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False Start: Carlo Linati and the Irish

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Irish Literature in Italy in the Era of the World Wars

Part of the book series: New Directions in Irish and Irish American Literature ((NDIIAL))

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Abstract

While other mediators had already tried to introduce the Italian public to the Celtic Revival, it was Carlo Linati who first attempted to define a contemporary Irish canon and translate its main theatrical works into Italian. This chapter discusses how Linati tried to produce a domesticated horizon of expectations for the Italian readers of Irish literature, by selecting three major figures of the Revival (Yeats, Gregory, and Synge, to whom he later added Joyce) and introducing them to Italian audiences as exponents of familiar (and even regionalist) literary aesthetics. I explore the ways in which Linati’s choice was affected by his attempt to connect Irish and Lombard literature and how his eager undertaking (which involved translations, adaptations, articles, and theatrical performances) was partly unsuccessful due to both aesthetic and sociocultural reasons. The chapter therefore explores Emma Gramatica’s staging of Synge’s and Shaw’s works and Eleonora Duse’s late interest in Synge and Yeats. In the last part of the chapter, I also examine Linati’s involvement with Enzo Ferrieri’s literary magazine Il Convegno, one of the most influential and long-standing periodicals of the Italian entre-deux-guerres, whose first years were largely devoted to Irish literature. I will therefore focus on this collaboration and especially reassess Ferrieri’s underestimated role in the dissemination of Irish literature in Italy. Connected with Il Convegno is also the reception of Joyce in Italy. Joyce’s positioning at the junction of Irish Revival and European Modernism, in particular, at the same time confirmed the simplified understanding of the Irish literary Revival in Italy and ushered in a new and rather less felicitous phase of Irish-Italian literary relationships. The final section of the chapter analyzes the canon of Irish literature in Italy in order to assess what version of the Revival was imported, which elements were foregrounded (e.g. drama and realism), and which were erased or backgrounded (e.g. the stratifications of the nationalist front and Irish society, poetry, novels, and Irish folklore) in the process of cultural transfer.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The letter appeared in The Times and then in other London periodicals, such as The Standard on 15 June.

  2. 2.

    Antonio Cippico was a poet and scholar from Zadar (Dalmatia), who at times acted as Yeats’s agent. He had strong connections with anti-imperialist circles in Vienna, and this brought him closer to Italian nationalists. From autumn 1906 until 1928, Cippico worked as lecturer in Italian (reader from 1911) at University College London (Cella 1981). He produced essays on Kipling and a translation of King Lear in 1906, which might explain why Yeats thought of him when he needed someone to assess the quality of Vidacovich and Joyce’s translation of Countess Cathleen in June 1912.

  3. 3.

    In the same letter, he mentioned that Countess Cathleen was “to be done by Chappell with music by Hubert Bath or Leoni ” (Yeats to A. H. Bullen, 15 July 1910, Yeats 2002: acc. #1391). Franco Leoni would be a key figure in the dissemination of Yeats’s work in Italy.

  4. 4.

    Nonetheless, in his letter to Giuseppe De Robertis about Cristabella and Tribunale Verde, Linati mentioned his “essay of futurist philosophy” [saggio di filosofia futurista] coming out a few months before Marinetti’s manifesto, “when nobody talked about futurism yet. It was in the air though, due to Wells’s books; and it is certainly from there that Marinetti took the title for his flagship” [e ancora di futurismo non si parlava. Era però nell’aria, per i libri di Wells: e di là di certo attinse il titolo, Marinetti, per la sua bandiera]. (Gabinetto G.P. Vieusseux, Archivio Contemporaneo ‘A. Bonsanti’, Fondo De Robertis, Florence, Correspondence - IT ACGV DR.1. 168.11, Linati to De Robertis, 2 April 1915, handwritten). See also Guzzetta (2004: 105–116)

  5. 5.

    Borsa’s 1906 book enjoyed a certain success and was published in English translation two years later by John Lane (Borsa 1908). Borsa’s notion of Irish literature will be discussed in more detail in 2.4.

  6. 6.

    “How come he liked the Irish so much so that he translated a great part of their best theater? It was maybe the love for primitive life, so intense in Synge , imbued with the harsh language of farmers and tinkers, fanned by the overwhelming ocean, which even inspired Linati to write a hymn to the wind […]. It was probably a sort of compensation for his inability to adapt his ample and vast style, full of details, to the naked theatrical language and become a playwright himself” (Ferrieri 2003: 117–118).

  7. 7.

    Paolo Argira was the pseudonym of Fiorina Centi. The booklet (Argira 1917), simply titled Carlo Linati and published in 1917, was developed from an earlier article published in the Neapolitan futurist and interventionist literary magazine La Diana in 1916 as “Sagome. Carlo Linati” (Argira 1916).

  8. 8.

    “incorniciature narrative che non eran fatte per lui - ed è un buon segno che si sia accorto in tempo d’uno almeno dei suoi limiti - il nostro Linati s’è deciso risolutamente per la lirica senz’aggiunte e mistioni” (Papini 1917: 49–50; see also Argira 1916).

  9. 9.

    “resa in una veste italiana così agile ed elegante da farvi sorgere il sospetto che forse nel testo le commedie non sieno veramente così snelle e vibranti d’umorismo schietto e che quei caratteri non sieno poi squadrati con tanta maestria. Mi perdoni Lady Gregory!” (Argira 1916: 157).

  10. 10.

    “[U]n uomo alto, asciutto, vigoroso, con una faccia tutta diritta e tagliente tra di mistico e di guerriero, una di quelle faccie nordiche piene di lealtà e di forza, con un par d’occhi che lampeggiano vivi ed arguti dietro le grosse lenti e una ciocca di capelli che gli ondeggia baldanzosa in su la fronte” (Yeats 1914: xxxviii).

  11. 11.

    Agreement with Carlo Linati, 27 August 1913 (Yeats 2002: acc. #2249).

  12. 12.

    The agreement with Lady Gregory was signed on 10 March 1914, one month before the publication of his translation of Yeats, while the agreement with the Synge Estate to secure the translation rights for Riders to the Sea was only signed on 17 December 1916, a few months after the publication of Lady Gregory’s Commedie irlandesi in May.

  13. 13.

    “Io ho qui voluto presentar[e Yeats] in quattro lavori che offrono quattro aspetti diversi del suo pensiero drammatico: quello mistico-diabolico (The Countess Cathleen); quello villareccio-pagano (The Land of Heart’s Desire); quello magico-druidico (The Shadowy Waters); quello simbolico-nazionale (Cathleen Ni Houlihan)” (Yeats 1914: xxx–xxxi).

  14. 14.

    Additionally, it should be noted that his command of English was probably less than perfect, as evidenced by Paolo Emilio Pavolini in his learned 1919 article on the myth of Deirdre (1919). Linati would usually write to Yeats in French, and to Joyce and Pound in Italian. However, he did not resort to French versions of the plays for his translations, as was often the case in Italy at the time. For an interesting reconstruction of the development of the figure of the “professional translator” in Italy, see Biagi (2018; 151–2).

  15. 15.

    “In fondo al mio pensiero c’era, lo confesso, la lusinga un po’ arrogante di poter giungere ad allargare in quel modo i domini emotivi della mia letteratura, metterla in contatto con quelle emozioni oltramontane in modo che ne avesse a ricevere incitamento verso nuove forme e audacie. […] Sono del parere che per dare un’idea esatta dell’originale il meglio sia non tradurre letteralmente, ma genialmente parafrasare e italianamente trasfigurare. Questo se si vuol fare opera di buon scrittore. […] Dico genialmente. Occorre render nostro l’altrui: appropriarsi l’emozione straniera: italianizzarla” (Linati 1941a: 25–29).

  16. 16.

    “[T]hose who know Linati’s writings can see that, through Synge’s plays, he has tried to solve an aesthetic question that is partly his own.” [“chi conosce gli scritti del Linati […] s’accorge che in queste traduzioni, Linati ha cercato di risolvere attraverso i drammi di Synge un problema d’arte che è, in parte, anche il suo.” (Pancrazi 1919)]

  17. 17.

    “ben sincero dominio di sé per darsi in un lavoro di quella specie, su un materia sensitiva così distante dalla sua” (Linati and Cecchi 2012: 103).

  18. 18.

    The two intellectuals edited some of their political articles in a nationalistic pamphlet entitled Vecchio e nuovo nazionalismo [Old and New Nationalism], which was being printed by Facchi around the same time as Linati’s translation of Yeats’s plays. Vecchio e nuovo nazionalismo’s first run was printed on 20 April 1914, while Tragedie irlandesi the following day.

  19. 19.

    This second edition followed the 1912 one, published by Mario Puccini.

  20. 20.

    Biblioteca cantonale Lugano, Archivio Prezzolini-Fondo Prezzolini, Correspondence, folder Linati, I. n. 4, Linati to Prezzolini,. 2 June 1914, Milan, handwritten.

  21. 21.

    “I miei nuovi amici si fingevano tutti guasti di stomaco, affranti di membra, vittime di strani morbi spirituali: di più amavano pavoneggiarsi in camminature dinoccolate e farsi dei visi da angeli decaduti. La tragedia del Wilde era nell’aria, ed essi, sempre in busca di ricercatezze nuove, s’eran buttati ad imitarlo adattandosi le più ridicole invenzioni dello snobismo, che si conciliavano assai bene con le loro personcine invetriate e i loro visucci glabri. Affettavano un gusto particolare per la freddura e il quolibet e avevan per vezzo di glorificare la frivolezza, la pigrizia, la viltà e l’incoerenza. Insomma era lor costante premura di mostrare al mondo come il secolo morente avesse adunato in loro le più acri e delicate sfinitezze” (Linati 2014: 126). Emilio Cecchi’s review (La Tribuna, 14 agosto 1917) is testament to how allegiance to aestheticism was one of the key elements in the struggle to gain more cultural capital: “When Italy will become a civilized country, it will be clear how the craft of the real decadent, the real amateur, the real aesthete is rare, difficult and respectable. And aesthetes and amateurs will talk about themselves with the rightful knowledge and respect. However, for now, in this novel, Linati did not manage to do that” [“Quando l’Italia sarà un paese civile, si capirà quanto sia rara, impegnativa e rispettabile la professione del vero decadente, del vero dilettante e del vero esteta: e gli esteti e i dilettanti parleranno di sé con la dovuta scienza e il dovuto rispetto. Ma intanto, in questo romanzo, Linati non ha saputo farlo” (Linati and Cecchi 2012: 110–111)].

  22. 22.

    “Wilde’s presence permeated Italian aesthetic culture. Based in Florence, then the center of Italian cosmopolitanism and anglophilia, Il Marzocco set out to spread the fashionable European cult of Beauty. Alongside D’Annunzio, its contributors included some of the most progressive Italian intellectuals of the time: the well-known poet Giovanni Pascoli (1855–1912), the journalist, minor poet and Decadent Giuseppe Saverio Gargano (1859–1930) and the young journalist Ugo Ojetti (1871–1946), the last of whom was to make an important contribution to Wilde’s reception in Italy in the second year of the journal’s run” (Bizzotto 2010: 126).

  23. 23.

    “quella sua nativa forza d’irrisione e di sarcasmo finì per subissare in un morboso feticismo estetico che altro poi non era se non l’estrema conclusione dei culti di pura bellezza già consacrati dal Ruskin e dalla Pre-Raphaelite Brotherhood” (Yeats 1914: x).

  24. 24.

    “apparve ricca di un aroma inebriante a chi lo gustava la prima volta, perché vi sentiva dentro tutto il selvatico della terra che l’aveva generata misto alle più sottili fragranze della poesia colta e investigatrice degli ultimi elegi ed erotici” (Yeats, 1914: x).

  25. 25.

    “un dolore nuovo verso una desolazione più ampia, più brulla, più rassegnata, più infinita” (Linati and Cecchi 2012: 22).

  26. 26.

    Toward the end, Linati quotes a line from Yeats’s The Land of Heart’s Desire (“And my invisible breathen [sic] fill the house,” Linati 1915: 94). In the same section, the narrator mentions the “popolo silvano” “crossing thresholds.” However, the invasion of the house by the fairies is pleasant in Linati’s narrative: “And here I am, enjoying it, like an old fool. Today the sun is shining.” [“Ed io qui, vecchio matto che me la godo. Oggi è giorno di sole” (94)]. The references to his translation include the title of a section, “Visioni di Dicembre,” a direct hint at the Italian title of Yeats’s play: Visioni di maggio.

  27. 27.

    Jérôme Meizoz maintains that the author’s “posture” is their identity in the literary field, realized by the individual writers themselves in interaction with the context (see Meizoz 2007). In a study on Franco Fortini, Irene Fantappiè has recently argued that a posture can be “constructed through imitation” and that authors like Fortini can “rewrite” another writer’s posture in order to construct their own (Fantappiè 2021: 62). We can see Linati trying to “rewrite” Yeats’s (and later Synge’s ) posture in Italy in the process of constructing his own authorship. Linati’s letter to the then director of La Voce , Giuseppe De Robertis, strikes a similar note: “Do you know my Yeats version? If you do not have the book, write to me, as I would love for you to have it, as that is not a mere and simple version, but almost an interpretation of an author that I feel close to my spirit for his imagination and desolation” [“Ella conosce le mie versioni dello Yeats? Se non possiede il volume, mi scriva, che avrei caro l’avesse, che quella non è versione pura e semplice ma quasi interpretazione di un autore che per lati di fantasia e di desolazione sentirei [unclear word] affine al mio spirito.” (Gabinetto G.P. Vieusseux, Archivio Contemporaneo ‘A. Bonsanti’, Fondo De Robertis, Florence, Correspondence - IT ACGV DR.1. 168.11, Linati to De Robertis,. 2 April 1915, handwritten.)].

  28. 28.

    It may be interesting to note that in D’Annunzio’s copy of Linati’s edition—held in the writer’s private library at the Vittoriale degli italiani (Brescia, Italy)—one of the very few marks in the text has been made right beside the section of the preface in which Linati discusses The Land of Heart’s Desire.

  29. 29.

    Biblioteca cantonale Lugano, Archivio Prezzolini-Fondo Prezzolini, Correspondence, folder Linati, I. n. 3, Linati to Prezzolini, 28 December 1913, Milan, handwritten.

  30. 30.

    “la società abbia per scopo precipuo una differenziazione regionale lombarda” (Lucini to Puccini, 21 November 1912, Varazze, quoted in Corrias 2014: 260).

  31. 31.

    As we will see in 3.3, the idea of founding a Lombard school in the early 1920s was rejected by Linati, despite the fact that he was being hailed as its main exponent.

  32. 32.

    According to Mario Praz, “Linati primarily focuses on whatever is eccentric, scapigliato, vagabond, and he provides us with less of an outline of a foreign literature than a self-portrait as an epigone of Lombard scapigliatura, late bloom of Romanticism à la Gautier, pleasant, bizarre, curious. Always looking at the picturesque elements, he ends up barely scraping the surface of things: his criticism’s flaw is approximation.” [“Linati si ferma soprattutto su ciò che è eccentrico, scapigliato, vagabondo, e quello che egli finisce per darci non è tanto un quadro della letteratura straniera quanto un ritratto di se stesso, epigono della scapigliatura lombarda, tardo rampollo del romanticismo alla Gautier, ameno, bizzarro, curioso. A forza di veder tutto in funzione di pittoresco, egli non va oltre alla superficie delle cose: la sua critica pecca di approssimatività” (Praz 1950: 8)].

  33. 33.

    While this looks like the most likely reason, it is also possible that Linati was influenced by Yeats’s work as editor of Blake: “By giving Blake an Irish grandfather, and therefore a Celtic lineage, Yeats could link Blake to the “Celtic Twilight” that was so important to him at that particular stage of his own poetic development. Needless to say, the Blake “constructed” by Yeats and Ellis “functioned” as the “real” Blake for readers of the 1893 edition, even though Yeats also unabashedly rewrote lines of Blake’s that he considered inferior” (Lefevere 1992: 8).

  34. 34.

    See, among others, Federico Oliviero, who provided two detailed surveys of Celtic and Irish literature in 1910 and 1912, showing a keen interest in Irish patriotic poetry (1912: 508), as well as an awareness of the most recent trends of Irish letters, e.g. mentioning the works of James Stephens as early as 1912 (513).

  35. 35.

    “Ma la sommossa di Pasqua non si potrebbe comprendere senza conoscere qualche cosa del profondo movimento ideale che l’ha preceduta e preparata” (Borsa 1932: 17).

  36. 36.

    As detailed in 2.1, wartime Italy tended to ignore Ireland’s claim to independence. The depoliticization of Irish theater could thus have seemed a good strategy to Linati in 1916. However, postwar Italy would be more receptive to Irish political claims. Had Irish theater been labeled as an expression of a nationalist and anti-British nation in a more straightforward fashion, it might have attracted more attention in the Italy of the mutilated victory. This, however, is a matter of speculation and the question is unlikely to be settled.

  37. 37.

    While he did not subscribe to Bickley’s narrow views concerning the Irish canon (“Anthologies of Irish poetry usually start with Goldsmith, who was Irish only by birth and a poet only by eighteenth century standard ,” Bickley 1912: 50), Linati seems significantly dependent on Bickley as far as the matter of French influence, especially in Yeats’s late poetry, is concerned: “The most potent influences among the young English writers of those days, which already seem so far off, were the French decadents and symbolists: Verlaine, Mallarme [sic], Maeterlinck and the rest” (Bickley 1912: 59). As we know from a recent re-edition of Linati’s translations, Bickley’s book was present in the writer’s personal library (Yeats et al. 2018: 15).

  38. 38.

    “La commedia si svolge intorno a un motivo assai ardito: l’ammirazione del popolo irlandese per i delinquenti in genere. Questo sentimento è assai popolare in Irlanda dove dall’insurrezione di Parnell alla recente rivolta dei Sinn Feiners ha sempre dominato il concetto che le ribellioni popolari dovessero trionfare ed imporsi mediante la sola forza fisica.” Similar notions were quite common at the time and can be read in the reports signed by Temistocle Filippo Bernardi, the Italian diplomat at the helm of the consulate in Dublin. According to Bernardi, Sinn Féin was a “party of disorder” [partito del disordine], which mostly appealed to uncultivated rural masses, who generally despised the law and Great Britain (Chini 2016: 37).

  39. 39.

    “Di fatto quest’opera scenica rappresenta, della terra e della umanità irlandesi, proprio alcuni di quei caratteri tipici che da secoli gl’Inglesi più sono avvezzi a disprezzare e vituperare. Vi circola un’atmosfera di incolta sanità, di rozza superstizione, di ostilità alla legge ufficiale, di ammirazione al ribelle e al delinquente, di culto ingenuo per la forza fisica e per le semplici gioie dei sensi, che si presta molto ad essere fraintesa come diffamatoria” (d’Amico 1918).

  40. 40.

    “[D]a anni io mi affatico a far conoscere in Italia anche scenicamente [il teatro irlandese]. Ora, pare che i miei sforzi stiano per essere coronati da qualche successo, perché da attori e attrici mi vien richiesta la rappresentazione delle pièces del Synge; ed Emma Gramatica metterà in scena nella prossima stagione di Carnevale Il furfantello a Firenze” (quoted in Pasquero 2012: 201).

  41. 41.

    The translation of this enigmatic expression provided in Ellmann’s collection is “dead deportee.” This is an acceptable translation, as “espulso” can be someone who is “expelled” from a place, but it seems plausible that Joyce was also employing an archaic phrase that can be found in nineteenth-century medicine books, referring to a grimmer image, that is “an unborn child.” As is often the case, a simple, straightforward interpretation of Joyce’s words is a hopeless and ultimately useless task, but what is important here is the idea that an “unperformed play” is somehow “dead on arrival” (Joyce to Linati, 10 December 1919, in Joyce 1966: 456–457). Joyce was duly concerned with the production of his plays and had already expressed his concerns to B.W. Huebsch (Joyce to B.W. Huebsch, 7 July 1915, Joyce 1966: 350).

  42. 42.

    In later letters to Enzo Ferrieri, Linati mentioned the idea of producing both Exiles and Deirdre (6 April 1944) “resa un po’ più teatrale nel dialogo” [with dialogues made a bit more dramatic] (14 June 1944) by Ferrieri himself (Archivio Ferrieri, Centro Manoscritti, Pavia, Correspondence, folder Linati, items: 114 and 115).

  43. 43.

    Yeats’s correspondence confirms this state of affairs, as we can gather from his 23 July 1913 letter to Gregory after his meeting with the Italians: “My dear Lady Gregory: Leoni has just been in. He wants the Italian rights of plays of yours & mine for a new publishing house founded by certain young men. It is to be connected with a theatrical scheme and it is proposed that various young Italian composers should turn into opera (opera with speech = opera comique) Land of Hearts Desire, Spreading the News, Shadow of the Glenn etc.)” (Yeats 2002: acc: #2221). In a later letter to Prezzolini (2 June 1914), Linati claims to have publishing rights only for Yeats’s plays, while he had production rights for four plays by Lady Gregory and two by Synge (Biblioteca cantonale Lugano, Archivio Prezzolini-Fondo Prezzolini, Correspondence, folder Linati, I. n. 4, Linati to Prezzolini,. 2 June 1914, Milan, handwritten).

  44. 44.

    “Evviva l’Italia! Evviva Synge!” (Carte Carlo Linati, Biblioteca comunale di Como, Fondo Manoscritti, Correspondence, Linati to Facchi, 3 March 1919, handwritten).

  45. 45.

    Carte Carlo Linati, Biblioteca comunale di Como, Fondo Manoscritti, Correspondence, Linati to Facchi, 17 April 1919, Breganze (Vicenza), handwritten. If we are to believe Linati’s, possibly fictional, account of his only meeting with Gordon Craig, the main issue was the latter’s request of 30,000 liras for the sets (Linati 1923: 268).

  46. 46.

    In his letter to Lady Gregory , Yeats mentioned “various Italian composers” (Yeats 2002: acc. #2221). While the names chosen by Leoni suggest other nationalities, the reason for the use of pseudonyms might be the commitment he had made with Yeats.

  47. 47.

    The Circolo del Convegno, in Milan, hosted a lecture by Linati titled “Il teatro irlandese” on 16 June 1925 (cf. Modena 2010: 70).

  48. 48.

    “sarebbe attore adattatissimo [sic] pel Furfantello per la sua lingua snella e scura e un po’ claunesca…” (Trotta 1995: 12).

  49. 49.

    “Ma, come ti ripeto, prima di riparlargliene, volevo un po’ sentire te. Il fatto, del resto, che non l’hai, per così dire, messe in cartellone, mi fa supporre che a te non piaccia, o poco” (Trotta 1995: 12).

  50. 50.

    “There are rumors about producing one [of Synge’s plays] in Rome. Will our actors be up to the task? If they won’t, they’d better learn. It’s high time.” [“si parla finalmente di rappresentarne uno in Roma. Saranno i nostri comici in grado di condur l’impresa? Se non sono, bisognerà che imparino. Ormai è tempo” (d’Amico 1918)].

  51. 51.

    For Gramatica’s commitment to Shaw’s oeuvre, see Roma 1929. For a contribution on the popularity of Shaw in Italy in the 1920s, see Berst (1985).

  52. 52.

    “creatura energica, diritta, antiromantica”; “piccola creatura timida, romantica, lacrimosa”; “rare volte ci è accaduto di vedere così svisata la creatura d’un autore” (d’Amico 1963: 209).

  53. 53.

    “The fact that a Romantic actress like her tries to find and reveal herself in a variety of modern theatrical literatures is her natural right, so to speak, and it would be stupid to forbid it. It is however legitimate to ask her why she should insist on those writers, among the foreign writers she cherishes, that are most alien to her temperament.” [“Ch’ella, romantica, vada a cercare le occasioni di ritrovarsi e rivelarsi nelle più diverse letterature drammatiche moderne, è una specie di diritto naturale, a cui sarebbe sciocco segnar divieti. Ma è lecito domandarle perché, fra i poeti stranieri che predilige, ella insista su alcuni, i quali sono i più estranei al suo temperamento” (d’Amico 1929: 88)].

  54. 54.

    “Crediamo che, se il lavoro è stato compreso soltanto a metà e non da tutto il pubblico, se la sua bellezza è stata soltanto confusamente sentita e non penetrata, ciò debba attribuirsi alla interpretazione che ne è stata data dagli attori del Valle, e principalmente da quella intelligentissima attrice che è Emma Gramatica” (d’Amico 1963: 200).

  55. 55.

    He mentioned that also in a letter to Joyce from 18 May 1920, Linati wrote: “The other night, 16th M[ay] at the Valle in Rome, Synge’s Playboy was a success, in my translation, after last year’s flop in Florence: there will be more nights and the critics are favorable.” [“L’altra sera 16 M[aggio] a Roma, al Valle, ha avuto successo anche Playboy di Synge, nella mia traduzione, e che a Firenze era caduta un anno fa: si replica, e la critica è assai favorevole.” (quoted in Pasquero 2012: 207)].

  56. 56.

    According to Renato Simoni (1951: 722–725), the performance was met by the booing of the public in Milan, at the Teatro Manzoni.

  57. 57.

    “Umile e pauroso quando si presenta, vigliacco quando teme i gendarmi, sì: ma poi gradasso dev’essere, spaccone e allegro allorché si sente sicuro, protetto, e si vede ammirato e corteggiato; né privo di una almen grossolana furbizia; e alla fine furente” (Praga 1979: 137).

  58. 58.

    “ragazzettaccio di sesso incerto, orribile, goffo e cretino, il cui aspetto non rendeva possibile né il punto di partenza dell’opera né tutto il suo svolgersi; e sulla sua bocca non erano ammissibili le fresche e colorite parole delle scene d’amore” (d’Amico 1963: 201).

  59. 59.

    “E non parliamo di certe manie virili, tutt’altro che degne (nonostante esempi celebri in contrario) d’un’artista vera e, se Dio vuole, autenticamente donna: quelle per cui Emma Gramatica s’è compiaciuta nel sospirare, in abito da maschio, le parole di Marchbanks in Candida, o, peggio, nel fare le smorfie di quel saporitissimo Furfantello di Synge, ch’ella ha condotto (e stenteremo un pezzo a perdonarglielo) all’insuccesso” (d’Amico 1929: 89. My emphases).

  60. 60.

    Agreement with Carlo Linati, 27 August 1913. (Yeats 2002: item 2249).

  61. 61.

    “As you will see, my versions are rather more literal than theatrical, since I was, back then, concerned with how to best reproduce the rural and colorful strength of Synge’s language; it goes without saying that, were they to face the challenge of the stage, it would be necessary to alter them here and there, in order to make the dialogue as smooth as possible, without betraying the original: I have already done so with Deirdre when Alda Borelli wanted to stage it a year ago.” [“Com’Ella vedrà, le mie versioni sono piuttosto letterali che sceniche, essendo io preoccupato, a quel tempo, di rendere meglio mi fosse possibile la robustezza contadinesca e colorita del linguaggio Syngiano; ed è certo che dovendo esse affrontare il cimento scenico occorrerebbe ritoccarle qua e là in modo da dare al dialogo, senza tradire l’originale, una massima fluidità e scioltezza: il che io già feci per “Deirdre”, che la Signora Alda Borelli voleva rappresentare anno fa.” (Archivio Eleonora Duse, Istituto per il Teatro e il Melodramma, Fondazione Giorgio Cini, Venice, Correspondence Linati, Linati to Duse, 14 May 1921, Milan, handwritten)].

  62. 62.

    “come un’irrequietudine strana la teneva tutta, un’inconsistenza, quasi uno smarrimento che dava pena. Ma I’Irlanda fu per un istante l’argomento che la fece ferma ed attenta. Le parlai dello Yeats, dei suoi grandi drammi fantastici che Gordon Craig aveva inscenato. Ma ella ritornò presto al personaggio che tanto amava, a quella vecchia Maurya che per ogni figliolo che l’oceano le rapiva faceva una lamentazione degna di Eschilo. Mi confessò che l’idea di impersonarla l’aveva tenuta desta per tutta una notte: ne aveva imparato a memoria dei brani” (Linati 1940: 11–12).

  63. 63.

    “aveva sempre sognato, fin d’allora, di interpretare un giorno qualche lavoro dello Yeats .” (Borsa 1945: 80) Duse’s interest in Irish theater was also mentioned by Tomasi di Lampedusa in his 1926 article on Yeats . Lampedusa must have learned of this from Borsa or sources close to him, as he also recalls that Duse was interested in Countess Cathleen (Lampedusa 1926: 44).

  64. 64.

    “Ora cinque anni erano trascorsi dalla sera in cui Isabella s’era prodotta nela sua ultima creazione, la vecchia Maurya dei Cavalcatori a Mare di Synge. Quantunque il dramma marinaresco fosse poco piaciuto al buon pubblico di Milano, ella aveva fatto della Niobe irlandese una creazione inarrivabile per potenza di verità e maestà di atteggiamenti eschilei. Ma da allora nessuno più l’aveva veduta” (Linati 1922b: 14–15).

  65. 65.

    “Lei si ricorderà quegli occhi fidiaci che si chinavano con tenerezza adorabile, che ridevano con ilarità tempestosa, che facevano su quel viso la luce e la notte con tale varietà di splendori da richiamare la scena d’una campagna lombarda sotto un lampeggiamento estivo” (Linati 1922b: 82–83).

  66. 66.

    Ferrieri, who died in 1969, would remain at the center of Italy’s cultural life after the Second World War, especially in his capacity as director of radio and theater dramas and theater critic. For an overview of Ferrieri’s career, see Modena (2010).

  67. 67.

    “non vorremmo illuminare gli ospiti nostri con una sola lanterna, che dia lume di assoluto. Questa umilmente confessiamo di non possedere né si vedono intorno altre che splendano” (quoted in Ponti 2003: 34). This was also Linati’s ideal, as expressed in an earlier letter to De Robertis, then director of La Voce , in which he said that many writers did not want to contribute to La Voce because it used to claim too aggressive a stance toward other schools and movements, and that it would be better to “make the Magazine more welcoming and inclusive” [“improntare la Rivista ad una maggiore accoglienza e larghezza” (Gabinetto G.P. Vieusseux, Archivio Contemporaneo ‘A. Bonsanti’, Fondo De Robertis, Florence, Correspondence - IT ACGV DR.1. 168.8, Linati to De Robertis, 18 February 1915)].

  68. 68.

    Archivio Ferrieri, Centro Manoscritti, Pavia, Correspondence Linati, item n. 8, Linati to Ferrieri, 20 December 1920, typewritten.

  69. 69.

    “Il libro è così bello che avrei voluto tradurtene altri pezzi. Ora, vedi tu, se la cosa può interessare, potrei tradurtene altri pezzi per un [sic] altra puntata. Ma la gente che legge la tua rivista non è certo, come me, amante di spettacoli naturali, selvaggi ed iperborei” (Trotta 1991: 405).

  70. 70.

    “If it were still the fashion to make literary comparisons as in the time of the excellent Plutarch, it would be interesting to draw one between the Sicilian writer, Giovanni Verga, and the Irish dramatist, J. M. Synge. For these two writers, though so widely separated geographically, are very similar, both as to the origin of their inspiration and in the development of their literary experience and style” (Linati 1921).

  71. 71.

    “C’è maggior differenza fra un comacino e un napoletano che fra un milanese e un irlandese del Connaught” (Linati 1919b: 25–6).

  72. 72.

    “The encounter with Synge was more exciting than all the others, and left me for years the memory of a most tender friendship” [“L’incontro con Synge, sopra ogni altro, mi fu di eccitamento e mi lasciò per lunghi anni il ricordo della più tenera amicizia” (Linati 1941a: 30–31)]. Linati’s discovery of Irish literature started after Synge’s death in 1909.

  73. 73.

    With a similar intent, George Talbot has pointed out how A vento e sole, a travelogue Linati published in 1939—that is the year Riders to the Sea was eventually produced for the first time in Italy—echoed the atmosphere of the play in some passages describing the coast of Brittany (Talbot 2011; 141).

  74. 74.

    “un libro unicamente di poesia, […] la reazione di un’anima di poeta e scrittore a contatto con un paesaggio grandiosamente nordico, ricco di tutto il sapore e il colore dei paesaggi primordiali che il progresso e la civiltà hanno lasciati pressoché intatti nella loro solitudine, e in cui vibra ancora qualche luce di un’antichissima epopea di mare e di genti” (Synge 1944: x).

  75. 75.

    Man of Aran was well known in Italy and won best foreign film at the Venice film festival as well as the Mussolini Cup in 1934. Liam O’Flaherty caustically mocks the film’s international success among “European dictator[s]” (O’Flaherty 2019: 124) in his 1935 satirical novel Hollywood Cemetery.

  76. 76.

    “A final pragmatic characteristic of the paratext is what – making free with a term used by philosophers of language – I call the illocutionary force of its message. Here again we are dealing with a gradation of states. A paratextual element can communicate a piece of sheer information – the name of the author, for example, or the date of publication. It can make known an intention, or an interpretation by the author and/or the publisher” (Genette 1997: 10–11).

  77. 77.

    “bell’e stufo di fare il lombardo” (Linati to Ferrieri, 20 September 1920, reproduced in Trotta 1991: 406).

  78. 78.

    “era una comoda finzione tanto per riuscire a distinguerci in questo pandemonio della L(etteratura) I(italiana). E, in parte ci siamo riusciti” (Ibidem).

  79. 79.

    Synge , in particular, and the Irish in general, were crucial to Linati’s approach to art and life, according to Angelini: “the perfection achieved by that civilization and its simple and pure sensitivity mixed with vigor and contained power must have seduced that rough Lombard man, who loves oxygen and strength, and has a taste for life and the ascent.” [“La perfezione a cui è arrivata quella civiltà e la sua semplice ed epurata delicatezza mista di nervo e di potenza raccolta devono aver sedotto ques’uomo lombardo squisitamente ruvido che ama l’ossigeno e la forza ed ha il gusto della vita e della salita” (Angelini 1921: 171)]. Angelini’s image of the Irish is therefore that of a “simple and strong” race, similar to the self-image he provided of the Lombards.

  80. 80.

    “Manzoni remained isolated, without progeny; some Lombard writers inherited a glimmer of his humor, of his discretion, the odd glimpse of a landscape, but none manifest his essence, that sense of the divine that in Promessi Sposi […] is inherent to the story and its spirit” (Ferrieri 2020: 42).

  81. 81.

    “I have finished a play in three acts, Exiles , but would prefer that publication in book to come after its eventual production on the stage” (Joyce to B.W. Huebsch, 7 July 1915, in Joyce 1966: 350).

  82. 82.

    When Joyce offered to send him A Portrait, Linati replied, “I translated Yeats and Synge and Lady Gregory , but theirs is drama, and therefore is more accessible to readers, the content of their plays is not as daring and original, nor as genuinely typical as the substance of your magnificent book.” [“Io ho tradotto Yeats e Synge e Lady Gregory: ma, altroché, il loro è del teatro, e quindi cosa più facilmente accessibile ai lettori, il loro contenuto non è così arditamente originale così squisitamente tipico come quello che forma la sostanza del suo magnifico libro” (Linati to Joyce, 7 December 1919, reproduced in Pasquero 2012: 203)].

  83. 83.

    “stante la sua tipica forza di stile e il suo contenuto così etnico e raffinato ad un tempo, così paesano e così squisitamente letterario, oltre a l’ambiente, ai costumi, alle anime così profondamente diverse dalle nostre” (Linati to Joyce, 7 December 1919, reproduced in Pasquero 2012: 203).

  84. 84.

    “caratteri, paesi, spirito di ribellione e un’inquietante magrezza di stile, cruda, dispettosa, come uno che scolpisse nel legno” (Joyce 1920: 27).

  85. 85.

    “A new form of novel is started by Joyce. […]. Once we acquired Joyce, our review opened the way to the understanding of a modern language, through European traditions and experiences” (Ferrieri 2020: 45).

  86. 86.

    “come quegli Epuloni golosi e un poco sopraffattori che quando viene in tavolo, per esempio, l’arrosto di tordi con patatine, assaggiano e cominciano a dire, battendo la forchetta: buone le patatine! Per attirare su quelle l’attenzione dei commensali, e finirsi in pace i tordi” (Cecchi 1923a).

  87. 87.

    L’ora, the Sicilian newspaper that published the very first extract of Ulysses in Italy a few months before Il Convegno (Joyce 1926a), had limited circulation and the published fragment was anonymously translated from French.

  88. 88.

    “una cosa superba, éclatante, perché non puoi credere l’entusiasmo e l’ammirazione che c’è all’Estero per Joyce!”; “colui che è reputato il più grande scrittore mondiale vivente”; “fessiciàttoli del 900” [Linati to Ferrieri, n.d. [1926], reproduced in Trotta (1991: 409)]. ‘900 is of course the Italian-French literary magazine founded by Massimo Bontempelli and Curzio Malaparte: they published an extract of Ulysses in French in the same year as Il Convegno and could count Joyce among the members of their editorial board. It is also worth noticing that when Piero Gobetti tried to buy the translation of Exiles from Ferrieri in July 1923, he turned down the offer and produced the play twice (in 1930 and 1946) at the Teatro del Convegno (Modena 2020: 69; Gobetti 2017: 264–265).

  89. 89.

    “It is well known that translation cannot take place without a certain measure of interpretation. And in Linati’s case, interpretation turns inevitably into domestication, if not censorship. In the Nausicaa fragments, for instance, the role of fireworks as an indirect representation of the effects of masturbation, which is so central to Joyce’s chapter, is completely lost. Linati’s censorious attitude is evident in his tendency to make explicit what is not said or is ambivalent” (Zanotti 2013, 142).

  90. 90.

    Cecchi’s take is only confirmed by the few mentions he made of Joyce in his Il Convegno article (again from March 1923) on contemporary novels in English. Here, he did not even mention Ireland, but straightforwardly qualified Joyce as a novelist from England (Cecchi 1923b: 130).

  91. 91.

    “Perché, inglese, Joyce lo è solo se si pensa alla lingua in cui scrive. Ma irlandese purissimo di razza e di ispirazione. Ma dai caravanserragli cosmopoliti di Trieste e di Zurigo ci è giunta di tanto in tanto la sua voce. Ma il suo dramma è stato fischiato a Monaco di Baviera. Ma l’opera sua maggiore è stata edita a Parigi e a Nuova York, e mentre il titolo ne è ellenico e arcaico, l’eroe è un qualsiasi giudeo dei nostri giorni (residente a Dublino e quindi originario di Szombathely in Ungheria)” (Gerbi 1927a: 271–272).

  92. 92.

    A short extract of the lecture was indeed published in La Fiera Letteraria as “Ricordi di James Joyce” in late March (Svevo 1927), but Svevo was not pleased with the heavy cuts performed on his text.

  93. 93.

    Serenella Zanotti mentions a 1930 article by Alberto Consiglio, published in Solaria , sanctioning this state of affairs: “Yoyce” [sic] is among the new “mauvais sujets” of European literature, not one of the Irish (Zanotti 2013: 153).

  94. 94.

    Several lectures were organized in those years that showed a keen interest in Modernist novels, among which one must mention, at least, Italo Svevo’s conference on Joyce on 8 March 1927 (Svevo 1995; for a list of the lectures, see Modena 2010).

  95. 95.

    “I daresay you did well to pass on Mr Gorman’s book to Mr Boyd. Mr Boyd, I notice, has added a chapter on me to the new edition of his history of the Irish literary movement. Evidently he has been reading on the subject” (Joyce to John Quinn, 5 February 1924, Joyce 1957: 210).

  96. 96.

    “Joyce, rejected and even banned in Dublin, was welcomed and consecrated by Paris, which made him an artist who revolutionized universal literature rather than merely an Irish national writer” (Casanova 2004: 128, my emphasis).

  97. 97.

    “Things English (and in this category they include things Joyce) are still taboo. Things Joyce doubly so” (Joyce 1966: 392).

  98. 98.

    William Butler Yeats – Facts. NobelPrize.org. Nobel Media AB 2021. Thu. 12 Nov 2021. https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/literature/1923/yeats/facts/ Last accessed 12 December 2020.

  99. 99.

    As is known, the Playboy was contested on the night of its premiere because of its criticism of the idea of “uncorrupted Irishness which [nationalists] were so assiduously fostering” (Foster 2015: 76).

  100. 100.

    “il contadino è il depositario della letteratura nazionale” (Borsa 1906: 258). Quotations from passages translated by Selwyn Brinton will be employed here and identified as “Borsa 1908”.

  101. 101.

    While critical works such as those by Buonaiuti and Turchi were generally more prone to discussing nationalist ideals than Borsa or Linati, it is also worth noting that in all the early Italian surveys, the most overtly nationalist plays were also missing, such as Lady Gregory’s Kincora (1905) and Dervorgilla (1907), as well as those by Lennox Robinson (Patriots, 1912), Thomas MacDonagh, Constance Markievicz, and Terence MacSwiney (The Revolutionist, 1914), to limit ourselves to those that had stronger links with the Abbey Theatre.

  102. 102.

    The crop is even more meager if we turn to literature in Irish: with the exception of a short story by Padraic O’Conaire published in Il Contemporaneo in 1924, in all likelihood an indirect translation from the English—again by Linati—the Italian public was not exposed to any work originally written in Irish.

  103. 103.

    “It is remarkable how dependent on Irishmen, from the Restoration onwards, England has been for her plays, or at any rate for her comedies. Congreve, though she fostered him, Ireland cannot claim; but Farquhar was Irish, and so were Steele, Sheridan, Goldsmith, Wilde and Shaw; not to mention such lesser lights as Macklin, Sheridan Knowles and Dion Boucicault” (Bourgeois 1913: 67).

  104. 104.

    “la poesia contemporanea irlandese […] si ispira ai sentimenti che dominano ora essenzialmente la coscienza di quella popolazione: l’affetto ardente per la patria, l’amore alla natura ed alle leggende tradizionali della loro stirpe” (Oliviero 1912: 507; see also Oliviero 1910).

  105. 105.

    “Con Bernard Shaw, Oscar Wilde e William Butler Yeats la corrente irlandese si è ormai diramata per entro il gran fiume della letteratura anglosassone. Ma v’è penetrata conservando intatti e ben pronunciati i suoi caratteri etnici, la vigoria storica, l’originalità delle sue intuizioni. Caratteri, vigoria, originalità informati ad una segreta, intensa opposizione allo spirito britannico” (Yeats 1914: ix).

  106. 106.

    Lawrence Venuti makes a similar argument based on Edward Fowler’s study on the reception of Japanese literature in the US, claiming that “[t]he Japanese novels that were not consistent with the postwar academic canon because they were comic, for example, or represented a more contemporary, westernized Japan - these novels were not translated into English or, if translated, were positioned on the fringes of English-language literature, published by smaller, more specialized publishers (Kodansha International, Charles E. Tuttle) with limited distributions” (1998: 73).

  107. 107.

    The mention of hucksters in the English translation somewhat resonates with the rejection of materialism and modernity in Yeats’s idea of national identity, as argued by, among others, Seamus Deane (1987).

  108. 108.

    “Irlandese d’origine, ma cresciuto in Londra, egli non ha alcun debole per il paese che ha abbandonato, come non ne ha per quello che ne è stato la rovina. Anche il suo ingegno è solo in parte irlandese. Egli è la negazione di quel velato e malinconico lirismo che è una delle caratteristiche del temperamento celtico; ma ha però il brio rodomontesco, la causticità, la vivezza che sono altre egualmente tipiche qualità della razza” (Borsa 1906: 96).

  109. 109.

    This argument was echoed at several intervals in the history of Irish studies, and among others by Brian Friel in his 1972 essay on Shaw, “Plays Peasant and Unpeasant”, where he affirms that Shaw should not be considered part of the Irish canon because he “wrote within the English tradition, for the English stage and for the English people” (quoted in Clare 2016: 175).

  110. 110.

    The claim has been appropriately questioned by Enrico Reggiani, who has advanced the hypothesis that the presence of Yeats in Italy should be investigated more thoroughly, taking into account elements connected with the circulation of Irish literature (Reggiani 2010: 167–187).

  111. 111.

    “giovane poeta”; “principe irlandese, in pieno carattere di razza, con tutte le ricchezze, tutte le passioni e tutti i sentimenti della razza stessa” (quoted in Fantaccini 2009: 165). See also Fantaccini (2013).

  112. 112.

    “WBY had corresponded since 1919 about occult matters with Lampedusa’s cousin Lucio Piccolo, poet and Rosicrucian; Piccolo described himself as a disciple of ‘il vecchio Butler, but they do not seem to have met when the Yeatses were in Sicily” (Foster 2003: 379).

  113. 113.

    “egli non ha incitato alla ribellione e cantato le barricate; ma ha a tal punto marcato i lineamenti del suo popolo e la sua differenziazione dagli “altri” che, la sua opera compiuta, pochi mesi di violenza son stati sufficienti a realizzare quello che, nei secoli, potè sembrare utopia. […] Prima di porre un fucile nelle mani degli irlandesi occorreva dimostrare che essi esistevano” (Lampedusa 1926: 41).

  114. 114.

    “il temperamento eccessivo e barbarico, l’anima primitiva e visionaria” (Gargaro 1935: vii–viii).

  115. 115.

    For a survey of the translation activity of the third generation of hermeticist poets, see Dolfi (2004); on poetic translation in the 1930s, see Fortini (1972).

  116. 116.

    Not unlike Yeats’s Celtic Twilight, Lady Gregory’s folk tales were translated in Italy for the first time only during a revival of Irish culture in Italy in the 1980s.

  117. 117.

    Something similar happens in Galicia, in Spain, where the reception of Anglo-Irish literature starts as a popular movement, involving an intellectual movement and not just a few isolated figures; thus, unlike in Lombardy, folklore is prominent: “When the intellectuals who made up the so-called “Cova Céltica” began to probe into the origins and identity of Galicia, they realized that Galician culture lacked the mythical heroes found in the Greek and Román tradition. It was found to be necessary to look for the cultural roots, and, as defenders of the Celtic identity of Galicia, they had no difficulty in finding legendary heroes in the Irish tradition. Such is the case of the legend of Breogán, who appears in the Lebor Gabala Erenn and who today forms an inseparable part of the Galician cultural background, being named in the Galician National Anthem” (De Toro Santos 1995: 231). See also MacCarthy (2011) and Lázaro (2006).

  118. 118.

    Vinciguerra’s essays were published in 1926 under the title Romantici e Decadenti Inglesi by a relatively minor publisher (Foligno’s Franco Campitelli) but first appeared in reviews such as Il Conciliatore.

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Bibbò, A. (2022). False Start: Carlo Linati and the Irish. In: Irish Literature in Italy in the Era of the World Wars. New Directions in Irish and Irish American Literature. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83586-6_3

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