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The Epigraphic Sources

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The Roman Empress Ulpia Severina

Part of the book series: Queenship and Power ((QAP))

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Abstract

Until today there has been very scant examination of the fourteen inscriptions in honor of Severina; indeed, they may even have been underestimated. However, a detailed examination of the epigraphic texts dedicated to the empress could provide additional valuable clues for the reconstruction of this figure, who is still, at times, rather evanescent. The inscriptions, some in Greek others in Latin, come from ancient Tunisia (one), Italy (six), Spain (one), Morocco (two), Aegean Sea (one), and Turkey (three), and document the titles of the Roman empress, which can be compared to those of Zenobia, the Palmyrene queen defeated by Aurelian in 272 AD.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Brief mention in Fuchs 1895, p. 937 (only four epigraphs); Homo 1904, pp. 141, footnote 4; 359–360 (eight inscriptions); Assandria 1921, p. 53 (seven epigraphs); Sotgiu 1961, p. 78 (twelve inscriptions); Estiot and Modonesi 1995, p. 10 (twelve epigraphs); Strobel 1998, pp. 123–124 (eleven inscriptions); Watson 1999, pp. 113–114; 252, footnote 60 (seven epigraphs, with erroneous evaluation of the titling); Perassi 2002, p. 337 and footnote 1 (twelve epigraphs); Ricciardi 2007, pp. 302–303, numbers twelve and duplicates the inscription from Augustum Semta (on which see infra). Concise but terse overview in Sotgiu 1975, pp. 1049–1050.

  2. 2.

    Perassi 2002, p. 337 and footnote 1: “a few short inscriptions … there are altogether twelve epigraphs”; Perassi 2014, p. 193: “a few epigraphs.”

  3. 3.

    Sotgiu 1961, pp. 77–79.

  4. 4.

    Cagnat 1893, pp. 222–223, no. 51 = CIL VIII 23114 = AÉ 1894, 59 = EDCS-24300167. See Babelon et al. 1893, section Djebel-Fkirine, feuille xlii, no. 9: “deux groupes de ruines: 1e sur la rive droite du Faïd-Dzemda, édifice rectangulaire de 50 mètres sur 40; construction voütée; murs de souténement le long du ruisseau; autour, débris de toute sorte; 2e sur la rive droite, deux édifices dont l’un, quadrangulaire, mesure 40 métres sur 30 (fortin byzantin); mausolée haut de 4 métres”; Dessau 1923, col. 1148; Mesnage 1912, p. 63; Lepelley 1981, pp. 154–155; Salama et al. 2010, p. 206.

  5. 5.

    On the meaning and use of this word see ThLL, s.v. coniux (coniunx/coiux), vol. 4, Leipsiae 1906–1909, coll. 341–344; Ernout and Meillet 1967, s.v. iung 11, p. 329; s.v. uxor, pp. 758–759; Fayer 1994, pp. 59–60, 2005a, p. 183, b, pp. 13–14; on the ideal claim of “equality,” at least epigraphically, in the use of the term coniux as opposed to uxor see Cenerini 2009, pp. 34; 71; 107; 112.

  6. 6.

    On this exception to the usual onomastic formula (L. Domitius Aurelianus) see Sotgiu 1961, p. 17.

  7. 7.

    Gundel 1953, pp. 140–141, noted how devotus Numini maiestatique eius—a formula linking the divine to the human—first appears under the Severans and then especially in the third and fourth centuries; see also Fishwick 2007, p. 249: “the final period goes back to the early III century, when the formula devotus Numini maiestatique eius/eorum, attested generally in the West but relatively often in Africa, became a standard formula, notably on the occasion of the dedication of imperial statues.”

  8. 8.

    On the municipium of Augustum Semta, see Pflaum 1970, p. 82.

  9. 9.

    Gascou 1982, pp. 296–297, no. 24. See Galsterer-Kröll 1972, p. 102, no. 37, who suggests dating the epigraph to 270/271 AD.

  10. 10.

    Callu 2000, p. 200.

  11. 11.

    Galsterer-Kröll 1972, pp. 69–70; 82 (Iulia Domna); 85 (Cornelia Salonina); Angelova 2015, p. 93.

  12. 12.

    CIL VIII 23115 = AÉ 1894, 58 = EDCS-24300168 = Last Statues of Antiquity-1886: Flavio Va/lerio Con/stantio / nobilissi/mo Caes(ari) / Aug(usto) Se/mte[nse]s / p[u]b(lice) / d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ecunia) p(ublica).

  13. 13.

    CIL VIII 23116 = ILS 8942 = EDCS-24300169 = Last Statues of Antiquity-1885: Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) Flavio Constan/tino Maximo Pio Fel(ici) / Invicto Augusto / pont(ifici) max(imo) Ger(manico) max(imo) / Sar(matico) max(imo) Brit(annico) max(imo) / Per(sico) max(imo) A(d)iab(enico) max(imo) / Med(ico) max(imo) Got(h)ico max(imo) / trib(unicia) pot(estate) X co(n)s(uli) IIII imp(eratori) VIIII / p(atri) p(atriae) procons(uli) / Annaeus Saturninus cur(ator) r(ei) p(ublicae) / devotus Numini eorum / inposuit d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ecunia) p(ublica).

  14. 14.

    Merlin 1944, no. 777 = Sotgiu 1961, p. 84, no. 15 = EDCS-08601002. Other inscribed texts also come from the same site: Merlin 1944, no. 778 = AÉ 1923, 28 = AÉ 1950, 57 = AÉ 2008, 16 = AÉ 2012, 1875 = EDCS-08601003; Merlin 1944, no. 779 = AÉ 2012, 1875 = EDCS-08601004 (on which see Poinssot Louis and Lantier 1923, pp. 197–201); Merlin 1944, no. 782 = EDCS-08601005.

  15. 15.

    Lepelley 1981, p. 155.

  16. 16.

    Sotgiu 1961, p. 30.

  17. 17.

    CIL VIII 4877 = ILAlg-01, pp. 123–124, no. 1269 = ILS 585 = EDCS-13001119 from Thubursicu Numidarum in Africa Proconsularis: Deo Aureli|ano r(es) p(ublica) c(oloniae) | T(h)u(bursicensis); ILLimisa 8 = AÉ 2004, 1680 = EDCS-33500456, da Limisa in Africa Proconsularis: [Deo(?) Au]reliano | [municip]ium Septimi|[um Aure]lium Limi|[sa] d(ecreto) d(ecurionum) p(ecunia) p(ublica); CIL II 14, 317 = CIL II 3832 = ELST 22 = IRSAT 31 = EDCS-09100348, from Sagunto in Hispania Citerior: Deo | Aureli|ano; CIL II 14, 19 = CIL II 3738 = CIL II 14, 13 = IRVT-01, 22 = IRVT-02, 17 = IRVT-02, 24 = Alföldy 2002, p. 257 = Hispania Epigraphica 2002, 536 = Hispania Epigraphica 2009, 461 = AÉ 2002, 851 = AÉ 1938, 24 = AÉ 1972, 284 = EDCS-09100020, from Valentia in Hispania Citerior: L(ucio) Dom(itio) Aureli|ano deo | Valentini | veterani | et veteres || [[Imp(eratori) Caesari [M(arco)]]] | [[A[ur(elio) A]n[tonin]o]] | [[P[io] F[el(ici)] Aug(usto) p(ontifici) m(a ximo)]] | [[t[r(ibunicia)] p[o]t(estate) I[I co(n)s(uli)] p(atri) p(atriae)]] | [[proco(n)[s(uli)] Valen]]|[[tini veteran(i)]] | [[et vete[r(es)]]] | [[[ex] d(ecreto) d(ecurionum)]].

  18. 18.

    See RIC V 1, pp. 258; 299, Serdica 305–306. See Taeger 1956, pp. 182–195, 1960, p. 447: the titles deus and dominus would not signify real deification but rather “eine Art der Überhöhung in die göttliche Sphäre”; unlike Wienand 2015, pp. 63–99, who saw evidence of the growing deification of the emperor at the dawn of Late Antiquity.

  19. 19.

    Callu 2000, p. 199, footnote 60: “son Augustat peut avoir été dû à la naissance d’une fille que lui reconnaît l’HA, Aurel. 50, 2.”

  20. 20.

    SupplIt, 11, 1993, p. 32, no. 5 (M. Chelotti) = AÉ 1993, 504 = EDCS-10800005.

  21. 21.

    AÉ 1989, 00192 = AÉ 1993, 500 = EDCS-06100148. See SupplIt, 11, pp. 27–29, no. 1 (M. Chelotti): “the association of the cult of Magna Mater, Cybele, and the goddess Syria, fertile mother of men and gods, have the same attributes, are considered sisters … and are iconographically similar”; Petraccia Lucernoni and Traverso 2002, p. 246; Hemelrijk 2015, p. 47.

  22. 22.

    Chieco Bianchi Martini 1965, pp. 227–231; see Stazio 1964, especially p. 176; Donvito 20033 (1988), pp. 42; 143, fig. 102; Silvestrini 2000, pp. 193–205.

  23. 23.

    Chieco Bianchi Martini 1965, pp. 227–231; Stazio 1964, p. 176; Donvito 20033 (1988), p. 146.

  24. 24.

    Strabo 6, 3, 7 C 282: δύο δέ εἰσι, μία μὲν ἡμιονικὴ διὰ Πευκετίων, οὓς Ποιδίκλους καλοῦσι, καὶ Δαυνίων καὶ Σαυνιτῶν μέχρι Βενεουεντοῦ, ἐφ’ᾗ ὁδῷ Ἐγνατία πόλις, εἶτα Καιλία καὶ Νήτιον καὶ Κανύσιον καὶ Ἑρδωνία, “there are two routes [the Minucia and the Appia] that start from Brentesion: the first is a mule track that passes through the territory of the Peucetians called Pedicli and then through that of the Daunians and Samnites until it reaches Beneventum. On this route is the city of Egnatia and then Celia, Netium, Canusium and Herdonia.”

  25. 25.

    Degrassi 1946–1947, pp. 167–183; Uggeri 1983, p. 234.

  26. 26.

    Itin. Burdig. 609, 12–16; see Miller 1916, col. 220.

  27. 27.

    Uggeri 1983, p. 242; Donvito 20033 (1988), pp. 65–67.

  28. 28.

    Donvito 20033 (1988), p. 141.

  29. 29.

    On the sources regarding the location of Allifae, see the discussion in Camodeca et al. 2015, pp. 7–18, in which, however, the epigraph of Severina is not mentioned.

  30. 30.

    CIL IX 2327 = ILS 587 = Allifae 14 = Costarella and Isabella 2006, p. 323 = AÉ 2006, 360 = EDR113024 (G. Corazza) = EDCS-12401838; see Parma and Soldovieri 2020, pp. 76–77, no. 4.

  31. 31.

    CIL IX 2329; see Peachin 1990, p. 433 (see Watson’s review in the book 1992, pp. 298–299); Costarella and Isabella 2006, pp. 324–325; CIL IX Suppl., pars I, pp. 905–906 (M. Buonocore); Parma and Soldovieri 2020, pp. 76; 78, no. 5. Umberto Soldovieri—who I thank for the indication—noted that the support in the early imperial age had originally been used for an honorary epigraph of a local personage, that the surface has been largely erased, and that the text, still unpublished, is barely legible below that for Probus.

  32. 32.

    CIL IX 2328 = Allifae 15 = EDR136015 (G. Camodeca) = EDCS-12401839.

  33. 33.

    Camodeca 1971, p. 132.

  34. 34.

    CIL IX 2339 = Allifae 25: Q(uinto) [T]arronio / Q(uinti) f(ilio) Fab(ia) Feli/ci Dextro / c(larissimo) v(iro) / aed(ili) curuli / designato / collegium / fabrum / tignuarior(um) / patrono; on dendrophori, college of priests who, in honor of the Magna Mater, carried pine stems symbolizing Attis in a solemn procession, see Marrocco 1951, pp. 106–107: Mater Deorum mesa / collegi de indroforum.

  35. 35.

    Caracciolo 2014–2015, pp. 64–66, no. 25. See Bianchi Bandinelli 1925, Tav. III, Sheet I (“in the corner formed by the traces of Roman walls [marked A] near Porta Lavinia”). CIL XI 2099 = EDR149857 (G. Caracciolo) = EDCS-22100253.

  36. 36.

    Caracciolo 2018, p. 109.

  37. 37.

    Caracciolo, Gregori 2017, pp. 147–160, in particular 149.

  38. 38.

    Assandria 1921, p. 52 = AÉ 1994, 636 = SupplIt. 12, 1994, pp. 49–50, no. 4 (with photograph) (G. Cresci Marrone) = EDR107084 (L. Lastrico) = EDCS-107000.

  39. 39.

    Vaschetti 2011, p. 166.

  40. 40.

    Pais 1884, p. 129, nos. 960 e 962 = SupplIt, 12, 1994, p. 46 (G. Mennella). See Fabretti 1880, pp. 67–71.

  41. 41.

    Pais 1884, p. 129, no. 961 = SupplIt, 12, 1994, pp. 46–47 (G. Mennella): [Furiae Sabiniae Tranquillinae] / [M(arci)] Anto[nii] / [Gordi]ani Pii / [Fel(icis)] Aug(usti) / [coniugi].

  42. 42.

    CIL V 7492 = SupplIt, 12, 1994, p. 46 (G. Mennella).

  43. 43.

    SupplIt, 12, 1994, p. 49, no. 3 (G. Cresci Marrone).

  44. 44.

    CIL XVI 155 = Pais 1884, p. 128, no. 957 = ILS 2010 = AÉ 2011, 40 = EDCS12300359 = SupplIt. 12, 1994, p. 46 (G. Mennella).

  45. 45.

    Vaschetti 2011, p. 166: “it is conceivable that … daily life continued, despite the uncertainty of the period, without any notable changes in the housing structures and sacred area. The mention of the college of decurions in the dedication to Ulpia Severina shows that the highest municipal magistracy was still active and able to take on ‘representative expenses,’ such as the white marble slab in honor of the Augusta, although it certainly was not easy for anyone, in times of economic crisis, insecurity, and inflation, to maintain such commitments.”

  46. 46.

    Giorcelli Bersani 2014, pp. 175–176.

  47. 47.

    Maffei 1749, p. cii, no. 5 = CIL V 3330 = Alföldy 1984, p. 129, no. 200 = EDCS04202376. See Sartori 1960, p. 250; Estiot and Modonesi 1995, pp. 9–10.

  48. 48.

    See Cavalieri Manasse 2018, pp. 41–83.

  49. 49.

    Aur. Vict. 28, 10: his actis filio urbi relicto ipse quamquam debili per aetatem corpore adversum Decium profectus Veronae cadit pulso amissoque exercitu; Eutrop. 9, 3: ambo deinde ab exercitu interfecti sunt, senior Philippus Veronae, Romae iunior; see Zosim. 1, 22, 2.

  50. 50.

    CIL V 3329 = ILS 544 = Horster 2001, pp. 98; 340, no. X 6, B = AÉ 1965, 113 = AÉ 2008, 264 = EDCS-04202375: Colonia Augusta Verona Nova Gallieniana. Valeriano II et Lucilio co(n)ss(ulibus) (!), muri Veronensium fabricati ex die III nonis Aprilium, / dedicati pr(idie) non(is) Decembris, iubente sanctissimo Gallieno Aug(usto) n(ostro), insistente Aur(elio) Marcellino, v(iro) p(erfectissimo), duc(e) duc(um), curante Iul(io) Marcellino, v(iro) e(gregio). On the identity of the two figures (dux ducum and vir egregius) and the new proposal for reading the inscription, see Buonopane 2008, pp. 125–136.

  51. 51.

    Forlati Tamaro 1973, p. 522.

  52. 52.

    Simoni 1973, vol. 2, pp. 267–276, in particular p. 273.

  53. 53.

    CIL V 29 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 43 = Alföldy 1984, pp. 78–79, no. 7 = EDCS04200029. See Girardi Jurkić 1983, p. 8.

  54. 54.

    CIL V 18 = CIL V 582, 2 = ILS 110 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 21 = EDCS04200018 (datable to AD 45): Romae et Augusto Caesari divi f(ilio) patri patriae; CIL V 23 = CIL V 582, 4 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 36 = Alföldy 1984, p. 77, no. 1 = EDCS-04200023 (datable between AD 14 and 31): Neroni Caesari / Germanici f(ilio) / Ti(beri) Augusti nep(oti) / divi Augusti pronep(oti) / [; CIL V 24 = Pais 1884, p. 222, no. 1091 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 37 = ILS 198 = Alföldy 1984, pp. 77–78, no. 2 = EDCS04200024 (datable to 37–41 AD): [Ti(berio) C]laudio / [Dru]si German(ici) f(ilio) / [Ner]oni Germanico / [augu]ri sodali Aug(ustali) / [sod]ali Titio co(n)s(uli). See in general Girardi Jurkić 2004, pp. 5–6.

  55. 55.

    CIL V 25 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 38 = Alföldy 1984, p. 78, no. 3 = EDCS04200025 (datable to AD 45): Ti(berio) Claudio / Drusi f(ilio) Caesar[i] / Augusto Germ(anico) / pontif(ici) max(imo) trib(unicia) pot(estate) V / imp(eratori) VIII co(n)s(uli) III desig(nato) / IIII p(atri) p(atriae); CIL V 26 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 40 = Alföldy 1984, p. 78, no. 4 = EDCS-04200026 (datable to 73 AD): [I]mp(eratori) Caesa[ri] / Vespasiano A[ug(usto)] / pontifici ma[x(imo)] / trib(unicia) pot(estate) IIII imp(eratori) [X] / p(atri) p(atriae) co(n)s(uli) IIII de[sig(nato) V]; CIL V 27 = CIL V 582, 5 = CIL X 1482 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 41 = Alföldy 1984, p. 78, no. 5 = EDCS-04200027 (datable to AD 198): Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) / L(ucio) Septimio Severo / Pio Pertinaci Aug(usto) / pont(ifici) max(imo) trib(unicia) p(otestate) VI / imp(eratori) XI co(n)s(uli) II p(atri) p(atriae) / M(arcus) Aurel(ius) Menophilus / ornatus iudicio eius / equo publ(ico) sacerdos / Tusculan(us) aedil(is) Polae / cum Menophilo patre / lib(erto) Augg(ustorum) nn(ostrorum) ex procurat(ore) / indulgentissimo / l(ocus) d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum); CIL V 28 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 42 = Alföldy 1984, p. 78, no. 6 = EDCS-04200028 (datable to 213 AD): Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) / M(arco) Aurelio / Antonino Pio Fel(ici) Aug(usto) / Part(hico) max(imo) Brit(annico) max(imo) pont(ifici) max(imo) trib(unicia) pot(estate) XVI / imp(eratori) II co(n)s(uli) IIII p(atri) p(atriae) proco(n)s(uli) / divi Severi fil(io) divi M(arci) Anto/nini nep(oti) divi Antonin(i) Pii / pronep(oti) divi Hadriani / abnep(oti) divi Traiani et / divi Nervae adnep(oti) / Magno Imperatori / d(ecreto) d(ecurionum); CIL V 30 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 44 = EDCS-04200030 (datable between 286 and 305 AD): [Imp(eratori) Cae]s(ari) M(arco) Aurelio / [Valerio] Maximia/[no Pio] Felici / [Invict]o Aug(usto) [; CIL V 31 = CIL V 582, 6 = CIL X 1483 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 45 = Alföldy 1984, p. 79, no. 8 = EDCS-04200031 (dated between 307 and 323 AD): Imp(eratori) C(a)esa(ri) [[Val(erio)]] / [[Liciniano Lici]]/[[nio]] Pio Felici / Invicto Aug(usto) / res p(ublica) Pol(ensium) d(evotus) N(umini) m(aiestatique) e(ius).

  56. 56.

    Girardi Jurkić 2004, pp. 6–13.

  57. 57.

    CIL V 203 = Forlati Tamaro 1947, no. 335 = Vermaseren 1978, pp. 99–100, no. 248 = EDCS-04200289.

  58. 58.

    Girardi Jurkić 2004, p. 16.

  59. 59.

    CIL II 14, 2, 927 = Alföldy 1975, no. 87 (e tav. lxvii, 3) = Serra Vilaró 1928, pp. 97–98, no. 11 (e tav. liv, fig. 2) = AÉ 1930, 150 = AÉ 1938, 13 = EDCS-03400037.

  60. 60.

    Sotgiu 1961, p. 31.

  61. 61.

    The inscription is engraved within a frame in an inverted position (CIL II 14, 1329 = Alföldy 1975, no. 457 = EDCS-03400156): C(aio) Clodius / Charitoni / L(ucius) Gavius / Servatus / amic(o) opt(imo). See Ruiz de Arbulo Bayona 1990, p. 134; Panzram 2002, p. 90; Gutiérrez Garcia 2011, pp. 327; 337 and footnote 11.

  62. 62.

    Hotalen 2020, p. 82, footnote 193.

  63. 63.

    On the use of this adjective in the epigraph from Tarraco see Mayer 1993, p. 169: Clauss 1999, p. 277; Berrens 2004, p. 123 and footnote 331.

  64. 64.

    Harvey 2004, p. 49 and footnote 16, noted how in the context of the rare use of piissimus for Augusti between the third and fourth centuries, the case of Ulpia Severina piissima represents an exception; other piissimi imperatores were Trebonianus Gallus and Volusianus (AÉ 1973, 275; 1979, 302), Diocletian (CIL VI 40715; AÉ 1990, 865), Constantine (AÉ 1969/1970, 695), Licinius (AÉ 1961, 88), the sons of Constantine (CIL VI 40769), Julian (AÉ 1924, 71), Jovian (AÉ 1901, 197), Valentinian, and Theodosius (AÉ 1972, 66).

  65. 65.

    PIR2 A 1217, s.v. M. Asidonius Verus Faventinus, p. 243; PLRE I, s.v. M. Asidonius Verus Faventinus 2, p. 325. On the correlation between the Latin expression a studiis and the Greek expression ἐπὶ τῆς παιδείας, attested by an epigraph of Rome in the age of Hadrian (IG XIV 1085 = IGRR I 136 = IGUR I 62: ἀρχιερεῖ Ἀλεξανδρείας καὶ Αἰγύ-|πτου πάσης Λευκίωι Ἰουλίωι Οὐηστί-|νωι καὶ ἐπιστάτηι τοῦ Μουσείου καὶ | ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν Ῥώμηι βιβλιοθηκῶν Ῥωμαι-|κῶν τε καὶ Ἑλληνικῶν καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς παι-|δείας Ἁδριανοῦ τοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος καὶ ἐπι-|στολεῖ τοῦ αὐτοῦ Αὐτοκράτορος [- - -]), see Magie 1905, pp. 30; 72.

  66. 66.

    Strobel 1998, p. 124.

  67. 67.

    Ricciardi 2007, pp. 288–289. A mention of the use of the term domina in this inscription for Severina can also be found in Eck 2017, p. 1.

  68. 68.

    CIL III 14192,12 = AvPergamon 16 = AÉ 1903, 150 = EDCS-30200375 from Pergamum, dating from 211 onward, since she is referred to as “mother of Augustus”: Iuliae Aug(ustae) matri Aug(usti) / et castrorum et senatu‹s=I› / et patriae domina[e] / suae / Romanius Montan[us] / proc(urator) Aug(usti) famil(iarum) glad(iatoriarum); CIL VI 2149 (p. 3295, 3826) = CIL XV 7125 = TermeDiocleziano-01, p. 311 = EDCS-18100866, from Rome, dating from 195 to 217: Iuliae Au/g(ustae) dominae / matri cas(trorum) / it(us) im(m)unis; CIL VI 1872 = ILS 7266 = Tedeschi Grisanti and Solin 2011, p. 289 = EDCS-18100688, from Rome dated to 206 AD: Ti(berio) Claudio Esquil(ina) Severo / decuriali lictori patrono / corporis piscatorum et / urinator(um) q(uin)q(uennali) III eiusdem corporis / ob merita eius / quod hic primus statuas duas una / Antonini Aug(usti) domini n(ostri) aliam Iul(iae) / Augustae dominae nostr(ae) s(ua) p(ecunia) p(osuerit) / una cum Claudio Pontiano filio / suo eq(uite) Rom(ano) et hoc amplius eidem / corpori donaverit HS X mil(ia) n(ummum) / ut ex usuris eorum quodannis / natali suo XVII K(alendas) Febr(uarias) / sportulae viritim dividantur / praesertim cum navigatio sca/pharum diligentia eius adquisita / et confirmata sit ex decreto / ordinis corporis piscatorum / et urinatorum totius alv(ei) Tiber(is) / quibus ex s(enatus) c(onsulto) coire licet s(ua) p(ecunia) p(osuerunt) // Dedic(ata) XVI K(alendas) Sept(embres) Nummio Albino et Fulvio Aemiliano co(n)s(ulibus) / praesentibus / Iuventio Corneliano et / Iulio Felicissimo / patronis / quinquennalib(us) / Claudio Quintiano et / Plutio Aquilino / curatorib(us) / Aelio Augustale et / Antonio Vitale et / Claudio Crispo.

  69. 69.

    CIL VI 40679a = CIL VI 1079, from Rome, dated between 218 and 222: [Imp(eratori) Caesari M(arco) Au]relio Antonino Invicto Pio Felici Augusto / [indulgentissimo] ac super omnes principes fortissimo / [et Maesae Aug(ustae) domi]nae suae et Iuliae Aug(ustae) matri eius dominae nostr(ae) / [.

  70. 70.

    CIL XV 7336 = EDCS-37900531, from Rome dated between 222 and 235: D(ominae) n(ostrae) Iuliae Mam(a)eae A[ug(ustae)] / [Po]lychronius Aug(usti) lib(ertus) fec(it) / VIIII; CIL III 13724 = ILBulg, no. 264 = Lungarova 2012, no. 263 = Sharankov 2020, pp. 315–316, no. 2 = EDCS-29601659, from Beklemeto in Moesia Inferior, datable to 234 AD: [I(ovi)] O(ptimo) M(aximo) / [c]eterisqu[e] di{i}s / deabusq(ue) Geni[o] loc[i] / huiusce praesid[i]/[bu]s Haemi montis / ob felicissimum a[d]/ventum do[mini n]o[s]/[tr]i M(arci) [Aureli] [[Seve]]/ [r]i A[l]e[xandri]]] Pii / [Fe]licis Invicti San[c]/[t]issimi Augus[ti et] / [d]om[inae nostrae [[Iuli]]/[[ ]ae Avitae(?) Mamaeae]]] / Sanctissimae Augus/[t]ae C(aius) Quintus Decius / [v(ir)] c(larissimus) leg(atus) Aug(usti) pr(o) pr(aetore) provinciae / [Mo]es(iae) inf(erioris) [[c[a]n[d]i[datus Aug(usti?)]]] / [Max]imo II et Urbano [co(n)s(ulibus)].

  71. 71.

    CIL II 7, 258 = CIL II 2200 = ILS 552 = AÉ 2016, 753 = EDCS-09000274, from Cordova in Baetica, dated between 255 and 259: D(ominae) n(ostrae) Corneliae Saloninae / Aug(ustae) coniugi d(omini) n(ostri) / Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris) P(ubli) Licini Gallieni / Pii Fel(icis) et Invicti Aug(usti) / Dacici maximi Germanici / maximi trib(unicia) potest(ate) IIII / co(n)s(ulis) III imp(eratoris) III p(atris) p(atriae) proco(n)s(ulis) / provinciae Baeticae devota / Numini maiestatiq(ue) eius / COR[; Hispania Epigraphica 2001, 251 = EDCS-28701504, from Cordova in Baetica: [D(ominae) n(ostrae) Corneliae Salo]/[ninae] Aug(ustae) c[oniugi d(omini) n(ostri)] / Imp(eratoris) Caes(aris) Pub(li) Licini Gallien[i] / Pii Felicis Invicti Aug(usti) / res publica Cord(ubensium) / devota / Numini maiestatiq(ue) / eius.

  72. 72.

    CIL III 13661 = ILS 8932 = EDCS-31300275, from Apamea Cibotus, in the province of Asia, dated between 311 and 313: D(ominae) n(ostrae) Gal(eriae) Valeriae / sacratissimae / ac piissimae Aug(ustae) / matrique castro/rum / [Va]l(erius) Diog.

  73. 73.

    Chatelain 1934, p. 174, no. 4 = Euzennat et al. 1982, p. 101, no. 106 = AÉ 1934, 44 (see AÉ 1942/1943, 115) = EDCS-08800090. See Labory 2003, p. 44, no. 106, where on l. 7 Banasitanorum is preferred rather than Banasensium.

  74. 74.

    On the use of the expression respublica Banasitanorum in third-century official epigraphs, see Hamdoune 1999, p. 306 and footnote 24.

  75. 75.

    Bravo Jiménez and Fernández Uriel 2015, pp. 739–747.

  76. 76.

    For an overview of activities see Alaioud 2004, pp. 1899–1911. For a comprehensive study on Banasa, see the monographs by Thouvenot and Luquet 1951; Thouvenot 1954.

  77. 77.

    Euzennat et al. 1982, p. 99, no. 103 = Labory 2003, p. 44, no. 103 = AÉ 1942/1943, 113 = EDCS-08800087 (datable to 250 AD): Imp(eratori) [Caes(ari) C(aio) Mes]/sio Q(uinto) [Traiano] / Decio [P(io) F(elici) Aug(usto) p(ontifici) m(aximo)] / proco(n)s(uli) / trib(unicia) p[ot(estate) - - - co(n)s(uli) - - - res] / publ(ica) Ba/[nasit(anorum)] / [devota Numini] / [maiestatiq(ue) eius]; Euzennat et al. 1982, pp. 99–100, no. 104 = Labory 2003, p. 44, no. 104 = AÉ 1934, 43 = AÉ 1942/1943, 114 = EDCS-08800088: Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) / M(arco) Aur(elio) C/[laudio] / Pio Fel(ici) Invicto / Aug(usto) pont(ifici) / maximo [tribun(iciae)] / potestatis [- - -] / co(n)s(uli) proc[o(n)s(uli)] / res publ(ica) Banasit(ana) / devota Numini ma/iestatiq(ue) [eius]; Euzennat et al. 1982, p. 100 had put forward the hypothesis of an addition to l. 2 of C[arinus] or C[aro], but Rebuffat 1992, p. 447, categorically ruled out both hypotheses.

  78. 78.

    Alaioud 2008, p. 549: “Ulpia Severina est honorée par la ville de Banasa dévouée à sa puissance divine.”

  79. 79.

    Alaioud 2008, pp. 556; 558, tab. 2.

  80. 80.

    ILAfr, p. 181, no. 617 = ILM, p. 25, no. 79 = Euzennat et al. 1982, pp. 260–261, no. 409 = Labory 2003, p. 70, no. 409 = Volubilis 52 = EDCS-08800369. See also Mastino 1987, table XXII.

  81. 81.

    See Lenoir et al. 1986, pp. 208–209, who, however, rejected the identification of the area with a macellum.

  82. 82.

    Euzennat et al. 1982, pp. 247–248, no. 387 = ILAfr no. 613 = ILM no. 69 = Labory 2003, p. 67, no. 387 = Volubilis 35 = AÉ 1916, 89 = EDCS-08800348 (196 AD): … Iuliae Domnae Aug(ustae) matri castrorum; Euzennat et al. 1982, p. 316, no. 503 = Labory 2003, pp. 82–83, no. 503 = EDCS-08800449 (Iuli[ae] / [Aug(ustae)); see Rebuffat 1992, p. 463, no. 503, where a date between AD 199 and 201 can be hypothesized based on Caracalla’s tribunicia potestas; CIL VIII 9993 = CIL VIII 9996 = CIL VIII 10950 = CIL VIII 10951 = LBIRNA 459 = LBIRNA 460 = Volubilis 37 = Volubilis 38 = CIL VIII 21828 = CIL VIII 21851 = CIL VIII 21852 = ILAfr no. 608 = ILM no. 70 = ILM no. 71 = Euzennat et al. 1982, pp. 250–251, no. 390 = Euzennat et al. 1982, pp. 251–252, no. 391 = Labory 2003, p. 67, no. 390 = Labory 2003, pp. 67–68, no. 391 = AÉ 1916, 100 = AÉ 2013, 116 = EDCS-59100083 (216–217 AD): Iuliae Aug(ustae) Piae Fel]ici matri / [Aug(usti) et c]astrorum et senatus et patriae; on the shrewd use of the titles of Iulia Domna as guardian of the dynastic succession of Caracalla see Zurutuza, Kuz 2012, pp. 2499–2502; Euzennat et al. 1982, p. 255, no. 398 = Labory 2003, p. 69, no. 398 = Volubilis 42 = AÉ 1936, 39 = EDCS-08800359 (218–222 AD): [[Iuliae Sohaemi]]/ [[ae Bassianae]] / [[Aug(ustae) matri Augus]]/[[ti nostri]]; Euzennat et al. 1982, p. 256, no. 400 = Labory 2003, p. 69, no. 400 = Volubilis 44 = AÉ 1936, 40 = AÉ 1937, 24 = EDCS-08800361: [[Anniae Fausti]]/[[nae]] Aug(ustae) [[coniug]]/[[gi Aug(usti) n(ostri)]] et matri / Caesaris n(ostri); Euzennat et al. 1982, pp. 257–258, no. 403 = Labory 2003, p. 70, no. 403 = Volubilis 46 = EDCS-08800364 (222–235 AD): [Iu]liae Mam(a)e/ae Piae Felici / Augustae matri / Aug(usti) n(ostri); ILM no. 73 = EDCS-11901030: [Iu]liae Mam[a]eae / Piae Felici / Augustae matri / Aug(usti) n(ostri); Euzennat et al. 1982, p. 260, no. 407 = ILAfr no. 615 = ILM no. 77 = Labory 2003, p. 70, no. 407 = Volubilis 50 = EDCS-08800367 (255–258 AD): Co[rneliae Saloni]nae / Aug(ustae).

  83. 83.

    CIG II 2349o (where we read at l. 1 [Τ]ὴν [ἐπι]φα[ν]εστάτην unlike Le Bas 1839, p. 91, no. 177, who had integrated Τὴν εὐσεβεστάτην and at l. 3 [Ο]ὐ[λπ.], unlike PH 78093, where Αὐρ. is found) = IG XII 5, 748. See Sotgiu 1961, p. 79; Sotgiu 1975, p. 1049; Petrochilos 2010, p. 151, no. 86 (with bibliography therein). On 23.12.2021, I inquired about the whereabouts of the document from Prof. Nikolaos Petrochilos, Minister of Culture and Sport and scholar of the epigraphic material of Andros, who, on 25.12.2021, promptly and courteously replied to me that he had always searched for this inscription in vain and that perhaps, left in the place of its discovery, it might have been lost. This last piece of information was confirmed (by e-mail reply dated 31.12.2021, prot. no. 605189/13-12-21) by Dr. Eleni Kalavria, archeologist at the Ephorate of Antiquities of the Cyclades, who, despite the search carried out in the archives and storerooms of the Museum of Andros, was unable to find the epigraph.

  84. 84.

    On the form Αὐγούστη, a “cast” rarely used in place of Σεβαστή, see Magie 1905, pp. 35; 69. The American scholar, as is well known, had identified three distinct possibilities of rendering Roman institutions into Greek: (1) per comparationem, that is, when a term, already existing within Greek law, is transferred to a Roman institution with a similar or equivalent meaning; (2) per translationem, that is, when Latin expressions are reproduced in Greek by means of a literal translation and mostly through terms with the same basic meaning; and (3) per transcriptionem, that is, when the Latin word is simply reproduced in Greek letters in the form of a graphic “cast”: Magie 1905, p. 2; see also Famerie 1998, pp. 57–60.

  85. 85.

    CIL III 14191 = OGIS 519 = IGRR IV 598 = Riccobono 19412, no. 107 = MAMA X 114 = Petition p. 145 = Freis 19942, 145 = AÉ 1898, 102 = AÉ 1898, 128 = EDCS30000349 (da Altintaş). See Magie 1905, p. 69, 1974, p. 49. Similarly mention can also be made of bilingual milestones from Magnesia (AD 200/201: McCabe 1991a, no. 297 = PH260738) and from Stratonicea (AD 201, McCabe 1991c, no. 92 = PH262605), in which the same correspondence occurs.

  86. 86.

    Paton 1900, pp. 79–80, no. 10a-b = AÉ 1900, 145 = SEG 30, 1379 = McCabe 1991b, no. 30*3 = Blümel 2019, pp. 160–161, no. 592. See Robert 1980, pp. 328–329 (with a photo of the apographs).

  87. 87.

    On the multiple nuances present in the Greek language to indicate the female partner of the couple (in addition to γυνή, also ἄλοχος, “bed partner,” in reference to the intimate sphere; σύμβιος, “life partner,” in connection with everyday life; and δάμαρ, “wife,” in the more formal sense of the civil status of spouse) see Cassia 2017, p. 80.

  88. 88.

    CIL III 472 = CIG II 3179c-e = IGRR IV 1482c = SEG 17, 521= French 2014, pp. 119–123, no. 057A (2). We follow the integration of ll. 3–5 proposed by Petzl 1982, pp. 294–296, no. 815b.

  89. 89.

    Kienast, Eck, Heil 20176, p. 225; Sotgiu 1961, p. 31. A parallel can be established with a milestone of Philip the Arab and Otacilia Severa dated to 244 and from Scupi in Moesia Superior (IMS VI 198 = AÉ 1984, 758 = EDCS-11201381: Imp(eratori) Caes(ari) / M(arco) Iul(io) Philip/po P(io) F(elici) Invic/to Aug(usto) Parth(ico) / max(imo) trib(unicia) / p[o]t(estate) et Otaci(liae) / S{s}eve(rae) Aug(ustae) / m(ille) p(assus).

  90. 90.

    Sotgiu 1961, pp. 50; 53–54. Another aspect concerns the abundance of milestones coming from African provinces (Numidia, Africa Proconsularis and Mauretania Caesariensis), a fact that was certainly not accidental but of unclear interpretation, perhaps attributable to an increase in vigilance in areas of the Empire considered to be particularly turbulent: Sotgiu 1961, pp. 47; 56; Watson 1999, p. 154.

  91. 91.

    Petzl 1982, pp. 294–296, no. 815a, c-d = French 2014, pp. 119–123, no. 057A (1, 3–4) (with extensive bibliography therein).

  92. 92.

    Kalinka 1926, Beibl. col. 133, no. 29 = AÉ 1927, 81 = Sayar 1998, pp. 197–198, no. 13. On the double neokoros title of the city indicated in the epigraph for Severina see Schönert 1965, p. 46; Burrell 2004, p. 242; Raycheva 2015, p. 29.

  93. 93.

    Strobel 1998, p. 124; different from Estiot 2005, p. 164: “Divine Victoire.”

  94. 94.

    Ricciardi 2007, p. 289. Aurelian is defined victoriosus Augustus (CIL XI 1214), [fortis]simus et victoriosissimus princeps (CIL VI 1112), [sa]nctissim[us et] super omn[es pr]incipes vic[toriosis]simus (CIL XI 3878), perpetuus victoriosissimus indulgentissimus imp. (CIL VIII 10177; VIII 10205; VIII 10217 = ILS 578). Among the numerous cognomina ex virtute attributed to the emperor are those of Germanicus maximus (received in 270 or at the latest in 271, following their victories over the Juthungi: see Rambaldi 2006, pp. 207–235), Gothicus maximus (in the last months of 271) and Parthicus maximus (certainly in 272, after winning over the Parthians allied with Zenobia), who are respectively reflected in the coin legends VICTORIA GERMANICA, VICTORIA GOTHIC(A) and VICTORIA PARTHICA: Sotgiu 1961, pp. 18–19; 22–24. On the ideological use of the title perpetuus in African milestones see Daguet 1992, pp. 173–186.

  95. 95.

    PLRE I, s.v. Ulpia Severina 2, p. 830.

  96. 96.

    Angelova 2015, pp. 198; 341, nota 89. For the assimilation of Augustae to deities see Mikocki 1995, above all pp. 83; 125–126; 128; 130; 146. On the subject in general see also Wrede 1981, pp. 31–63.

  97. 97.

    Watson 1999, p. 187. See Angelova 2015, pp. 198 (Victoria/Νίκη); 304, footnote 112 (mater patriae); 338, footnote 19 (mater castrorum); 341, footnote 89 (Victoria/Νίκη); 355, footnote 8 (PIA FELIX on the coins); and 342, footnote 91 (mater castrorum).

  98. 98.

    Watson 1999, pp. 183–188.

  99. 99.

    IG XII 4, 2, 1004. See also Kaniotis 2015, p. 26.

  100. 100.

    Burns 2007, p. 235.

  101. 101.

    See the Diccionario Griego-Español online (http://dge.cchs.csic.es/xdge/ἀήσσητος); Leopold 1852, s.v. ἀήσσητος, p. 17: “invictus”; s.v. ἀνίκητος, p. 82: “invictus.”

  102. 102.

    CIG III 4503b = IGRR III 1027 = IGRR III 1065 = OGIS 647.

  103. 103.

    On the title of clarissima/λαμπροτάτη given to Zenobia, see Gnoli 2017, pp. 67–99, especially pp. 69–70; in general, on the titling of Zenobia and Vaballathus, see Gallazzi 1975, pp. 249–265.

  104. 104.

    Philastr. divers. her. 64 Heylen 1957: Queen in the East; HA Aur. 27, 2: regina Orientis; Malal. 12, 26, p. 229 Thurn 2000: Σαρακηνὴ βασίλισσα; Phot. bibl. 265, p. 60 Henry 1977: τῶν Ὀσροηνῶν βασιλίς; Zon. 12, 27, vol. 3, p. 153 Dindorf 1870: Παλμυρηνῶν βασιλίσσα Ζηνοβία. The term regina may also be present in a Latin epigraph from Durostorum in Moesia Inferior (CIL III 12456 = IScM-04, 88 = AÉ 1891, 50 = EDCS31400081 = [I]mp(erator) Aure(lianus) vicit [reginam] / [Ze]nobiam inviso[sque tyrannos] / [inter Ca]rsium et Sucid[avam] / [delevit] Duros[torum] Aurel(ianum) [. The name of the Queen could also be found in an epigraph in Greek and Palmyrene, mutilated, engraved on a plumbea tessera from Antioch, preserved today in France at the Cabinet des médailles: CΕ[Π ΖΗΝΟΒΙ]Α Η ΒΑCΙΛΙCΑ: Equini Schneider 1993, p. 26. It is unclear whether Zenobia received the royal title only after her husband’s death or while Odenathus was still alive: Equini Schneider 1993, pp. 32–33.

  105. 105.

    CISem II, pp. 151–152, no. 3971 = Waddington 1870, p. 609, no. 2628 = IGRR III 1028 = OGIS 649 = Kalinka 1900, Beibl. coll. 24–25, no. 10 (who dates the milestone to between AD 267 e il 271) = Hillers and Cussini 1996, no. 317; see Equini Schneider 1993, p. 26; Sartre’s French translation is given from Palmyrene (Sartre and Sartre 2014, p. 280, no. 2): “pour le salut et la victoire de Septimius Vaballathus Athenodorus, le très illustre Roi des Rois et corrector (w’ pnrtt’) de tout l’Orient, fils de Septimius Odainath, Roi des Rois; et pour le salut de Septimia Bath-zabbai, la très illustre reine, mère du Roi des Rois, fille d’Antiochos. 14e mille.” On the Diocletian inscription, see Yon and Gatier 2009, no. 32 = AÉ 1921, 92 = EDCS-16201249: D(omino) n(ostro) / Aur(elio) Val(erio) Diocle[tiano] / col(onia) Pa[lmyra] / XIIII.

  106. 106.

    Kalinka 1900, Beibl. col. 25, no. 11 = IGRR III 1029 = OGIS 650. Sartre and Sartre 2014, p. 87; 280, no. 2, consider Zenobia to be “mère du roi fille d’Antiochos.” According to Sartre and Sartre 2014, p. 280, no. 3, another milestone, found on the Palmyra-Emesa road (a 30-minute drive from the previous one) and bearing the text βασιλέος [Δα]ρείου | βασιλέως [Σεπτ(ιμίου)] Ἀντιόχου (“of King Darius, of King Septimius Antiochus”), contains the name of Zenobia and could be integrated “[pour le salut de la très illustre reine Zénobie], mère du roi [fille d’]Antiochos.” The text is edited in Kalinka 1900, Beibl. col. 25, no. 12 (with apograph; see OGIS 651) and, according to the scholar, col. 26, dates to a time following the defeat of Palmyra in 272, when, after Aurelian’s return to Rome, a revolt of the Palmyrenians occurred, who killed the Roman commander Sandario and elected Antiochus as king, a relative of Zenobia; the uprising was suppressed with ruthless cruelty in 273. Another milestone (Waddington 1870, p. 609, no. 2629 = CIL III 6049 = CIL III 6727 = Thomsen 1917, p. 26, no. 39), also found on the Palmyra-Emesa road, reused in the Diocletian age and bearing the text ]G | [- - - -]Y | [- - - Dio]cletian | col(onia?) Palm(yra) | [… ρε … του … τιτοβ … Ἀντιόχου, according to Sartre and Sartre 2014, p. 280, no. 4, constitutes another fragmentary dedication to the “[… mère] du roi [fille d’Antiochos].”

  107. 107.

    The attribution of the title δέσποινα—equivalent to δεσπότης by which Odenathus is designated in another epigraph (Hillers and Cussini 1996, no. 291, AD 258)—may also be present in an inscription dedicated by Vorodes, an eminent personage of Palmyra, to the young prince Odenathus: IGRR III 1032; see Gawlikowski 1985, pp. 255–256, no. 10; Potter 1990, p. 385; Gnoli 2019, pp. 257–275. But see the serious perplexities of Gnoli 2007, p. 84, about the possible mention of δέσποινα in ll. 3–4, a reading deemed incompatible with the earlier reference to Vorodes.

  108. 108.

    IGRR III 1030 = ILS 8807 = Waddington 1870, pp. 603–606, no. 2611 = Cantineau et alii 1930, no. 20 = CISem II, pp. 119–120, no. 3947 = Yon 2012, no. 57. The text in Palmyrene reads “statue of Septimius Bath-zabbai, the illustrious and pious Queen …”: see Starcky and Gawlikowski 1985, p. 63.

  109. 109.

    Ricciardi 2007, pp. 293; 336: “the monetary reforms of 273–274 might be related to Severina’s appearance on coins and her new titulature, but there is no evidence that connects the two events. Aurelian’s decision to accord his wife the title may be a reaction to Zenobia’s self-proclamation as Augusta in 272. Perhaps as a means of establishing a contrast between the impropriety of Zenobia and the virtue of Ulpia Severina, Aurelian incorporated his wife into public imagery … Severina, on the other hand, played almost no role in Aurelian’s public imagery until the end of his reign. The empress did not appear on coins or inscriptions until 274, perhaps relegated to obscurity until Zenobia became a self-proclaimed Augusta in the east. When Severina did enter into the public forum, the imagery invoked traditional qualities of Roman women, again likely as a reaction to the power of Zenobia.”

  110. 110.

    Southern 2008, p. 119.

  111. 111.

    Estiot and Modonesi 1995, p. 10.

  112. 112.

    Waldron 2018, p. 180.

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Cassia, M. (2023). The Epigraphic Sources. In: The Roman Empress Ulpia Severina. Queenship and Power. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-28651-3_3

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