Abstract
The paper aims to underline the relevance of Greek sanctuaries in establishing a State treasury in the pre-Hellenistic period. In the Archaic and Classical ages, the sanctuary played a crucial role in the functioning of Greek public economics, preserving inside temples consistent capitals in the form of golden and silver items and, to a lesser degree, money. Hoarding processes carried out in sacred spaces were in fact part of the complex administration of the public finances of the polis. The economic activities taking place in cult areas were in fact not restricted to the religious sphere, but, conversely, were deeply interconnected with the urban economy, given that divine assets included taxies, levies, war booties and tithes and could be spent to finance war campaigns the erection of public edifices and infrastructures, the payment of magistrates, the support for the widows and orphans of the wars and further secular expenses.
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Notes
- 1.
Maucourant (2005, p. 118).
- 2.
In general, on ancient Greek economy: Bresson (2015), with previous bibliography; Bresson (2007) and Bresson (2000). See also Pekáry (1979), with bibliography. Consider also: Zofia (2011), Migeotte (2010), Migeotte (1995, pp. 7–32), Migeotte (1984), Leveau (1985), Ehrenberg et al. (1976), Austin and Vidal-Naquet (1972), Cracco Ruggini (1969), Ciccotti (1960), Stefani (1960), Andreades (1933), Swoboda (1888), Swoboda (1889), and Lewis (1828).
- 3.
Among the pioneering works in this field, it is worth mentioning Böckh (1817), which is mainly focused on Athens. See also Busolt (19203), Guiraud (1893) and Jones (1987). Several information about the management of public finances derive from epigraphic studies, such as Pleket (1976), Pleket et al. (1964) and Bogaert (1976). See also: Cavaignac (1908), Latte (1948), Laum (1952), Michell (19572), Moretti (1977), Lewis (1990), Price and Nixon (1990, pp. 137–170), Maffi (1997), and De Renzo (1955).
- 4.
- 5.
Zofia (2011).
- 6.
On the economic functions of sanctuaries: Suk Fong Jim (2014), Papazarkadas Oxford (2011), Pafford (2006), Blok (2010, pp. 61–93), Chankowski (2005, pp. 9–11), Picard (2005, pp. 69–93), Maucourant (2005, pp. 117–132), Mooro (2004, pp. 61–72), Dignas (2003), Shaya (2002), Chankowski (2001, pp. 357–369), Davies (2001, pp. 117–128), Hamilton (2000), Samons (2000), Sickinger (1999), Dignas (1998, pp. 235–244), Sinn (1996, pp. 67–74), Harris (1994, pp. 213–225; 1995), Linders and Alroth (1992), Linders (1992a, b, pp. 69–73), Isager (1992, pp. 119–122), Harris (1990–1991), Ampolo (1991), Giovannini (1990, pp. 129–148), Vickers (1990, pp. 613–625), Koepfler et al. (1988), Linders (1972, 1975, 1987, pp. 115–122), Linerds and Nodrquist (1987), Costabile (1987, pp. 103–114), Lewis (1985, pp. 71–81), Clinton (1984, pp. 51–60), Jameson (1982, pp. 66–74), Debord (1982), Musti (1979, pp. 209–228), Tréheux (1965, pp. 1–85), Meritt et al. (1939–1953), Oliver (1941), Oikonomos (1924), Ferguson (1932), and Homolle (1882, pp. 1–167).
- 7.
Sassu (2014, part. § 5).
- 8.
Chanowski (2005).
- 9.
- 10.
Hignett (1952, 68), Billigmeier and Dusing (1981, pp. 11–16), Borimir (1992). See also: Gabrielsen (1985, pp. 21–51), Lambert (1986), Figueira (1986), Velissaropoulos (1980, part. pp. 12–21), Kahrstedt (1969) (according to whom they were private citizens, owners of ships, who were liable to levies by the polis in periods of crisis); Wüst (1957) and Hildebrecht (1935) (for previous bibliography).
- 11.
Harpokration, s.v. naukrarika; Suda, s.v. naukrarika; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 8,3 (who makes it clear they were concerned with expenses and revenues); Pollux 8,108; Androtion, FGrH 324,36; Hesychios, s.v. Naúklaloi (says they collected the revenues from each district).
- 12.
Schol. Ar. Nub., 37.
- 13.
Rodhes (1985, p. 152).
- 14.
Billigmeier, Dusing 1981. Contra: Lambert (1986), who rejects the derivation of nau- from naos, temple.
- 15.
Jordan (1992, pp. 66–67).
- 16.
Billigmeir and Dusing also explain naukleros as “owner of a house” as deriving from naos that originally meant both house and temple/house of a god (Billigmeier and Dusing 1981).
- 17.
Jordan (1992, p. 66). The scholar also states that the naukraroi “are a magistracy […] and there is not a shred of reliable evidence placing them on board of a ship or anywhere near it” (ibid., p. 66).
- 18.
“There surely cannot be any dispute that the naukraroi were treasurers of some sort […] It would be also seem indisputable that whatever treasure existed, probably in the form of silver ingots, was safeguarded in the Acropolis” (Jordan 1992, p. 62, with related bibliography).
- 19.
Sassu (2010), with previous bibliography.
- 20.
Jameson (1960).
- 21.
- 22.
On the Kallias Decrees (IG I2 52 = IG I2 91–92), see: Blamire (2001), Bradeen (1971), Fornara (1970), Fröhner (1865, No. 47, pp. 98–105), Kallet-Marx (1989), Kolbe (1993), Lewis (1981), Mattingly (1964, 1975), Meritt (1982), Pritchett (1969), Samons (1996), Samons (1997), Sassu (2014, pp. 127–141), Thompson (1973), and Wade-Gery (1931).
- 23.
Vollgraff (1929, p. 206), Boissev (1930, p. 13), Jeffery (1961, p. 168, no. 8), Buck (1955, No. 83), and Lupu (2009). See also: Schwyzer (1930, pp. 321–325), Sokolowski (1962, no. 27), Fornara et al. (1983, no. 36), Koerner (1993, no. 25), Van Effenterre and Ruzé (1994, no. 88), Colvin (2007, no. 37), and Probert and Dickey (2015). The epigraph is also discussed by Boissev (1930), Bourguet (1930), Roussel (1930, p. 193), Levi (1945, p. 301), Guarducci (1951, pp. 339–341), Murakawa (1957, p. 392), Kelly (1977, pp. 131–133), and Beaufils (2000).
- 24.
1
ʾΕπι τονδεονὲν δαμιοργόντον τὰ ἐ
[ν] Ἀθαναίιας ἐπ[ο]ιƑέθε ταδέν. Τὰ ποιƑέ
ματα καὶ τὰ χρέματα τε καὶ τὸν […]
ἀ[νέθεν] ταῖ Ἀθαναιίαι ταῖ Πολιιάδι.
5
Συλεύς τε τοῖσι χρέμασι τοῖσι χρεστερ
καὶ ʾΕράτυιιος ιίοσι τοῖσι τᾶς θιιο μὲ χρέ
και Πολύτορ [σ]θο Ƒhεδιέστας [ἐ]χθὸς
και ʾΕξάκεστο[ς] το τεμένος το τᾶς Ἀ[θαν]
και Ηαγι[…] [αίιας] τᾶς Πολιιάδος. δαμόσ
10
και ʾΕρύο[ιρος] ιον δὲ χ[ρ]όνσθο προ[…]
αἰ δὲ σίναιτο, ἀφ[α]κεσ
άσθο, οῖζ δὲ δαμιο[γός ἐπ]α[να]νκασσάτο
ο δ᾿ἀμφίπολος μελεταινέτο τούτον.
- 25.
Jeffery (1961, p. 168, No. 9).
- 26.
On money in Classical Age, see von Reden (2012).
- 27.
Concerning the origin of coinage: Martin (1996), Kagan (1982), Maffi (1979), Lombardo (1979), Holle (1978), Hackens (1977), Grierson (1977), Parise (1973), Parise (1970), Price (1968), Kraay (1964), Cook (1958), Will (1954, 1955), and Robinson (1951, 1956). See also Metcalf (2016), Liard (2009), and Seaford and Seaford (2004).
- 28.
- 29.
Laum (1924).
- 30.
Regling (1930, p. 486).
- 31.
Davies (2001).
- 32.
- 33.
Davies (2001, pp. 117–128).
- 34.
General works on temple inventory lists: Tréheux (1965), Lewis (1986), Costabile (1987), Koepfler et al. (1988), Linders (1988), Vickers (1990), Hamilton (2000), and Dignas (1998, b). On the inventories of the Athenian Acropolis: Harris and Cline (1995). See also: Ferguson (1932), Thompson (1964a, 1964b, 1965a, 1965d), Harris (1990–1991), Samons (1996, 1997), Sickinger (1999), Moroo (2003–2004; 2004), Kallet (2009) and Papazarkadas (2009).
- 35.
The most ancient inventory list comes from the Artemision at Ephesus and date back to 550 B.C. Found next to the foundations of the so-called Kroisos temple, the epigraph was drawn up by the treasurers on a silver tablet and recorded the golden and silver objects preserved in the temple (Jeffrey 1961, p. 362, no. 53). Subsequently, inventory lists are attested in a wide series of sanctuaries, such as Athens, the sanctuary of Hera at Samos, of Nemesis at Rhamnous, of Cabiri at Thebes, of Apollo and Athena at Halicarnassus, of Demeter and Kore at Eleusis, of Apollo at Miletus, at Ilion, Perge, Lindos, in Perean region, at Rhodes, etc.
- 36.
hοι ταμίαι ⋮ τὰ δὲ χαλκία ⋮ [—c.12-14— ἀνέθεσαν]
συνλέχσαντες ⋮ Διὸς κρατερ[όφρονι παιδί. ⋮ —c.8-10—]
Ἀναχσίον ⋮ καὶ Εὔδκιος καὶ Σ[—c.9-10— καὶ —c.9-10—]
καὶ Ἀνδ̣οκίδες ⋮ καὶ Λυσίμαχ̣[ος καὶ —c.8— καὶ —c.8—]
See Cavaignac (1908, p. 30), Ferguson (1932, p. 6, no. 1), Kirchner and Klaffenbach (1935, p. 9, no. 6), Jeffery (1961), and Threatte (1980, p. 2).
- 37.
- 38.
The first example of sacred expenses expressed in monetary terms is provided by the second temple of Apollo at Delphi, whose cost, according to Herodotus (Hdt. 2, 180) was about 300 talents (Aegina currency, since Delphi adopted the money circa 20 years later).
- 39.
Tréheux (1992).
- 40.
- 41.
- 42.
Roux (1984, pp. 153–171).
- 43.
Sassu (2014, pp. 228–231), with translation, commentary and bibliography.
- 44.
Allen (1971).
- 45.
The possibility that the allies’ tribute could be hoarded inside the Parthenon is suggested also by the Kallias Decrees (IG I2 52), as the documents state that the amount to pay back the debt of the Acropolis’ gods is composed, inter alia, by the hellenotamiai funds (on the tribute of the allies see French (1972, pp. 1–20; Giovannini 1990; Meritt 1972; Meritt et al. 1939–1953).
- 46.
Linders (1972).
- 47.
Linders (1975).
- 48.
“The tamiai of the Other Gods have to take the chremata from the epistatai and from the hieropoioi of the sanctuaries who administrated them up to now” (IG I3 52, ll. 18–19). On the Attic demes see Whitehead (2014).
- 49.
Lippolis and Sassu (2016).
- 50.
- 51.
Charalambos Kritzas (2006, p. 424).
- 52.
The inventory list IG XII 6, 1, 261 (fifth or fourth century B.C.) from the Heraion of Samos is particularly representative, as it describes a structure provided with multiple shelves, each of them containing a fixed amount of phialai, whose correspondent financial value is systematically weighted and expressed in drachmas—usually 900 drachmas for each rack. The recorded shelves are twenty-three, but the inscription is incomplete and probably further shelves were inventoried.
- 53.
Harris and Cline (1995).
- 54.
See the inscription over a fragmentary stele dating back to the first half of the third century B.C.: LSG, no. 155. Translation and commentary in Le Guen-Pollet (1991, no. 34).
- 55.
In Myrrinous, the priests were appointed by the deme to run the rental of lands, buildings and other real estates, and to fix the horoi delimiting the concerned properties, specifying which god owned the money granted in credit (IG II2 1183, ll. 27–32). The accounts of financial resources of the Nemesis sanctuary at Rhamnous, administrated by the hieropoioi, are an exemplary case study for the management of sacred loans in a fifth-century deme. Each year, the lists of the resources that were invested and used to generate a higher incomes, almost entirely invested in loans granted mostly to private citizens, were recorded (IG I3 248; the five years which the accounts refer to are probably not consecutive, but may date between 450 and 440 BC; see Finley 1952, 285, no. 43); it is generally assumed that the management of the cult and also of the finances of the Nemesis sanctuary at Rhamnous was carried out by the polis (Meiggs and Lewis 1969, no. 53; contra Boersma 1970, 78; Linders 1975, 13, no. 38).
- 56.
The heterogeneity of the funds collected by sacred areas is observable in several documented contexts, such as the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Eleusis, that forfeited fees from initiates, donations from worshippers, payments deriving from the ownership of agricultural lands, taxes over fishing. Such incomes made the treasure of the goddesses so consistent that it could lend money to Athens during economic hardships. Similarly, a decree of the Acarnian League (IG IX 1/2, 583. For the editio princeps see Habicht 1957, pp. 86–122) mentions, among the funds available for the functioning of Apollo sanctuary, the taxes collected at the harbor during the festivals in honor of the god. Moreover, taxes over the fishing of the murex or on ship traffic between Rheneia and Mykonos were levied by the temple of Apollo at Delos (Linders 1992b, p. 10).
- 57.
Offerings made to sanctuaries could include objects or money sums, but could also consist of huge donations, such as when Polykrates of Samos gifted the island of Rheneia to Delian Apollonion or when Nikias of Athens gifted the hippodrome area to the same sanctuary.
- 58.
For example, in the sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Eleusis, resources that had been previously collected in kind were sold out so to be monetized and the income thus generated could be used to create offerings to be kept in the sanctuary, as the First Fruits Decree of 420 B.C. indicates ([…] The hieropoioi […] will sell the barley and the wheat and are to dedicate dedications to the Two Goddesses […] (IG I3 78).
- 59.
Revenues from the possession of sacred land (hiera chora) and incomes deriving from its rental or from the sale of the agricultural products are widely attested in Asia Minor (Chankowski 2005, p. 83); among the most documented case studies it is worth mentioning the sanctuary of Zeus at Labraunda (Crampa 1969). Income deriving from tenure is also attested in other Hellenic regions, as indicated, for instance, by the decree dating back to the mid-fifth century B.C. from the Attic deme of Plotheia, reporting the revenues obtained through the rental of the sacred land, corresponding to 134 drachmas and 2 obols (IG I3 258. Analysis in Whitehead 1986). In the demes of Piraeus and Rhamnous, some decrees lay down general rules for the leasing of lands pertaining to a temenos (cf. IG II2 2498, a Piraeus decree dated to 321/320 [eponymous archon]; IG II2 2493, about the leasing of a temenos in Rhamnous, dating to 339/338, ll. 12–13; see also Jamenson 1982) and in the deme of Aixone a tax over the right of pasture, the ennomia, was levied (IG II2 1196, a large fragment of the assembly decree of Aixon, dating to 326/325 BC).
However, the management of sacred land is not homogenous and varies from place to place: certain lands could be exploited for economic purposes, such as in Athens (Arist. Politeia, 47) and some lands could not be cultivated in order not to incur into sacrilege (this is the case of the hiera land of Delphi).
- 60.
- 61.
- 62.
As far as confiscations are concerned, the sanctuary at Halicarnassus confiscated the properties of the insolvent debtors, that were sold and whose revenues were deposited as cash money inside the temple, as documented by an inscription, dated back to the end of the fifth century B.C., with the list of the buildings and other possessions that were sold, for a total of seven talents (Syll3 46, partic. ll. 1–65). Confiscations of properties belonging to those who did not pay fines are attested in relation to the sanctuary of Athena at Argos, too.
- 63.
- 64.
- 65.
With reference to the sanctuary of Athena over the Athenian Acropolis, the Kallias Decrees (IG I3 52), more than one century later, significantly declare that no amount exceeding 10.000 drachmas can be taken from the treasure of Athena without the authorization of the demos (side B, lines 14–16). The document makes it clear that public assets were, at a certain extent, not separated from divine ones, that could be managed by public officers in the interest of the city. The authorization to use divine properties had to be granted by public assemblies also in the cities of Myrrhinus, Delos, Amorgos, Ios, Kos, Lindos, Ephesus, Priene, Olymos. Moreover, the recording and measurement of the hiera chremata had to be carried out under the supervision of the polis’ authorities: the Kallias Decrees clearly indicates that the process involved the prytans, the logistai and the Boule; particularly, the weighting and inventorying had to be done in front of the latter. Similarly, the divine treasure at Delos, could be accessed only with the presence of the archon and of the prytans and, in some cases, of the Council. In addition, at Kos, the treasurers were controlled by the prostates.
- 66.
On Athenian finance in the Peloponnesian see Mattingly (1968, pp. 450–485).
- 67.
Thompson (1965c).
- 68.
In some cases, the management of revenues from quarries fell upon the sanctuary as well. For example, the hieròs of Herakles in Akris, together with the demarch, was in charge of the erection of inscribed stelai with the decrees concerning the leasing out of marble quarries whose proceeds were offered to the deity (SEG XXVIII 103, ll. 47–49).
- 69.
- 70.
Meiggs (1972, part. pp. 438–439).
- 71.
- 72.
Shipton (1997, pp. 396–422).
- 73.
Although a considerable number of bankers were ex-slaves, there were also citizen bankers such as the landed Aristolochus (Dem. 36, 49).
- 74.
Trevett (1992). The principal sources are Dem. 36, 45 and Isoc. 17.
- 75.
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Sassu, R. (2022). Some Observations on the Development of a Sacred Economy from the Archaic Age up to Hellenism. In: Frangipane, M., Poettinger, M., Schefold, B. (eds) Ancient Economies in Comparative Perspective. Frontiers in Economic History . Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-08763-9_16
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