Linguistic identity of pottery craftsmen in Salento Ekaterina Golovko, University of Bologna, )taly Linguistic research into the identity of social type can take on numerous different forms. The intention here is to use lexicon as the main focus of observation. This paper considers local identity categories that are directly related to the focus of the research: pottery production in southern )taly. These categories were elaborated as a result of ethnographic observation and fieldwork. The current production of pottery is characterized by the presence of both modern and traditional types of production. At the same time, the linguistic repertoire of the community is characterized by the presence of different varieties of language. Not all craftsmen using traditional production methods use traditional dialect. This paper sought to approach the question of identity by combining an analysis of linguistic variation with an examination of pottery production as well as a consideration of the identity assumed by the craftsmen themselves. Keywords: )dentity; Regional )talian; Standard )talian; Localness; Tradition; Pottery 1. Introduction This paper is a part of a PhD research project that focuses on the production of traditional pottery in Salento. Salento is a region of Southern )taly situated in the extreme south of the country and characterized by a strong presence of local dialect. This research was conducted between and . )n this paper attention is given primarily to lexical choices as identity construction markers. )t gives particular attention to the linguistic structures used for the transmission of know-how and the varieties of language adopted for these means. The analysis centers on the intersection between the linguistic situation and the cultural circumstances of production and tries to use a principle which considers linguistic and social dimensions as equivalent. 2. Background )n this section, first of all a short introduction to the cultural and linguistic situation in Salento will be presented. Then, the theoretical basis of the present study will be discussed. As a first step, it is important to describe the situation under consideration. The researcher worked with craftsmen producing regionally characteristic pottery, and attention was mainly given to cultural and linguistic dimensions. )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , pp. - | Ekaterina Golovko She wanted to see how the tradition and dialect as representations of the old world , new progressive machinery, mass/serial produced objects, and the )talian language are balanced, and how craftsmen identified themselves with these elements of their craft. She sought to answer the following questions: Which values do craftsmen continue to hold as important? Which language )talian or local dialect do they prefer? (ow is it connected to the content of their speech? 2.1. Salento Salento is characterized by its pottery production: the museum of Lecce has samples of ceramic production dating from the )V century B.C. The region was poverty stricken until )taly s economic revitalization in the s and s. This revitalization contributed to the overall growth of the nation, but, at the same time, it accentuated an economic divide between north and south in as much as industrial development took place primarily in the northern regions such as Piedmont, Lombardy, Veneto and Emilia-Romagna concentrating wealth in and around their respective major cities, such as Turin, Milan, Venice and Bologna. This development also entailed a massive migration of manpower from the south towards the north in search of employment and economic wellbeing which subsequently impacted all levels of )talian society; new contacts, mixture of languages mostly everyone spoke dialects and not standard )talian , and changes in the society s social structure ensued. For the traditional pottery industry, that period was crucial as well. )n that period, the pottery industry was literally dying because many craftsmen preferred to move to the North of )taly and abandon the activity of their ancestors. Needless to say at that time, traditional pottery was closely associated with poverty and an old style of life. All the houses of the peasants were full of pottery and objects made of clay, as the cheapest material in the area. Another factor contributing the death of the pottery industry was the discovery of plastic—used as a material in everyday life. When it began to be used, it became the major competitor with clay because the advantages of plastic in use and convenience outperformed those of pottery. One craftsman said: Non c’era la plastica, ma proprio in quegli anni.. La plastica è scoppiata …infatti c’è stata proprio la crisi in quegli anni li. Perché qui, pensa, c’erano 50 di botteghe a Cutrofiano. Poi siamo rimasti 7-8-10. Ultimamente 7, 8. At first, there was no plastic, but right at that time when there was already a real crisis, plastic exploded. Because here, think of it, there were 50 workshops in Cutrofiano. Then we remained only 7, 8, 10. And now, there are only 7or 8 of us. )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | )n the craftsmen who survived that period of difficulty organized consortia and began to hold annual exhibitions of their products. This proved to be a decisive moment of change, and the production of traditional pottery began to grow and new workshops were opened. The researcher s interest, however, was not historical, but synchronic. (er aim was to have an overview of the present situation in pottery and conciliate two dimensions: ethnographical and linguistic. What we observe now among these craftsmen is the result of how their production has developed and how the production cycle has changed. )n this paper identity is presented as a result of self-representation done by craftsmen and by the positioning on the market of their objects. The social composition of these potters is not as homogeneous as it once was. Today, one finds single craftsman, large factories, and medium workshops all situated next to one another. Moreover, today, there is little interaction among them, and there is no support because the entire scene is dominated by a sense of competition, in spite of the fact that many craftsmen, because they have their own target clients, their own niche, are not in competition with others. Before moving to a theoretical part dedicated to the question of identity, it seems necessary to mention a few points concerning the particularity of the linguistic situation in )taly in general and in Salento in specific. The first and the most important point is that there is a coexistence of two separate linguistic systems: dialects in )taly, and the )talian language; the claim is that dialects are not a variety of )talian; rather, they are independent linguistic systems. The term regional )talian, in the rest of this paper, will mean a geographical variety of )talian influenced by a local dialect at different levels. As Tempesta , p. puts it, L italiano regionale è una varietà essenzialmente parlata, anche da persone istruite, in una determinata area geografica, e si caratterizza per le distanze dalle varietà di altre zone da una parte, dall italiano standard dall altra. That is, Regional )talian is a variety of )talian, essentially oral, spoken even by well-educated persons, in a determined geographical area, and is characterized by its distance from the varieties of other areas, on one hand, and from the Standard )talian, on the other. The )talian term “dialetto” does not correspond to the English term dialect , and in this article, inasmuch as it is concerned with )taly, the researcher has used this term in its )talian sense; in other words, a dialect is the non-standard language and linguistic system of an area. Therefore, when the researcher discusses the coexistence of three main linguistic varieties in the repertoire of the languages spoken by the craftsmen whose speech samples she analyzed analyze, she is referring to a )talian, b Regional )talian, and c local dialect. All three of them create a certain linguistic chain, | Ekaterina Golovko one related to another, but each maintaining its own freedom and distinctiveness. 2.2. Identity )dentity can be thought about from different perspectives: social, national, professional, and others. This paper is based on the concept of identity as that which emerges through interaction and does not precede it, as set forth in Bucholtz and (all s article . They define identity as an intersubjectively achieved social and cultural phenomenon p. . This definition gives us the possibility to study identity from different angles and to consider different factors which are involved; and of course we must consider that we are dealing with partial identities and not a complete representation of the craftsmen as personae in their totality. )n this paper, the focus is only on their professional representation through language and the construction of form and meaning during the interviews. )n their paper, Bucholtz and (all discuss various methods of approaching identity. They conclude that identity should be viewed as a social, cultural, and–most fundamentally–interactional phenomenon p. . )dentity, they argue, . . . does not reside within the individual, but takes its shape thanks to the processes of sameness and difference, realness and fakeness, power and disempowerment Ibid . The basis of identity is a strategy of the self in opposition to others, or in differentiation from others. Bucholtz and (all carefully analyze such characteristics of identity, as, for example, consciousness, or habitualness. They write: identity may be in part intentional, in part habitual and less than fully conscious, in part an outcome of interactional negotiation, in part a construct of others perceptions and representations, and in part an outcome of lager ideological processes and structures p. . The kind of identity discussed in this paper is for the most part a cultural phenomenon, and it is more unconscious than conscious, more implicit than explicit, insofar as it is not directly discussed in any of the interviews. We can generally divide the types of identity as explicit and implicit, even if this division is rather abstract. Explicit identity is an identity which is affirmed by speakers and one which they want to transmit to the researcher. )mplicit identity is that type of identity which is created out of the constellation of various linguistic and cultural features which appear during the interaction which occurs between the researcher and the interviewee. Needless to say, this kind of identity is based on the personal understanding of the researcher, and is based on her preferences and methodological choices. )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | )dentity is a concept which emerges simultaneously at several different levels Bucholtz & (all, , and the conclusion in this paper was that if the researcher noticed different levels of identity in the narrative lines of the craftsmen, it would mean that there would as well be differentiations in their way of speaking at more profound levels of speech as syntax or lexicon. This research aimed at highlighting the different social categories represented by craftsmen, especially as they were revealed in their speech. Therefore, the type of identity searched for in this study was an interactive, non-static, discursive construct as defined by Bucholtz and (all, , p. . The group whose speech samples were analyzed in this research had two binding restrictions: a a geographical factor: only speakers born and working in Salento were considered; and b a professional factor: only those who still worked with a potter s wheel were interviewed. Other factors were secondary and sorted out subsequently. For example, the researcher found that there was a socially mixed group based on the professional affiliation of the members. Another theoretical statement relied on in this study was variability and negotiability of identity Fuller, . The kind of identity the researcher was interested in was the kind of professional self-representation the craftsmen presented to foreigners . The question was: what kind of a mask do craftsmen put on while working and while showing their work place and cultural circumstances to someone whom they perceived as being not a part of their community? The researcher initially positioned the craftsmen as artisans and creators who are still involved in a traditional production (arré & Van Langenhove, . During the interviews, craftsmen constructed their representation of production and in this way positioned themselves. Often, at a theoretical level, studies of identity are divided in two general groups: collective and individual. This dichotomy between collective and individual social identity was not present and was not considered because the studied group could not be considered as a unique quasi-being Auer, , p. . Even if the generalization of identities could emerge from single individual identities, the research process here was much more close to the process of assemblage than to the consideration of a monolithic identity for a group. Attention was focused on the individual; an ensemble of all individual dimensions creates a collective dimension considering all the individual | Ekaterina Golovko differences and particularities and trying to homogenize the collective image. As Jenkins , p. affirms: . . . there are two different types of collectivity, and hence two different types of collective identity. )n the first, the members of the collectivity can identify themselves as such: they know who they are. )n the second, members may be ignorant of their membership or even of the collectivity s existence. The first exists inasmuch as it is recognized by its members; the second is constituted in its recognition by others. The analysis of the construct of identity in this research was based on an analysis of lexical choices; these choices are directly connected to the type of production the craftsmen were involved in. As Kroskrity noted: )dentity construction is completed through the use of particular linguistic choices as well as through communicative practices. Clearly, language choice is not the only means through which these speakers construct their social identities, and ultimately language choice is intertwined with other communicative practices in the performance of identity. pp. . The attention in this research was concentrated on the narrative lines of the discourse found in the speech of craftsmen. Narrative lines talks can be defined as topical directions of speech that is, geographical, linguistic, professional, . . . aspects of speech ; some of the speakers in this research talked about their past, and were always comparing a past experience with one of the present; others talked about the differences between Salento and other production centers and about traditions. Through these geographical, linguistic, and professional aspects, which could be considered fundamental, the researcher tried to explore the identities constructed by craftsmen during the interviews. This approach to linguistic variation as a constellation of features, brings us to the stylistic dimension of variation studies. Differences in speech with regard to the use of particular local/regional/ dialectal and other forms can be conceived of as sources for shaping identities and a further creation of a sociolinguistic style Coupland, ; Eckert & Rickford, . Style, in its sociolinguistic sense, was the main theoretical concept involved in the analysis. )n modern sociolinguistic theory, style is a concept which mediates between linguistic variability and practices of the social categorization of self or others. Linguistic variability is seen as a resource for )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | constructing socially interpretable and interpreted styles Eckert, . )t should be emphasized that linguistic identity and style are not independent concepts; they are created by the speaker in a concrete context which includes the interlocutor and the situation. The researcher does not use the term style in a Labovian sense, but in a new modified sense which was introduced into sociolinguistics in the s and later developed by Eckert , p. : Different ways of saying things are intended to signal different ways of being, which includes different potential things to say. This research shows a linguistic situation where every speaker can choose one word or way of saying over another, and this choice is the index of his way of being and the way he presents himself to the community or researcher. As Eckert notes, Variables occur only as components of styles, and interpreting variables requires an analysis of these components , p. . )rvine added a very important aspect to the definition of style. For her, style is a method by which one distinguishes oneself. A speaker uses one style or another in order to distinguish his or her self from another speaker, and to underline differences: styles in language or elsewhere are all part of a system of distinctiveness )rvine, , p. . Using this somewhat broad concept of style, the researcher investigated different dimensions of variation and finally characterized their speech as a complex phenomenon with different traits. Every relevant trait used by a speaker is summed with other traits, and constitutes a style, which is a way of expression and a mode of constructing one s identity; it also represents a set of communicative strategies. Linguistic style cannot be equaled to linguistic identity. They correspond partly, because linguistic style is about elements of language while craftsmen s identity includes elements of language, representation of production, and of objects produced—stylization as a linguistic process of distinction from a broader group or from the holistic vision of the totality of craftsmen as a unique group that each speaker performs. To make the social meaning of style evident, we need ethnographic investigation to uncover groups that may seem homogeneous through a wider analytic lens, but become sharply differentiated when ethnographic details are brought into close focus Bucholtz & (all, , p. . )n fact, ethnographic investigation helped the researcher to expand her point of view on variation, and to introduce a larger criterion for analysis. She tries to make evident which meaning the variation has for speakers and how it is expressed in words. (er analysis was based on the claim that the relationship between variables and demographic categories that exist was indirect. Another very useful suggestion came from Johnstone and Kiesling who claim that not all variants have social meaning p. . The current researcher searched for correlations other than the classical sociodemographical ones used in sociolinguistics. | Ekaterina Golovko 3. METHOD 3.1. Data Procedures This research was conducted on site, through semi-structured interviews with the craftsmen. A wide range of questions concerning the production cycle was asked of them. The questions were all concerned with production and technical issues, and not linguistic questions. The interviews were as open as necessary, and their only goal was to obtain all information possible about the production of pottery, expressed in the most casual way possible. Each interview lasted between minutes and one hour. To have minimal influence on the interviewees way of speaking, the researcher did not explain to them what exactly she was researching, but just said that she was interested in their way of production. The craftsmen mostly thought that she was interested in learning the techniques of pottery production, and it did not seem that they were observing their linguistic uses. She interviewed craftsmen, all born, living, and working in Salento. All the speakers came from one of the three different locations: Grottaglie, San Pietro in Lama, or Cutrofiano. Recordings of only of them were used in the quantitative analysis. The data consisted of more than hours of interviews, all of which were completely transcribed. 3.2. Analysis 3.2.1. The first level of analysis First, a potter s glossary taken from the interviews was created which consisted of more than terms referring to the production of pottery. All the words used by the craftsmen and pertaining to pottery production, even those used only once, were added to the glossary. This dictionary Golovko, is the first attempt to give an overview of the lexicon of pottery in Salento. Every word has a note including frequency of usage, examples of usage, and semantic comments. Based on this glossary, the researcher created a quantitative grid of terms used most often by the craftsmen. she grouped semantically related terms to observe the frequency and variability of pottery terms. This grid includes terms and is the basis of present research. This grid is particularly interesting in the analysis because it consists mostly of words related to the same semantic area but belonging to different varieties: dialect, regional )talian, and Standard )talian. For this research, the investigator selected items belonging to semantic chains to analyze the coexistence of synonyms. )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | General Technical Special Dialect Regional Graph 1. Proportion of pottery terms in )talian different languages and dialects. The first level of analysis is based on the distribution of types of lexicon, the lexical marks given to the items in the main dictionary of the )talian language—Grande Dizionario Italiano dell’Uso edited by De Mauro considered by many to be the standard reference for the )talian language . Every item in De Mauro s dictionary has been marked as common, specialtechnical, dialectal, regional, and so on. The researcher wanted to see the general distribution of the lexicon she had created. As is evident in the first graph, the lexical items in the collection belong mostly to the general category, i.e., words of the basic vocabulary of every speaker of )talian language. For example, clay is not a specific term of pottery production, but a general term available and used in the discourse of everyone. Explaining this tendency is very easy: special terms in pottery production for the most part are not monosemous but polysemous, and they form a part of the general vocabulary of every person. There are not many cases of monosemy among the technical terms of pottery. | Ekaterina Golovko 3.2.2. The second level of analysis 70 60 Savigno Benegiamo Monteroni Coli Pinca Fasano Colì jr. Maglio Corineo Totò Francesco 50 40 30 20 10 0 Dial TS Gen Reg Graph 2. Proportion of pottery lexicon in potters language. The second level is analysis of a quantitative, intra-speaker distribution of the lexicon. This level of analysis served to verify that, for individual potters, the distribution reflects the general lexical distribution shown in the first graph. We can clearly see that a common lexicon Gen is the one most frequently used by speakers. A Technical lexicon TS is the second most used category, while Dialectal and regional terms tend to be used with same frequency. This graph shows that intra-speaker variation reflects similar results as the general infra-speaker variation. 3.2.2.1. Silverstein’s indexical order theory The next step in the research concerned the application of Silverstein s theory of indexical orders to those lexical choices made by the craftsmen. For a detailed explanation of the theory of Silverstein, see Johnstone and Kiesling , and Eckert . The lexical markers analyzed not only have different levels of indexicality, but also, according to the classification by Silverstein, of indexical order. Using Silverstein s theory, the researcher found all the three types of indexicals in the speech of craftsmen: ‚ ‚ ‚ )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | order indexicals are those that an outsider could observe and use as indexes of differences in identity, but which the informant, or craftsmen in this case, use without any particular meaning and without an ideological background; st order indexicals are those which become associated with a style of speech and can be used to create a context for that style ; and nd order indexicals include a conscious use of nd order indexicals in order to underline and make explicit the sense of localness. rd As Johnstone and Kiesling noted, we need to be careful not to assume that the people we are studying draw on the same theories as we do p. . )n fact, the researcher s interest was external observation of the emic type—a description of behavior or a belief in terms meaningful consciously or unconsciously to the potters. The job of the researcher as a fieldworker was to uncover the categories which were emergent in the discourse, and to interpret them. These are categories which are not explicit, or which do not lay on the surface, but are incorporated in the speech patterns of those studied. As Jenkins argued, Our categories don t have to be consequentially real to the people to whom they refer, in order to have consequences for us p. . Silverstein s theory helped the investigator to distinguish between different types of lexical uses that craftsmen make. 3.2.2.2. Examples of words of the 1st, 2nd and 3rd order ‚ ‚ ‚ order index: torniante e tornitore craftsman working on a potter s wheel —tornitore is regular and torniante is an irregular form: the first term is formed with a regular suffix—tore, signifying the profession and the second one is a form of a present participle as a noun. Craftsmen use both of them and the irregular one is part of their slang. The difference however can be noticed by an outsider because this difference is of a grammatical type. st nd order index: speakers observe the difference between local and standard words: tornio e roda rota potter s wheel ; they know that one rota) belongs to the local dialect and tornio is standard. order index or the use of the nd order index for stylistic means: )n this case, craftsmen use the word rota to mark that the potter s wheel is an ancient instrument, that it is not new, and that it is not an electric-powered device. The word itself is a dialectal word and belongs to the old, traditional dimension of production. rd | Ekaterina Golovko Dialect a dialect as a non standard language of any region, not )talian is a variety frequently stigmatized outside of Salento and in general, outside the area of its use . The use of dialectal words can be interpreted in a very negative manner, but considering the researcher s personal interest in dialect, the craftsmen using dialectal expressions were not afraid of leaving a negative impression of themselves. One must recall that dialects are a variety of speech associated by its native speakers throughout )taly with those people who have a low level of education. The use of dialects in Salento is not all that stigmatized, and since the s, when there was a certain dialectal renaissance, it began to gain much more social and cultural prestige. )t should be linked to the old/ traditional dimension of production. 3.2.2.3. The creation of categories Silverstein s theory is very useful for the classification of lexical choices made by craftsmen, but in the case of the current research it was not sufficient for understanding the social meaning of variation. Semiotic relations between linguistic variants and social meaning are not always direct and cannot always be extracted from the linguistic form alone. )t is argued here that ethnographic work and the observation of practices made by the fieldworker are essential. The concept researched in this study is not explicit; the category of identity and especially of professional identity is not something that is openly discussed by craftsmen. While speaking, the craftsmen introduced two opposing images of their group: traditional and modern, and that was related to the type of production adopted. )n the common perception, localness and tradition were associated with local dialect and this connection is indexically direct. When the researcher was working on the interviews, however, she found that this was not always the case. There were two categories instead of one: tradition and localness, and they were not the same thing. The investigator did not want to identify immediately the use of local dialect with a projection of localness but to investigate what kind of meaning it could carry for the speaker himself. What she was searching for was categories incorporated in the speech of craftsmen and in their vision of the world. She was interested in their categories and tried to crystallize them from spontaneous speech rather than from asking direct questions. She did not want to ask direct question like what do you think about dialect? because of the subjectivity of the question. Not everyone, however, who uses a dialect is local, and wants to be local, and that is because after a careful examination of the narrative lines it was found that the use of local dialect can index localness or traditionalism. This was a simple remark sorted out through ethnographic observation and was then )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | reinforced by the highly inspiring article of Johnstone and Kiesling who based their research on the principle of the fundamental indeterminacy of relations between forms and meanings p. . They claimed that the range of possible social identities and/or indexical forms is typically determined by the researcher Ibid, p. . The researcher introduced categories based on her comprehension and interpretation of what craftsmen wanted to express—the etic side. These categories helped to investigate what linguistic meaning had the variables and what social/cultural meaning they produced. For example, forms considered local and not traditional belonged to second-order indexes because they were not used by craftsmen in stylistic purposes and there were difference in their social meaning. Categories can be defined as cultural beliefs and values linked to language choices. There is a choice: craftsmen can say one thing in at least three different ways. Referring to Eckert , the researcher underlines that if craftsmen use different words for the same concept or object, this does not mean that the object remains unchanged, but that as form varies, so does the content. )t is a choice, therefore, that is of major interest. The categories adopted were related to general, macro sociological categories which are present in every community involved in the production of traditional articles: local, traditional, modern. Even if these categories are common to any society and any reality, in this paper these categories have a particular filling, or content, connected to a specific context: pottery production in Salento. These categories are indexes of a relation between macro-sociological general categories and the content of micro-sociological categories which emerge in concrete interactions. The analysis in this research aimed to find out how semiotic agents access macro-sociological plane categories and concepts as values in the indexable realm of micro-contextual Silverstein, , p. . Macro-social and micro-social categories were selected as a projection and generalization of lexical features and narrative lines which emerged from the interviews. )dentity categories are the reflection of both local and general categories, at the same time, because they can be adopted everywhere, but its characteristics are typical to the concrete context of Salento. The introduction of macro-sociological categories and filling them with specific content seemed to be a good methodological approach to avoid classical sociolinguistics categories as sex, age and social class. As Bucholtz and (all note, the [s]peakers language use does not conform with the social category to which they are normatively assigned p. . Bucholtz and (all use the example of transgender identities of hijra p. . )t was found in this research that level of education and age are not directly connected to the quantity of non-standard features used in craftsmen s speech. Craftsmen involved in this research represented a wide range of | Ekaterina Golovko sociological characteristics but their linguistic uses did not confirm the classical dialectological law: the oldest speakers use more non standard features and the youngest with higher levels of education do not use them at all, or just a minimum part. )n the interviews, the general absence of a direct link between these factors was noticed, and therefore the researcher turned to the other possibility of evaluation: to the categories representing cultural values through linguistic lens. 3.2.3. The third level of analysis Category Distribution 140 120 100 I1 I2 I3 I4 I5 I6 I7 I8 I9 I10 I11 80 46 60 40 20 0 Loc Graph 3. Category distribution. Tr Mod The third level of analysis was a quantitative intra-speaker category which regards the distribution of the lexicon. Some speakers do not interpret variables and forms in the same way other speakers do and especially in this case the researcher wanted to introduce the labeling of categories as general )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | and not stated by speakers. This brought her to the introduction of two types of local categories. Category creation and labeling aims to make sure that labeling is done based on the content/form relation and not only on superficial form. This action of labeling shows the analysis of unifying language and material culture. What is evident from graph is the other type of variation of lexical uses based on stylistic distribution. To produce this graph, three types of labels/categories were assigned to the most frequent terms in the speech of craftsmen: traditional, local, and modern. Common general vocabulary was decidedly avoided because it could not be labeled in any way other than neutral. We can immediately notice that the distribution of lexical choices is no more homogeneous or similar than it was in the first two steps of analysis. To exemplify, the researcher first shows the co-existence of words in the same semantic area; )n the following examples words belonging to standard )talian are written with a normal font, terms belonging to the regional )talian are in bold characters, and dialectal words are in italic. Figulo; cotamaro; tornitore; torniante: These are words all signifying craftsman . The first one, figulo , is an )talian standard word of a distinguished variety of language. Cotamaro’ is local dialect and known only in this particular area because it is a derivation from a local word signifying clay—cutra. Tornitore is an )talian word signifying who works on a potter s wheel , and the last one is a synonym but non-standard because of its irregular formation. Torniante can be attributed to regional )talian because it is typical of craftsmen in Salento to use this word for those craftsmen working on a potter s wheel. The choice of one of these terms is significant for the researcher whereas in some cases, the use of these terms is done unconsciously or remains totally insignificant for the speaker himself. As examples of labeling, cotamaro and torniante are labeled as local, obviously, because they are non standard local forms of regional )talian. Argilla; creta; crita; terra: These are examples of words signifying clay . Argilla clay is a standard )talian word and it can be labeled only as neutral. All other three words are labeled as local because of their relation with a local reality of production and their crossreference to the traditional way of clay extraction. Cofano; limbo. )n this case two words belong to the old kind of production because cofano was kind of a washtub where the clay was put with water not to give it a good consistency. This word exists in )talian and in the salentino dialect with the typical –u ending. The label given to this word is traditional because it was used in the past | Ekaterina Golovko and only craftsmen talking about the past used it. Today, the clay is worked in a totally different way since it is bought ready-for-use from the North of )taly. The second word limbo’ is marked as local because it is a dialectal word for cofano which has a very limited use, only in Salento. )t is very interesting to note that limbo in standard )talian means the same thing as in English: the bode of the souls of unbaptized infants, and of who died just before Christ's coming . )t can be related to the intermediate state of clay after its extraction and before its being worked. Sbalzo; shock termico; sciocco termico: This group shows the coexistence of modern and local words. The only English word used by craftsmen, which is, by the way, already assimilated into the )talian vocabulary, is shock , and it signifies the shock produced by the sharp change of the temperature when the oven is opened while it is still hot. These words are labeled as modern because earlier, when wood stoves were used, they could not be opened sharply. This problem arose when new types of ovens started to be used and which could be opened to lower temperatures. The last example is marked as local because it evidences how the adaptation of the standard and at the same time foreign word happens: from shock it becomes a more )talianized sciocco with a vowel at the end, typical for all )talian words, at the same time signifying stupid in standard )talian. Tornio; rota; roda: This is the key example for pottery production because these are different names for potter s wheel . Tornio is )talian and it is not marked in any way because it is a neutral word, being part of a general vocabulary and not only of pottery production. The other two are dialectal and are related to different localities inside of Salento. We can observe a consonant changing t-d, frequent in Salento dialects. Both words were labeled as local but they reflect also a traditional dimension as mentioned earlier in the section dedicated to the st, nd and rd order indexicals above . )n the following paragraph, types of identities are elaborated on and their characteristics are discussed. 3.3. Emerging Identities As a result of analyzing and labeling the potters lexicon, three identities emerged: modern, local and traditional. The frequency of the terms used in interview samples was the main criterion. The maximum number of lexical choices for one category was the basis for assign that label to the speaker and as a consequence that type of identity. For example, the researcher labeled as traditional those expressions and words which described traditional, )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | preindustrial objects and instruments, and identified how their production was organized. Generally these terms and expressions are )talian, or regional, but rarely dialectal. What was called local was mostly represented by dialect words describing local instruments, and it was mono semantic as was generally the case with words referring to ancient objects. The modern category refers to modern customs and new technologies. These are all standard )talian items and sometimes belong to the technical-specialist area. After calculating the number of lexical choices made by every speaker and assigning him to one of the categories, the researcher observed demographical characteristics such as age, level of education, and narrative lines of the interview to create a descriptive content for each identity. So, the content , or the characteristics of identities were established, following the analysis of linguistic choices. Maintaining what is called the local is rare and difficult in modern society. Being closed off from the rest of the country is virtually impossible, mostly because of economic conditions of production and other external factors. For example, the machinery for potters in Salento is all bought from the north of )taly, and even the clay, as mentioned earlier, is not local but bought from the North. Even if some craftsmen claim that they are totally independent and totally Salentino in their production, this is simply not the case, although it makes for a better image. Those included in the category of traditional identity are speakers aged between and years. Their level of education is very heterogeneous and it goes from elementary school up to higher education master s degree . This group contains craftsmen from the previous generation, those who worked when their production was totally manual, as well as those who witnessed this era, and also those who witnessed the insertion of more modern technology and the passage to industrial production. At a professional level, these craftsmen are connected by their capacity to work on the potters wheel but they belong to different types of workshops and small plants. )n this group there are craftsmen and of them still work on potters wheel. The other three have become owners of factories and work mostly in the commercial sector. The values which seem most important to these craftsmen are the quality of their products, and the maintenance of a tradition. Even if some of them work in the industrialized sector, they continue to value tradition and the print marks of the creator on the pottery. During our conversations-interviews, many of them talked about the past and about how they used to produce pottery. They are very well aware of the fact that at present, few persons continue to follow the traditional way of production, but they still think that that tradition is much more attractive than modern industry. As we see in the following excerpt from one of the | Ekaterina Golovko interviews, there are two key words tradition. Per esigenze di mercato abbiamo dovuto mantenere caratteristiche produttive simili a quelle del passato perché … per rimanere unici. Siccome tutti si sono industrializzati o industriati a fare tutto con i sistemi industriali per vincere certi settori di mercato abbiamo dovuto reinterpretare le nostre cose con le vecchie tecniche di lavorazione. Altrimenti non ottieni i risultati. Quindi siamo apprezzati sui mercati solo per questo motivo… regarding this group: the past, and Because of the demands of the market we had to keep those characteristics which were similar to those of the past, in order to … to remain unique. Since everyone has become industrialized or industrized to produce everything with industrial systems, in order to win in some sectors of the market, we had to rethink how we did things with those old manufacturing techniques. Otherwise you just don’t get any results. So we are valued on the market for this reason…. Craftsmen involved in this group either maintain tradition or simply try to maintain the appearance of the traditional for clients. Craftsmen often do not even mention those innovations which have become part of their everyday work, for example, the electric or gas oven. Everyone uses it and there is no alternative; the wood stove is not in use anymore; its use is even prohibited inside of the towns. This can be called an assimilated innovation. On a linguistic level these craftsmen still prefer to use the old names for objects or instruments, and while talking about a modern phase in production, they still use language which refers to phases in traditional production which is not even done any more. Their language, therefore, is characterized by the use of dialect and regional expressions, but also expressions which emphasize traditional, non-existing modes of production rather than contemporary, industrial reality. We can see this in how they refer to clay: At present, we get [the clay] already Adesso, attualmente la riceviamo ready, packed in containers, from già in pali dalla Toscana. Ma Tuscany. But in ancient times, it was anticamente si preparava con i prepared by foot, mixed together on piedi, si impastava a terra, the ground, and then put to soak for mettendola a bagno un giorno one day first in crates which we made prima in un contenitore che si ourselves. faceva da soli. The evidence for this claim is the use of word ancient which is typical for Southern )taly. Everything that is related to the past, to the times of )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | grandfathers is called ancient and it is not related to Ancient Rome or Greece. This is the way the past is represented. Modern identity. Craftsmen belonging to this group are between and years old. Their level of education is also quite heterogeneous, spreading between secondary school and university degrees. (owever, this diversified and non-homogeneous picture of educational levels simply mirrors the present situation in )talian society. There is a fluid displacement between social groups and freedom of a choice with regard to professions. This modern group is also heterogeneous on a professional level. They value the quantity and quality of products, but within the frame of being able to compete and overtake commercial rivals. Not all craftsmen, however, work in an industrial dimension. Two of those craftsmen studied are still producing everything manually and can be considered as examples of the modernization of tradition , because they combine traditional technologies and forms and shapes but introduce new colors and design. This mode of production is, on the one hand, not industrial, but can be taken, on the other hand, as modern. Other forms of modernity, however, are also industrial. There are those that work on an industrial level with employed workers and a daily output of goods equal to what traditional craftsmen produce in one month: [T]hey produce 50, 100. And we [F]anno 50, 100. E noi facciamo produce 1000, 2000, 3000, 5000 a 1000, 2000, 3000, 5000 al giorno. day. So that’s why. They produce 100 Quindi ecco perché. E loro fanno pieces a day and they do it all by 100 pezzi al giorno e quindi hand. . vengono fatti tutti a mano. Each group has different targets on the market but both dedicate considerable work on the promotion of their products and on advertising since their competition is not limited to their colleagues, but with those working in other regions and not only inside Salento. (aving to compete with those in other areas outside Salento, however, influences how they have to communicate, so their way of speaking tends to become more standard and more )talian than local. These young craftsmen have the access to all the traditions and zones of production, and have equal membership in the market of pottery: This study did not find any recourse to distinction as a strategy of identification. Their identity on a linguistic level is characterized by correctly using of technical terms as well as regional varieties, and by being able to give a detailed description of the production cycle with no or few references to the past. Thanks to this group of craftsmen, Salento pottery is exported on the national and international level, and this is a remarkable result because the sphere of the distribution was previously limited to neighboring areas. | Ekaterina Golovko 3.4. Local Identity The category of local identity belongs to the older group of craftsmen whose perception of the world is narrower, and who tend to remain tied to the local territory of Salento. This type of identity could also be defined as potential because after analyzing all the words used by this group of craftsmen, it seemed obvious that this dimension of pottery production did exist in some ways, but after quantitative analyses, the researcher found that local lexical choices were almost always non dominant, or not the major lexical choice, but second or third in rank. Only one speaker used more words from the local category, and he was years old, the oldest of the craftsmen considered in this research. During the study, the researcher interviewed even older craftsmen aged between and but all of them spoke varieties of local dialect and especially what can be called dialetto italianizzato —)talianized dialect. )talianized dialect is a local dialect spoken with some interferences of )talian but the grammatical base is a dialect and not the )talian language. And since it is a variety of a local dialect and not the )talian language, the researcher could not consider speakers of this variety due to methodological rigor. This craftsman who represents local identity is one of the last examples of traditional production. )n his workshop where he works with his brother and some employees everything is produced manually, and all his products are created on the potter s wheel. Being a representative of Salento s tradition, traditional pottery was one of the major values discerned during his interview. (istory and tradition are very important even if the products that are made in his workshop are quite rustic and do not have a particular artistic value: This is a very simple decoration that Questa è una decorazione molto the craftsman was trying to produce at semplice che l’artigiano cercava the beginning of the XXth century.… A magari di realizzare all’inizio del type of decoration which uniquely ‘900, Un tipo di decorazione che caratterizza proprio il Salentu, anche characterizes the “Salentu,” and also, in some ways, the whole region of Apulia. un po’ tutta la Puglia. Penso gli altri I think many others have copied this ce l’hanno copiati questo tipo di type of decoration from us. decoro. The three categories analyzed provide us with the following image of Salento: a local dimension which is losing its position and may even be disappearing forever; a modern dimension which is in continuous expansion but in two main directions modernization of tradition and industrialization of tradition , and that of the traditional, which is in a stable and powerful position for the moment, but is set to surely undergo some changes. )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | The speech of a craftsman who defines himself and his workshop as local is characterized by the distinctiveness of Salento s tradition and its central position. The craftsman quoted below is old enough to remember the mechanical solidarity as defined by Durkheim, among them and their general feeling of belonging to the community of Salento potters : It is clear that there was rivalry, no? è chiaro che c’era la rivalità, no? fra But amongst the craftsmen there was gli artigiani ma c’era anche molta cooperazione […]Tieni conto che molti a lot of cooperation also […] Consider hanno parenti fra loro, tanti Colì, tanti that a lot of them have relatives in common: there are many from the Colì Benegiamo, oppure erano anche family, and the Benegiamo family; and compari, e la comparanza era più there were godfathers, and the forte della stessa parentela, quindi “godfatherness” was more important c’era, rispetto ad oggi, c’era rivalità, even then kinship. Compared to today, ma c’era anche la cooperazione. then, there was rivalry, but there was Adesso siccome stanno molto meglio non hanno più bisogno di aiuto, quindi also cooperation. Now since they are doing better, they don’t need help è rimasta la rivalità. anymore, so only rivalry has remained. All in all, we deal with distinction as introduced by Bourdieu, and solidarity in two different ways. First, in the past, solidarity was a common feeling. The present feeling of distinction from other groups and traditions in the rest of the country is the transformation of it. Currently, we can see solidarity among smaller groups of craftsmen and particularly amongst craftsmen working alone , this feeling of solidarity is based mostly on solidarity with other , a different one than with a similar one. 4. Results )n the previous section, some reflections on assumed identities were made and now the results can be summed up. Firstly, age is the main demographic factor in tracing differences between groups: the youngest craftsmen are seen to have assumed a modern identity, the oldest craftsmen a local one and middle aged craftsmen a traditional one. Secondly, tradition is the main value shared by the majority of interviewees. )t can be assumed that the middle aged group is central and more neutrally located between local and modern values because craftsmen assuming this identity saw their grandfathers using traditional means of production when they were young and now they work adopting modern ways of production. Therefore, they have the experience and the critical vision of production necessary to appreciate the most valuable parts of both ways of working. Thirdly, we can describe the artisans logic of production as maintaining traditions in which the use of new technologies does not play a central part, | Ekaterina Golovko but serves as a means of assistance. Preparing clay with special mixing machines and cutting it into pieces to be modeled on a potter s wheel with the right dimensions and volume; using large electronic ovens which operate automatically and follow firing programs; and applying new types of glaze and colors which are more resistant: these are all examples of the new technologies that craftsmen take advantage of. Finally, general changes in the economy and production caused changes in the relationships between individuals involved in the social life of the society. As a consequence, the type of solidarity which unifies them changed. Using Durkheim s concept of mechanical solidarity, it can be assumed that this is the type of solidarity craftsmen mentioned in the interviews when they were talking about the past and about how they helped each other. The competition between craftsmen co-existed with cooperation and a sense of group membership. This sense of membership was eroded little by little while organic solidarity took place and expanded as a type of social relationship. Organic solidarity brought the sense of difference and individuality of a craftsman. )f before they considered themselves to be a part of the unique group, now they do not have this union, but their solidarity is based on the feeling of difference. (ence, solidarity as cooperation was replaced by solidarity as distinction, as a perception of social differentiation. After completing the fieldwork and analyzing all visual and audio materials the underlying question is why tradition was so important and prestigious in Salento, and why that idea persists until today? This question comes up for various reasons. First of all, tradition is related to the past, which was very difficult in Southern )taly, being the poorest region in the country. )n the s and s, when the production of pottery had practically stopped, it was one of the less prestigious jobs and even belonging to a family of craftsmen was not desirable. On the other hand, progress and developed industrialized means of production allowed the survival. )n fact, all factories normally try to industrialize their production to the maximum possible level. 5. Discussion Two factors and at the same time questions emerge: is this value of tradition a question of the market prestige, or is it also influenced, even partially, by the consideration of themselves as Demiurges? Demiurge is intended as he is described in Plato s Timaeus, as a creator, as a divine artisan and as a maker. The answer to these questions was researched within the wider perspective of the philosophy/sociology of objects. A handmade object is unique. A single object is unique in its singularity. A pot made by a craftsman is unique but at the same time it is a representation of a myth as far as the craftsman is a Creator in a real sense but also in a )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | mythological one, where he is considered a Demiurge. Being a Demiurge means reorganizing world chaos into order, into the creation of the world. )t means working with four constituent elements: water, air, clay, and fire. These elements are the basis of the world and are also the four elements of pottery. A demiurge creating a pot is a metaphor and his pot is perfect, but a pot created by a craftsman is imperfect because it has signs of human creation upon it. Everyone who creates imagines a perfect pot and what we have at the end is the creation of a man and not of a Demiurge: the real and not the imagined pot. A craftsman is only a metaphor of a Demiurge and his fingerprints are not a defect but an added value for any object. This is why a handmade object is unique, this is why tradition is much more valuable than progress, which homogenizes all objects and nullifies the Creator. We can distinguish two types of myth related to the object and its status: the myth of the past, and the myth of the present. The myth of the present is a myth of a functional object, not collocated in tradition, not having historical value but associated with technology and machinery. The myth of the past is related to this single and unique object having economical and cultural value and created by Demiurge, i.e. having his fingerprints on it. These two myths are related to different objects and different realities and do not exclude one another. Each type of myth can be a projection of the identity because it expresses different values. )n this way an object can be considered a projection of identity. Baudrillard in System of Objects offers a vision of the myth where the author links a virtue acquired in the form of an object to the myth of the past or myth of the future/present. The myth of the present is the myth of technology and the myth of power embodied in it. This type of myth is projected to the future. )ts opposite is the retrogressive myth of ancestral significance which brings us to the origins and to a corresponding traditional and unique object. Baudrillard s conclusion is cruel, assuming that whatever the man lacks is invested to the object pp. - . 6. Conclusion )dentity is a fluid construction which allows for many possibilities to define it. This freedom of its definition is also very inspiring from the methodological point of view: it allows freedom in approaching and searching for solutions. Words and objects, in this study, are the projections of identity because they are what craftsmen say and express. The identity of the craftsman does not entirely correspond with the ideal/ ideological projection of craftsman but just with a part of it. )dentity is expressed through words and narrative lines and that is how the researcher tried to find it. )t is a multiple category, which does not have rules for its construction and formation. )t belongs to craftsmen but it is also independent of them since it is part of a structure: researcher-object-identity. )t takes some | Ekaterina Golovko features and presents them in front of others as a desired image or as a spoken image. There are no direct links between type of production and other factors such as age and level of education. )dentity is not what a craftsman is but what he wants to show, and what he wants to express of his being. Language is a source for projection as well as for the production of identity. A direct link between objects and craftsmen s identities can be established through words; it can be performed through his speech. )dentity is a social totality in which language is a latent vector and this ensemble of different social spheres is actualized with language. What the craftsman does is what he is in a partial manner as far as what he does is his profession, which occupies only a part of his life and being . (owever, what he says is what he wants to be or that part of his being he wants to project and value: what they want is invested in words. Therefore, the unique object is the direct expression of the traditional identity assumed by the majority of craftsmen and the unique object is what they try to sell and try to produce. The object is thus in the strict sense of a word a mirror. As a mirror the object is perfect, precisely because it sends back not real images, but desired ones Baudrillard, , pp. . The customer sees a traditional craftsmen working on a potter s wheel and does not see new machinery employed in the production of these objects because technology cannot be a part of a traditional production. )n the same way, the constructed identity with words is a mirror of the desired image of craftsmen. So the union of the ancestral feeling of being a Demiurge and the market s requests create and shape this value and this identity. Acknowledgments My warmest thanks to all the craftsmen who participated in the research and helped me to discover their world. ) am grateful to professor )mmacolata Tempesta who supported me and guided me in the research. To Frédéric Monferrand, Ksenia Pimenova, Andrey )ndukaev, Silvia Potì and Simone Tarud who commented on the first draft of this paper. The Author Ekaterina Golovko E-mail: katia.golovko@gmail.com studied at the Moscow State University. (er MA thesis was dedicated to the study of regional variety of )talian in Salento. (er PhD dissertation focuses mainly on the relation between language, language variation and material culture. The attention of Golovko was concentrated on the expressions of identity and ideology through various linguistic forms. Currently the researcher is working on the )nternational Journal of Language Studies )JLS , Vol. , | description of the Regional variety of )talian in Salento from the point of view of contact linguistics. Another project centers on the language of recent Russian-speaking immigrants to )taly and their varieties of )talian interlanguage . Dr. Golovko is employed as a Tutor of Russian Language at the University of Bologna, Faculty of Foreign Language and Literature. References Auer, P. Ed. . . Style and social identities: Approaches to linguistic heterogeneity. New York: de Gruyter. Baudrillard, J. . Il sistema degli oggetti. Milano: Tascabili Bompiani. Bourdieu, P. . La distinction: Critique sociale du jugement. Paris: Editions de minuit. 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