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John Major : The Autobiography Paperback – January 1, 2000
Purchase options and add-ons
- Print length816 pages
- LanguageEnglish
- PublisherHarpercollins Pb
- Publication dateJanuary 1, 2000
- Dimensions5 x 2.08 x 8 inches
- ISBN-100006530745
- ISBN-13978-0006530749
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Product details
- Publisher : Harpercollins Pb; (Reissue) edition (January 1, 2000)
- Language : English
- Paperback : 816 pages
- ISBN-10 : 0006530745
- ISBN-13 : 978-0006530749
- Item Weight : 1.35 pounds
- Dimensions : 5 x 2.08 x 8 inches
- Best Sellers Rank: #1,556,961 in Books (See Top 100 in Books)
- #152,625 in Biographies (Books)
- Customer Reviews:
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The candour doesn't stretch to telling us absolutely everything. Like Jimmy Carter John Major was unlucky on top of his own errors, but one great piece of good luck was that his affair (while in a junior post) with a parliamentary colleague Edwina Currie did not come to light until he had left office. It was the funniest story in 20th century British politics and it highlights what was always his problem - he wasn't taken seriously. His face was against him, his voice was against him, and his bank-managerish way of expressing himself at times, such as I have borrowed for my caption to this review via Private Eye, was a gift to the satirists and the chattering classes. Otherwise his style of writing is, in all important and relevant respects, excellent. I cringed on reading `...the huge constituency and its rich variety of interests'; or `...he was always ready with a good-humoured story'. His innocent pride at his own little jokes and bons mots is pretty embarrassing too, but some of his more acid asides such as regarding the overlooked hopefuls whose self-ascribed talents would have needed a long-range telescope to be discerned are actually much better, although he floored me with his remark about the `column inches' devoted by the papers to Hugh Grant after his famous arrest.
There I go. It's all too easy not to take him seriously, and it's all wrong too. This man was a national leader through some pretty momentous times. I can't say that his narration of the gulf war added much to what I already knew, but nobody else was in a position to enlighten us so much about the economic ups and downs of the 80's and 90's, and especially about the issue that more than any other wrecked his government, namely relations between Britain and Europe. Unlike many national leaders, Major understood economics. His rise to the top was mainly via the Treasury, and when next, I wonder, will we ever see an economic narrative like this, told by a man who knows what he's talking about, who was right at the centre of decision-making, who is or appears to be completely willing to tell the whole story, and who is able to put it across with such lucidity? If you think economics is complicated, try understanding the British Conservative party and its behaviour over Europe. Here we find Major the historian at his superlative best. The behaviour of his `euro-sceptic' MP's was a psychologist's field-day, and Major assesses them individually with a dispassionate calmness that is staggeringly impressive considering the hell they put him through. It would all have broken many a lesser man (or woman). I never voted for his government nor would I if I had the chance again, but I can't see how his bitterest critic can fail to be impressed by the way he kept his nerve, and by the way he can stand back from his own performance under that sort of pressure and assess it as if he were marking an exam paper.
As if all this were not enough, he had Northern Ireland to deal with. If it would be fair to say that he was out of his depth with the issue, the same could be said about every other prime minister who has tackled it. Major made a bold and honest attempt to cope, and some of it has stuck, and Blair has been the beneficiary as he has been in a significant number of other ways. Above all, Blair inherited a sound economy after all the travails of the previous 10 years, Major knows that, and he's sore about the lack of recognition of the fact. Major was unlucky to come to office at the time he did - Thatcher and Blair were elected on a wave of disgust at the failures, real or perceived, of the preceding governments, up with whose shortcomings, as the phrase goes, we were fed. Major entered 10 Downing Street at a time when changes were going on that he only partly understands and, characteristically, doesn't claim to understand fully. He came from a poor background, and he is a `compassionate' conservative. Those have actually been around for a long time, witness Disraeli himself. Witness also Macmillan, the premier who said `We are all socialists now'. Macmillan was quite unquestionably compassionate, but he belonged to a tradition, and in an era, when the Conservative party had every reason to believe that power was its birthright. These days it still thinks so, and, worse, acts as if it does. Its problem is that the rest of us think otherwise. Labour's shortcomings are manifold and monstrous, but it doesn't make that mistake and that could be Labour's salvation for quite a long time. If I'm right, Major's thoughtful musings, while valid in point after point, are missing the main one. He was a good manager, but he failed as a leader and as a politician. Blair could see, as FDR could all those years ago, that if you at least act as if you understand what people are asking for they will put up with a great deal. For all his humble origins Major failed to connect, partly through his own fault as he can see very well, but mainly because nobody associated the Conservative party with the values that he himself is most interested in - health, safety, pensions, schools, hospitals and so on. These are traditionally Labour's strong suits, and, largely through his inheritance from Major, Blair has slain the dragon that Labour can't be trusted with the economy. That leaves the Conservatives rowing over Europe on the assumption that what matters to them must therefore matter to the rest of us. Their own chairman and advertising magnate Lord Saatchi has grasped the point perfectly well `Who needs the Tories now?' Blair is running into trouble through pushing his phenomenal luck a little too far and he will be going shortly in any case, but as he faces his fifth Conservative opponent in 8 or 9 years I expect he and his successor will make short work of whoever it is because they have grasped this point. I wonder whether Major has come to see it this way too by now.
The first nine chapters are chronological and recount his childhood, his early life in business and politics, his rise within Thatcher's cabinet, and finally his attaining the Prime Ministership. The remaining nineteen chapters deal with his days in office. Each chapter addresses a topic or issue, beginning with his first international test in leading the UK through the first Gulf War. He deals with domestic issues like Ireland and the poll tax, but spends much time on Europe as European issues hogged the agenda during most of his tenure. He explains his position as a pragmatic Eurosceptic. On one hand, Major has always wanted to remain British and fears the coming of a United States of Europe; on the other hand he sees the foolishness of the UK giving up its influence by refusing to participate.
Pragmatism colours all of Major's decisions and policies. Unfortunately, Major led a party polarized by extreme views on Europe, on Monetary union, and even on the question of Ireland and to many at the time his pragmatism looked weak or lacking in beliefs. It was not. Major convincingly recounts how he was trying to save the Tories from splitting. He saw the Conservative party as a crucial institution, one whose survival in the long term mattered much more than the transient questions of Europe. But Major is an opinonated pragmatist. He believes in the basics of Toryism and then had to watch in frustration as New Labour under Tony Blair appropriated (Major bluntly says "stole") basic Tory social and fiscal policies.
Thus pragmatism had drawbacks. It caused Major to back off a little in order to appease; he accepts responsibility for the Conservative failure and the new Labour landslide.
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In most memoirs, I don't find much interest in the childhood years and the family tree but I have to admit that John Major's upbringing was different from most MP's. His parents worked as circus performers and music hall stars so it was a far from conventional family life, and he talks about his father's children from other women in and out of his marriages. Major was the family stage name which was adopted for John and he stuck with it. He entered politics as a Conservative councillor in Brixton, fighting the infamous 'Rivers of Blood' speech and standing up to racist candidates. This part of the book was interesting as it set the tone for what Major was determined to fight against.
His rise through politics was very speedy and Major himself regrets that it all came about too quickly. Having secured one of the safest Conservative seats in Britain, he swept into Parliament. His jobs included PPS, working in the whip department, Social Security, Minister for the Disabled, and bringing reforms to winter fuel payments. When Major reached the Treasury, Nigel Lawson was the first MP opposing the infamous Poll Tax both economically and politically so as a Treasury official, Major was arguing against the policy. I always find it interesting to see who was for and against the policy. The chapters about these different jobs were fascinating as Major goes into detail what the job entailed, his duties and what was generally going on with the government at the time.
John Major was getting surgery for a wisdom tooth at the time the plot to unseat Margaret Thatcher was beginning so he was not at Parliament when the plotting was in full swing but he still tells what he saw and heard through visitors and phone calls. It was Thatcher who promoted him to a job he did not want as Foreign Secretary but just as he was getting settled there and starting to enjoy it, Nigel Lawson resigned as Chancellor and Major was shocked to suddenly be promoted to the job he had always wanted. He admits that he would have liked more time in both jobs before suddenly being in the frame for Prime Minister. He was chosen to lead the party and country by a lot of his peers and with the full blessing of Thatcher who believed that he would be her man and continue her policies. She was to be mistaken!
There are chapters dedicated to all the main events in his years in power including the Poll Tax discussions, The first Gulf War, The Citizen's Charter, Maastricht Treaty, 1992 General Election win, Black Wednesday, the National Lottery, the Northern Ireland peace process, the summits, Balkan War, fighting allegations of Tory sleaze, his put up or shut up challenge to his backbenchers and the 1997 loss to Labour. He details how Labour stole Tory policies and how Tony Blair copied ideas from Major's own speeches so it seems that the popular soundbites Blair used came often from Major's speeches! Blair was often seen as a Red Tory and I'm starting to see why! The other thing that interested me was of course Major's love of reading, talking of books as cherished friends to be picked up again and again, a sentiment I certainly agree with.
I loved the detail in this book. John Major explains each policy, what it was intended to do, how it was implemented, what went right or wrong. It gives the reader a greater understanding of the policies and the political issues that were going on. It goes very much behind the scenes of the fights and scandals and the battles with the Tory right over Europe that derailed the government and helped them to lose an election. It was fascinating from start to finish yet written so that the ordinary person can understand even the most complex financial issues. It was a brilliant read and my first five star book of the year.
The benefit of hindsight shows John Major was always likely to be up against it:
1) Having to follow such a dominant force as Thatcher. She was never going to leave the stage quietly.
2) The splits in the party - mainly on Europe. (still rearing its ugly head today).
3) Dealing with the aftermath of the boom and bust years when Lawson was chancellor.
4) Potential apathy from the British people after The Conservative party had been in power for a lengthy period.
All of these issues are dealt with in length by Major and it is fascinating to read his side of the story. The book is very well writen, the tone thoughtful and respectful. Even his "enemies" are given polite consideration (for the most part) rather than crude dismissal. His recollections of the european summits and the strengths and weaknesses of other european leaders was particularly fascinating. Major also confirmed what many people have often suspected that, when it comes to european matters, Germany and France often unite to become a formidable force (hurdle?).
I'm not sure how Major could have united his party, it would appear to be mission impossible. The big surprise was that Major secured an election victory in 1992 despite the country experiencing a recession. One of the key questions I was left asking was whether the mavericks who supported John Redwood's leadership bid realsied, at least in part, that by exposing the party's division on Europe so ruthlessly, they would consign the Conservative party to a decade and more in opposition? This question seems to baffle John Major. Still,surely history won't repeat itself with Europe and one Mr Cameron?
The tragedy for him was that by the time of the 1997 election (and Tony Blair's coronation), the economy had recovered somewhat - despite the ERM humiliation (or because of it?) On completing the book I had much sympathy for Major despite his lapses into ocassional dithering (IMHO). He seems a decent, old-fashioned person, for a politicain at least. I was left contemplating how successful he might have been under less trying circumstances.
To be honest, I felt that the book was a little long in places, though a number of subjects deserved thorough examination.
A good read, better than the recent efforts from Blair and Mandleson (though I did enjoy both) but not quite as good as recent publications from Andrew Rawnsley or Chris Mullins.