they still think that that tradition is much more attractive
than modern industry. As we see in the following excerpt from one of the
| Ekaterina Golovko
interviews, there are two key words
tradition.
Per esigenze di mercato abbiamo
dovuto mantenere caratteristiche
produttive simili a quelle del
passato perché … per rimanere
unici. Siccome tutti si sono
industrializzati o industriati a fare
tutto con i sistemi industriali per
vincere certi settori di mercato
abbiamo dovuto reinterpretare le
nostre cose con le vecchie tecniche
di lavorazione. Altrimenti non
ottieni i risultati. Quindi siamo
apprezzati sui mercati solo per
questo motivo…
regarding this group: the past, and
Because of the demands of the market
we had to keep those characteristics
which were similar to those of the
past, in order to … to remain unique.
Since everyone has become
industrialized or industrized to
produce everything with industrial
systems, in order to win in some
sectors of the market, we had to rethink how we did things with those
old manufacturing techniques.
Otherwise you just don’t get any
results. So we are valued on the
market for this reason….
Craftsmen involved in this group either maintain tradition or simply try to
maintain the appearance of the traditional for clients. Craftsmen often do not
even mention those innovations which have become part of their everyday
work, for example, the electric or gas oven. Everyone uses it and there is no
alternative; the wood stove is not in use anymore; its use is even prohibited
inside of the towns. This can be called an assimilated innovation.
On a linguistic level these craftsmen still prefer to use the old names for
objects or instruments, and while talking about a modern phase in
production, they still use language which refers to phases in traditional
production which is not even done any more. Their language, therefore, is
characterized by the use of dialect and regional expressions, but also
expressions which emphasize traditional, non-existing modes of production
rather than contemporary, industrial reality. We can see this in how they
refer to clay:
At present, we get [the clay] already
Adesso, attualmente la riceviamo
ready, packed in containers, from
già in pali dalla Toscana. Ma
Tuscany. But in ancient times, it was
anticamente si preparava con i
prepared by foot, mixed together on
piedi, si impastava a terra,
the ground, and then put to soak for
mettendola a bagno un giorno
one day first in crates which we made
prima in un contenitore che si
ourselves.
faceva da soli.
The evidence for this claim is the use of word ancient which is typical for
Southern )taly. Everything that is related to the past, to the times of
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grandfathers is called ancient and it is not related to Ancient Rome or Greece.
This is the way the past is represented.
Modern identity. Craftsmen belonging to this group are between
and
years old. Their level of education is also quite heterogeneous, spreading
between secondary school and university degrees. (owever, this diversified
and non-homogeneous picture of educational levels simply mirrors the
present situation in )talian society. There is a fluid displacement between
social groups and freedom of a choice with regard to professions. This
modern group is also heterogeneous on a professional level. They value the
quantity and quality of products, but within the frame of being able to
compete and overtake commercial rivals. Not all craftsmen, however, work in
an industrial dimension. Two of those craftsmen studied are still producing
everything manually and can be considered as examples of the
modernization of tradition , because they combine traditional technologies
and forms and shapes but introduce new colors and design. This mode of
production is, on the one hand, not industrial, but can be taken, on the other
hand, as modern. Other forms of modernity, however, are also industrial.
There are those that work on an industrial level with employed workers and a
daily output of goods equal to what traditional craftsmen produce in one
month:
[T]hey produce 50, 100. And we
[F]anno 50, 100. E noi facciamo
produce 1000, 2000, 3000, 5000 a
1000, 2000, 3000, 5000 al giorno.
day. So that’s why. They produce 100
Quindi ecco perché. E loro fanno
pieces a day and they do it all by
100 pezzi al giorno e quindi
hand. .
vengono fatti tutti a mano.
Each group has different targets on the market but both dedicate
considerable work on the promotion of their products and on advertising
since their competition is not limited to their colleagues, but with those
working in other regions and not only inside Salento. (aving to compete with
those in other areas outside Salento, however, influences how they have to
communicate, so their way of speaking tends to become more standard and
more )talian than local.
These young craftsmen have the access to all the traditions and zones of
production, and have equal membership in the market of pottery: This study
did not find any recourse to distinction as a strategy of identification. Their
identity on a linguistic level is characterized by correctly using of technical
terms as well as regional varieties, and by being able to give a detailed
description of the production cycle with no or few references to the past.
Thanks to this group of craftsmen, Salento pottery is exported on the national
and international level, and this is a remarkable result because the sphere of
the distribution was previously limited to neighboring areas.
| Ekaterina Golovko
3.4. Local Identity
The category of local identity belongs to the older group of craftsmen whose
perception of the world is narrower, and who tend to remain tied to the local
territory of Salento. This type of identity could also be defined as potential
because after analyzing all the words used by this group of craftsmen, it
seemed obvious that this dimension of pottery production did exist in some
ways, but after quantitative analyses, the researcher found that local lexical
choices were almost always non dominant, or not the major lexical choice, but
second or third in rank.
Only one speaker used more words from the local category, and he was
years old, the oldest of the craftsmen considered in this research. During the
study, the researcher interviewed even older craftsmen aged between
and
but all of them spoke varieties of local dialect and especially what can
be called dialetto italianizzato —)talianized dialect. )talianized dialect is a
local dialect spoken with some interferences of )talian but the grammatical
base is a dialect and not the )talian language. And since it is a variety of a local
dialect and not the )talian language, the researcher could not consider
speakers of this variety due to methodological rigor. This craftsman who
represents local identity is one of the last examples of traditional production.
)n his workshop where he works with his brother and some employees
everything is produced manually, and all his products are created on the
potter s wheel. Being a representative of Salento s tradition, traditional
pottery was one of the major values discerned during his interview. (istory
and tradition are very important even if the products that are made in his
workshop are quite rustic and do not have a particular artistic value:
This is a very simple decoration that
Questa è una decorazione molto
the craftsman was trying to produce at
semplice che l’artigiano cercava
the beginning of the XXth century.… A
magari di realizzare all’inizio del
type of decoration which uniquely
‘900, Un tipo di decorazione che
caratterizza proprio il Salentu, anche characterizes the “Salentu,” and also, in
some ways, the whole region of Apulia.
un po’ tutta la Puglia. Penso gli altri
I think many others have copied this
ce l’hanno copiati questo tipo di
type of decoration from us.
decoro.
The three categories analyzed provide us with the following image of Salento:
a local dimension which is losing its position and may even be disappearing
forever; a modern dimension which is in continuous expansion but in two
main directions modernization of tradition and industrialization of
tradition , and that of the traditional, which is in a stable and powerful
position for the moment, but is set to surely undergo some changes.
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The speech of a craftsman who defines himself and his workshop as local is
characterized by the distinctiveness of Salento s tradition and its central
position. The craftsman quoted below is old enough to remember the
mechanical solidarity as defined by Durkheim,
among them and their
general feeling of belonging to the community of Salento potters :
It is clear that there was rivalry, no?
è chiaro che c’era la rivalità, no? fra
But amongst the craftsmen there was
gli artigiani ma c’era anche molta
cooperazione […]Tieni conto che molti a lot of cooperation also […] Consider
hanno parenti fra loro, tanti Colì, tanti that a lot of them have relatives in
common: there are many from the Colì
Benegiamo, oppure erano anche
family, and the Benegiamo family; and
compari, e la comparanza era più
there were godfathers, and the
forte della stessa parentela, quindi
“godfatherness” was more important
c’era, rispetto ad oggi, c’era rivalità,
even then kinship. Compared to today,
ma c’era anche la cooperazione.
then, there was rivalry, but there was
Adesso siccome stanno molto meglio
non hanno più bisogno di aiuto, quindi also cooperation. Now since they are
doing better, they don’t need help
è rimasta la rivalità.
anymore, so only rivalry has remained.
All in all, we deal with distinction as introduced by Bourdieu,
and
solidarity in two different ways. First, in the past, solidarity was a common
feeling. The present feeling of distinction from other groups and traditions in
the rest of the country is the transformation of it. Currently, we can see
solidarity among smaller groups of craftsmen and particularly amongst
craftsmen working alone , this feeling of solidarity is based mostly on
solidarity with other , a different one than with a similar one.
4. Results
)n the previous section, some reflections on assumed identities were made
and now the results can be summed up. Firstly, age is the main demographic
factor in tracing differences between groups: the youngest craftsmen are seen
to have assumed a modern identity, the oldest craftsmen a local one and
middle aged craftsmen a traditional one.
Secondly, tradition is the main value shared by the majority of interviewees.
)t can be assumed that the middle aged group is central and more neutrally
located between local and modern values because craftsmen assuming this
identity saw their grandfathers using traditional means of production when
they were young and now they work adopting modern ways of production.
Therefore, they have the experience and the critical vision of production
necessary to appreciate the most valuable parts of both ways of working.
Thirdly, we can describe the artisans logic of production as maintaining
traditions in which the use of new technologies does not play a central part,
| Ekaterina Golovko
but serves as a means of assistance. Preparing clay with special mixing
machines and cutting it into pieces to be modeled on a potter s wheel with the
right dimensions and volume; using large electronic ovens which operate
automatically and follow firing programs; and applying new types of glaze
and colors which are more resistant: these are all examples of the new
technologies that craftsmen take advantage of.
Finally, general changes in the economy and production caused changes in
the relationships between individuals involved in the social life of the society.
As a consequence, the type of solidarity which unifies them changed. Using
Durkheim s
concept of mechanical solidarity, it can be assumed that
this is the type of solidarity craftsmen mentioned in the interviews when they
were talking about the past and about how they helped each other. The
competition between craftsmen co-existed with cooperation and a sense of
group membership. This sense of membership was eroded little by little while
organic solidarity took place and expanded as a type of social relationship.
Organic solidarity brought the sense of difference and individuality of a
craftsman. )f before they considered themselves to be a part of the unique
group, now they do not have this union, but their solidarity is based on the
feeling of difference. (ence, solidarity as cooperation was replaced by
solidarity as distinction, as a perception of social differentiation.
After completing the fieldwork and analyzing all visual and audio materials
the underlying question is why tradition was so important and prestigious in
Salento, and why that idea persists until today? This question comes up for
various reasons. First of all, tradition is related to the past, which was very
difficult in Southern )taly, being the poorest region in the country. )n the
s and
s, when the production of pottery had practically stopped, it
was one of the less prestigious jobs and even belonging to a family of
craftsmen was not desirable. On the other hand, progress and developed
industrialized means of production allowed the survival. )n fact, all factories
normally try to industrialize their production to the maximum possible level.
5. Discussion
Two factors and at the same time questions emerge: is this value of tradition a
question of the market prestige, or is it also influenced, even partially, by the
consideration of themselves as Demiurges? Demiurge is intended as he is
described in Plato s Timaeus, as a creator, as a divine artisan and as a maker.
The answer to these questions was researched within the wider perspective
of the philosophy/sociology of objects.
A handmade object is unique. A single object is unique in its singularity. A pot
made by a craftsman is unique but at the same time it is a representation of a
myth as far as the craftsman is a Creator in a real sense but also in a
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mythological one, where he is considered a Demiurge. Being a Demiurge
means reorganizing world chaos into order, into the creation of the world. )t
means working with four constituent elements: water, air, clay, and fire.
These elements are the basis of the world and are also the four elements of
pottery. A demiurge creating a pot is a metaphor and his pot is perfect, but a
pot created by a craftsman is imperfect because it has signs of human creation
upon it. Everyone who creates imagines a perfect pot and what we have at the
end is the creation of a man and not of a Demiurge: the real and not the
imagined pot. A craftsman is only a metaphor of a Demiurge and his
fingerprints are not a defect but an added value for any object. This is why a
handmade object is unique, this is why tradition is much more valuable than
progress, which homogenizes all objects and nullifies the Creator.
We can distinguish two types of myth related to the object and its status: the
myth of the past, and the myth of the present. The myth of the present is a
myth of a functional object, not collocated in tradition, not having historical
value but associated with technology and machinery. The myth of the past is
related to this single and unique object having economical and cultural value
and created by Demiurge, i.e. having his fingerprints on it. These two myths
are related to different objects and different realities and do not exclude one
another. Each type of myth can be a projection of the identity because it
expresses different values. )n this way an object can be considered a
projection of identity. Baudrillard
in System of Objects offers a vision
of the myth where the author links a virtue acquired in the form of an object
to the myth of the past or myth of the future/present. The myth of the present
is the myth of technology and the myth of power embodied in it. This type of
myth is projected to the future. )ts opposite is the retrogressive myth of
ancestral significance which brings us to the origins and to a corresponding
traditional and unique object. Baudrillard s conclusion is cruel, assuming that
whatever the man lacks is invested to the object pp. - .
6. Conclusion
)dentity is a fluid construction which allows for many possibilities to define it.
This freedom of its definition is also very inspiring from the methodological
point of view: it allows freedom in approaching and searching for solutions.
Words and objects, in this study, are the projections of identity because they
are what craftsmen say and express.
The identity of the craftsman does not entirely correspond with the ideal/
ideological projection of craftsman but just with a part of it. )dentity is
expressed through words and narrative lines and that is how the researcher
tried to find it. )t is a multiple category, which does not have rules for its
construction and formation. )t belongs to craftsmen but it is also independent
of them since it is part of a structure: researcher-object-identity. )t takes some
| Ekaterina Golovko
features and presents them in front of others as a desired image or as a
spoken image. There are no direct links between type of production and other
factors such as age and level of education. )dentity is not what a craftsman is
but what he wants to show, and what he wants to express of his being.
Language is a source for projection as well as for the production of identity. A
direct link between objects and craftsmen s identities can be established
through words; it can be performed through his speech. )dentity is a social
totality in which language is a latent vector and this ensemble of different
social spheres is actualized with language.
What the craftsman does is what he is in a partial manner as far as what he
does is his profession, which occupies only a part of his life and being .
(owever, what he says is what he wants to be or that part of his being he
wants to project and value: what they want is invested in words. Therefore,
the unique object is the direct expression of the traditional identity assumed
by the majority of craftsmen and the unique object is what they try to sell and
try to produce. The object is thus in the strict sense of a word a mirror. As a
mirror the object is perfect, precisely because it sends back not real images,
but desired ones Baudrillard,
, pp.
. The customer sees a
traditional craftsmen working on a potter s wheel and does not see new
machinery employed in the production of these objects because technology
cannot be a part of a traditional production. )n the same way, the constructed
identity with words is a mirror of the desired image of craftsmen. So the
union of the ancestral feeling of being a Demiurge and the market s requests
create and shape this value and this identity.
Acknowledgments
My warmest thanks to all the craftsmen who participated in the research and
helped me to discover their world. ) am grateful to professor )mmacolata
Tempesta who supported me and guided me in the research. To Frédéric
Monferrand, Ksenia Pimenova, Andrey )ndukaev, Silvia Potì and Simone
Tarud who commented on the first draft of this paper.
The Author
Ekaterina Golovko E-mail: katia.golovko@gmail.com studied at the Moscow
State University. (er MA thesis was dedicated to the study of regional variety
of )talian in Salento. (er PhD dissertation focuses mainly on the relation
between language, language variation and material culture. The attention of
Golovko was concentrated on the expressions of identity and ideology
through various linguistic forms. Currently the researcher is working on the
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description of the Regional variety of )talian in Salento from the point of view
of contact linguistics. Another project centers on the language of recent
Russian-speaking immigrants to )taly and their varieties of )talian
interlanguage . Dr. Golovko is employed as a Tutor of Russian Language at
the University of Bologna, Faculty of Foreign Language and Literature.
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