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A town mourns: A memorial for the victims of the Robb Elementary School mass shooting in Uvalde, Tex. F E AT U R E S 4 EDITORIAL 53 Letters B&AB O O K S 14 The Backlash Keep Hope Alive 54 Q&A the Against Sex Ed JOAN WALSH JOHN NICHOLS Linda Villarosa ARTS The latest front in the culture war. 5 COMMENT REGINA MAHONE 20 1,019... and Counting We can apply the lessons 40 40 The Zen Playboy of HIV to monkeypox. The life and times of Stewart Brand. GREGG GONSALVES MALCOLM HARRIS 6 COMMENT 40 Years Later 44 Intimacy at a Distance Recalling 1982’s nuclear The history of disarmament rally. teletherapy. LESLIE CAGAN COLUMNS DANIELLE CARR 7 COMMENT 8 Objection! 46 Resolution (poem) Disruptive Politics The Supreme Court rules CHASE BERGGRUN that an innocent person Democrats “clap for can be executed. 49 Office Space Tinkerbell” as the GOP rolls back rights. ELIE MYSTAL The surreal workplace of Severance. VANESSA WILLIAMSON 10 Subject to Debate VIKRAM MURTHI AND DANA R. FISHER The baby formula shortage is being used 50 Gender Essentialist 20 The Problem of the to shame women. Poem (poem) Supreme Court 14 KATHA POLLITT JOSHUA JENNIFER LOUIS MICHAEL SEIDMAN ESPINOZA 13 Deadline Poet It’s time to admit that the court has Cover illustration: done the country more harm than good. A Charitable View of BRIAN STAUFFER Queen Elizabeth’s... CALVIN TRILLIN 28 Giselle Goes to War 12 THE ARGUMENT “Fox News and right-wing 14 NICOLAS NIARCHOS We Owe It to politicians mainstreamed the notion Young People to Until the invasion is over, the arts in Listen to Them that supporters of comprehensive Ukraine remain on a war footing. MICHAEL M. SANTIAGO / GETTY IMAGES VONNE MARTIN ”sex education are ‘groomers.’ VOLUME The Nation (ISSN 0027-8378) is printed 26 times a year (two issues in January, February, March, April, June, July, August, September, November and December; and three issues in May and October) 3 by The Nation Company, LLC © 2022 in the USA by The Nation Company, LLC, 520 Eighth Avenue, New York, NY 10018; (212) 209-5400. Washington Bureau: Suite 308, 110 Maryland Avenue NE, 314 Washington, DC 20002; (202) 546-2239. Periodicals postage paid at New York, NY, and additional mailing offices. Subscription orders, changes of address, and all subscription inquiries: The Nation, PO Box 69, Lincolnshire, IL 60069-9815; or call 1-800-333-8536. Return undeliverable Canadian addresses to Bleuchip International, PO Box 25542, London, ON N6C 6B2. Canada Post: Publications NUMBER Mail Agreement No. 40612608. When ordering a subscription, please allow four to six weeks for receipt of first issue and for all subscription transactions. Back issues available online for $6.99 plus S&H from: shop.thenation.com. If the post office alerts us that your magazine is undeliverable, we have no further obligation unless we receive a corrected address within one year. The Nation is available on 13 microfilm from: University Microfilms, 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106. POSTMASTER: Send address changes to The Nation, PO Box 69, Lincolnshire, IL 60069-9815. Printed in the USA. JUNE JULY Read this issue on June 11 at TheNation.com—before anyone else. Activate your online account: TheNation.com/register 27 4 2022
E D I T O R I A L / J O H N N I C H O L S FOR THE NATION Keep Hope Aliveopelessness is the most powerful tool in the arsenal of a heartless gun industry and the National Rifle Association, which implements its deadly agenda. If Americans believe nothing can be done to save lives, then even the most well-intentioned citizens “move on” after each new massacre at a hschool, supermarket, hospital, or church. The NRA’s political puppets have mastered the art of muttering “thoughts and prayers” and then changing the subject before anyone objects. So, of course Texas Governor Greg Abbott was shocked when former El Paso congressman Beto O’Rourke interrupted a press conference at which the cynical Republican was making excuses for failing to take steps to prevent an 18-year-old gunman from slaughtering 19 children and two teach- Safety vice president Nick Suplina says “would cut ers at an elementary school in Uvalde. “You are doing nothing,” illegal guns off at the source by clearly defining O’Rourke told Abbott, the man he hopes to replace in November. who needs to be licensed to sell guns.” “You are offering up nothing. You said this was not predictable. This In the states, Democratic governors and legis- was totally predictable when you choose not to do anything.” lators can enact assault-weapon bans and gun li- O’Rourke’s intervention was a bracing antidote to a moment of censing measures. These are fights worth waging. despair. By calling out Abbott, he countered the rhetoric of hopeless- “We know gun licensing, supported by the major- ness that claims no meaningful action can be taken at a time when ity of Americans, makes a difference,” said Senator ever more horrific death tolls and backstories—like that of the racist Cory Booker (D-N.J.). “Heck, when Connecticut teenager who on May 14 murdered 10 Black people at a Buffalo did it, their gun violence rate fell 40 percent.” supermarket—are met with pundit-talk about “gridlock” on Capitol Where Democrats are in charge, legislatures can Hill and Supreme Court subservience to the gun industry. pass laws like one in New York that allows victims That industry feeds on frustration. It relies on a sense of power- of gun violence to sue gun dealers. And in Repub- lessness to maintain its deadly profiteering. But Americans do not lican “red states,” citizens can advance these mea- have to accept the lies that justify inaction. sures via ballot initiatives. “Let us finally do something,” President Undoubtedly, the right- Biden urged in a poignant June 2 speech call- The gun industry wing majority on the ing for Congress to raise the age for assault- relies on a sense of Supreme Court will con- weapon purchases, strengthen background tinue to upend many gun- checks, and enact red-flag laws. Connecti- powerlessness to control measures. But let’s cut Senator Chris Murphy, the Senate’s most maintain its deadly force the issue, in hopes that ardent gun-control advocate, asked his col- some laws will survive the leagues, “Why are you here, if not to solve a profiteering. high court’s judicial activism. problem as existential as this?” A handful of And let’s elect senators this Senate Republicans responded in apparent agreement. Now, the November who will fill upcoming judicial vacan- senator representing Sandy Hook says he’s engaged in bipartisan dis- cies with rational appointees, along with gover- cussions about approving at least some of the measures Biden men- nors who will stand up to the gun lobby. tioned, along with increased funding for mental health programs Elections, at the federal and state levels, remain and school safety. Murphy has to be wary of Republican attempts to the best tool for tackling gun violence. Over- use negotiations for PR purposes. He also has to build a coalition to whelming majorities of Americans favor back- overcome procedural barriers, as meaningful action will need to get ground checks, assault-weapon bans, and other around the filibuster. That won’t be easy, but Murphy’s right when measures that could have prevented the recent he says this is no time to “let the perfect be the enemy of the good.” massacres. What’s vital is to make gun violence a That does not mean, however, that Biden should stop pushing for front-line election issue—not a passing headline. the perfect. The president should create a federal Office of Gun Vi- To get the equation right, we need more candi- olence Prevention and order the Department of Health and Human dates like O’Rourke who refuse to let anyone tell 4 Services to step up efforts to address gun violence as a public health them there’s nothing to be done to prevent gun- matter. He can also issue an executive order that Everytown for Gun men from massacring fourth graders. N
T H E N AT I ON 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 CO M M E N T/ G R E G G G O N S A LV E S for us. Yet now they are strangely silent. 1,019... and June is LGBTQ Pride month in the US; these Counting celebrations are attended by hundreds of thousands. Monkeypox is not a gay disease. But our decades of experience And with summer coming, there will be parties ga- idealing with HIV gives us the chance to get things right this time. n march 1983, larry kramer published a piece lore. After more than two years of Covid-19 (which in the New York Native titled “1,112 and Count- ing”—a call to arms about a new virus circulat- is not done with us yet—we are in the midst of a ing among gay men in the United States. One thousand one hundred and twelve was the num- surge right now), many are looking forward to seeing ber of cases of this new disease, acquired immunodeficiency syndrome. Larry’s piece is a classic of what would remain his friends, socializing, and, yes, having sex. All of which over-the-top style from the AIDS epidemic right up until a few months before his death in the midst of another plague, Covid-19. He took aim provide ideal settings for monkeypox to spread. at everyone who might be implicated in the spread of the new disease, from New York’s City Hall to the National Institutes of Health, Con- Unlike Larry Kramer, who was often puritan- gress, and the White House—and then gay men themselves for sitting on their hands, ignoring the crisis, underplaying the risk of what was ical about gay men’s sex lives, I am not suggesting unfolding in real time. Larry was a friend, mentor, and tormentor (who once said he’d like everyone stay at home and remain celibate. But our to flush my head down a toilet), and I disagreed with him often. But I can’t help recalling his early cries in the wilderness on AIDS as we see LGBTQ and HIV/AIDS organizations must mount a new outbreak of infectious disease show up among gay men. This time we are dealing not with a novel virus but one that has long existed, an educational and informational campaign right flared up, and burned itself out in Central and West Africa. The current monkeypox outbreak includes 1,019 confirmed cases now—not later this summer—on how the disease is (and counting) at press time in 29 countries, and is occurring outside of those regions where the virus is endemic. The vast majority of these transmitted, its symptoms, how to seek testing and initial cases are among gay men and are tied to a Pride celebration in the Canary Islands, a sauna in Spain, and a festival in Antwerp. In the care should they suspect United States, thus far, there are 31 cases, primarily among gay men in nine states. To state the obvious: Monkeypox is not a gay disease— they’ve been exposed anyone can get it, as it is simply spread by close physical contact—but it has arrived in the LGBTQ community nonetheless. to the virus, and how to I have to turn Unlike 40 years ago, the CDC and other health organizations are minimize the risk of ex- already on the alert and responding to this new outbreak. While there posure to themselves and to our nation’s are, of course, things to criticize about the federal response, the first step is to seek out as many cases as possible as quickly as possible and others: for instance, by LGBTQ and get those infected into care (this time there are treatments!) and vacci- nate those potentially exposed (there are vaccines, too!), while ensuring avoiding social events if HIV/AIDS that the larger community at risk knows what is happening. they have a fever or a rash organizations Here, I have to take a page from the Kramer playbook and ask our (which should be a signal nation’s LGBTQ and HIV/AIDS organizations: What are you wait- for them to seek care). and ask: ing for? These organizations have been built for this moment. They have 40 years of history in dealing with HIV and other infectious And yes, minimizing What are you disease outbreaks among gay men—from syphilis and gonorrhea to drug-resistant staph infections to meningitis. They have decades of close physical contact is waiting for? experience in education and outreach, have shaped policy responses one key way to reduce to protect our rights during a pandemic, and have won many victories risk. We know from the AIDS epidemic that the gay community can effectively respond to infectious disease threats when it knows the stakes. In fact, HIV incidence rates in major US cities dropped well before HIV prevention programs ramped up in the mid-1980s. We were already organizing, sharing information, and educating one another before the professionals got involved. We can do it again now. Shutting down Gay Pride events and the sum- mer’s social activities will only drive people under- ground just when we need to build trust so people will come forward with symptoms or potential ex- posure. But those who run these events—and others who make millions off the LGBTQ community— need to step up. The advertising muscle of these big corporations can help get the word out about monkeypox; if you can sponsor a float in New York City’s Gay Pride parade, you can afford to give back to the community. Local businesses can also help by sharing information with their customers. We have to be all in to stop this outbreak. This isn’t 1983, and monkeypox is not AIDS. It is treatable, and unlike HIV infection in the 1980s, monkeypox does not lead to death in most 5 cases. But it does represent a serious crisis for the LGBTQ community. And as we
T H E N AT I ON 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 mobilize against the virus, we also have to realize that, as with HIV, for the power we exerted that day—and the impetus it gave to the work for years to come. monkeypox affects many people outside of our own circles. As we urge To be clear: We did not abolish nuclear weapons, our national leaders to step up their response, that response has to be and we did not move the money out of militarism and into our communities. But we helped move the needle equitable and global. If monkeypox secures a foothold in the US, those on nuclear disarmament by nurturing this movement. with the least access to resources will suffer most. Globally, we need to It would be three more years before Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev met and laid the groundwork for invest in the response to the disease in West and Central Africa, where what would become the Intermediate-Range Nucle- ar Forces Treaty. This was the first time the United it is endemic. One thousand and nineteen and counting—just in the States and the Soviet Union agreed to reduce their nuclear stockpiles, abolish a whole category of nu- United States, Europe, South America, and Australia. But there are clear weapons, and allow on-site inspections. Many factors led to that agreement, but without a doubt many, many more cases in endemic countries where treatments and the June 12 mobilization was one of them. vaccines are unavailable. This time, we have a chance to get things The longer-lasting value came from the organiz- ing over the months leading up to June 12. Not just right—for ourselves and others. There is no time to lose. N selling bus tickets: Educational work, local media work, helping people understand the threat and COMMENT/LESLIE CAGAN the urgent need for action—all were central to the organizing. People need to believe that what they do 40 Years Later makes a difference, that their participation is central to securing change. fRecalling the June 12, 1982, nuclear disarmament rally. orty years, and the memory is as vivid as ever. Today, there are some 13,000 nuclear weapons It was a beautiful spring day. The United Na- in the arsenals of the United States, Russia, Chi- tions Second Special Session on Disarmament na, France, India, Pakistan, the United Kingdom, was about to get underway, and we were deter- North Korea, and Israel. The US and Russia have mined to be heard. The arms race had to stop, about 90 percent of them. These more modern we said; nuclear weapons had to be abolished—and instead weapons are exponentially deadlier than the bombs of endlessly pouring extravagant amounts of money into dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki 77 years ago. military budgets, it was time to put our national treasury to use meet- ing the needs of our communities. The dangers of nuclear war remain all too real. Ronald Reagan was president. His administration was planning to Russia’s war against Ukraine has reawakened public place new short-range nuclear missiles in Europe, just minutes from awareness of how close we are to a nuclear catastro- the Soviet Union. Massive marches opposing these plans had already phe. Just one bomb dropped—whether deliberately been held in capital cities throughout the continent. It was time for the or by accident—could lead to indescribable horror. US peace movement to step up. For 18 months, the June 12 Rally Committee (the national coali- No one demonstration or series of actions can tion leading this effort) worked to put together the strongest possible make the needed changes, but when our communi- demonstration of opposition to nuclear weapons. There were seri- ties are in motion together, we can alter the public ous struggles within the coalition: Should we address militarism— discourse and change policy. Equally important, we including US intervention—more directly? How do we include more are stronger, more effective, and more anchored in people of color in the leadership of the coalition? Could we build a the realities of people’s lives when we articulate and structure that was not top-down but instead encouraged and nour- act on the connections between struggles. ished new initiatives? These represented real differences within the coalition, and in my opinion, the best decisions were not always made. Abolishing nuclear weapons will require ending The work kept expanding. Throughout the country, local groups— militarism in its many forms: from global wars to some long-standing and others created for this demonstration—took up militarized policing here at home; from bloated the call and became the backbone of the mobilization. Some 600 groups military budgets to a culture of militarism to the easy spread the word and organized bus, train, and car caravans to get people access to the guns that are killing people every day. to the march. Some 5,000 people donated their energies to help ensure All of this must be anchored in the struggles for ra- that the experience of the 1 million people who marched—and those who cial and economic justice and in urgent action to stop barely moved, because every inch of midtown Manhattan was packed the devastation of climate change. The good news with people—was powerful, and that our message would be heard. is that so many younger organizers are grounded in Over the years, I have organized and been at more demonstrations that comprehensive perspective. than I can count. Many of these played important roles in the social It is a big agenda, but abandoning any of it will 6 movements of their time. And yet June 12, 1982, stands out not only for weaken our work. Let us use the memory of June 12, 1982, to strengthen the ongoing movement for nu- its size but also for the collective energy and strength of the message,
T H E N AT I ON 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 clear disarmament and to bring more energy to the other movements of their insider political game. The “Stop the Steal” today. As we honor what we’ve achieved, let us look back for insights into how we can more powerfully create the change so desperately needed. N protests fit seamlessly with judicial rollbacks of vot- Leslie Cagan served as the coordinator of the June 12, 1982, mobilization. ing rights, legislative efforts to suppress the vote, CO M M E N T/ VA N E SSA W I L L I A M S O N and administrative maneuvers to undermine election AND DANA R. FISHER integrity. Today, there seems no limit to what elite Disruptive Politics Republicans will condone if it advances their agenda. Democrats are “clapping for Tinkerbell” as the GOP Meanwhile, Democrats cling tighter to formal tnormalizes violent, extralegal tactics to roll back rights. inside-the-Beltway institutional procedures. Take here have been at least 30 mass shootings since 19 children and two teachers were mur- the prolonged swan song of “Build Back Better.” dered at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, Tex., on May 24. While Americans contend Long after it was patently obvious that major climate with their collective grief, national gun-control organizations have called for a wave of lobbying and peaceful legislation was dead in the water, national climate protest, embracing the Tinkerbell theory of political action. Confronted by lockstep Republican and anti-majoritarian obstruction- organizations continued to insist that West Virginia ism that makes legislative roads a dead end, Democrats keep “clapping for Tinkerbell”—insisting that, like the fairy in Peter Pan, progressive policy Senator Joe Manchin would support a package that can stay alive as long as everyone demonstrates that they still believe. Whether the issue is gun violence, abortion, or climate change, went against his self-interest and the interests of his Democrats and mainstream progressive organizations continue to retread futile legislative paths, often while admonishing activists for fossil-fuel funders. Just last month, a coalition of adopting more confrontational approaches. Meanwhile, the Republican Party has embraced and normalized the antagonistic, extralegal, and climate groups held a “Climate Action Reboot” with even violent activism of its base. This asymmetry in political tactics is already having huge consequences for American politics. the message that climate action was alive and well in The Supreme Court is poised to overturn federal abortion protec- tions, but the pro-choice movement seems unprepared for the moment. Congress. Sure, if you just keep clapping! Mainstream reproductive rights organizations are following an outdated playbook of one-day rallies and electoral politics that currently can By insisting that formal politics can achieve what achieve no more than a pro forma vote on doomed federal legislation. These groups have not invested in the kind of disruptive political strate- it manifestly cannot, liberal elites risk delegitimizing gies that are available to those excluded from the formal levers of political power. Even marginally in-your-face strategies have been criticized by the very institutions they are struggling to protect. pro-choice elites; when abortion rights activists protested peacefully outside the homes of conservative Supreme Court justices, the White Informing the public that the solution is lobbying, House issued a statement condemning “violence, threats, or vandalism.” In stark contrast, anti-abortion activists have long protested outside rallies, and voting, when control of the executive the private homes of abortion providers, a practice that receives few “tsks” of disapproval from Republican leaders. There is a fundamental branch and the legislature is not enough to achieve imbalance of popular mobilization on the left and the right. Republicans have found great success in encouraging the con- extremely popular policy goals, is a good way to frontational politics of their base. Early in the Obama administration, conservative media organized and legitimized the Tea Party movement, make people see civic participation as a fool’s errand. which disrupted town halls and local government meetings and helped rejuvenate the right at a moment of apparent Democratic ascendancy. If they close the doors on confrontational activ- Republicans recognize that clamorous popular politics can strengthen ism and civil disobedience, mainstream liberal and Democratic organizations cede a whole range of demonstrably effective tactics to their opponents. Progress in America has rarely occurred without disruption. The movements for civil rights, workers’ rights, and women’s rights all required coordinated campaigns that interrupted the regular action of gov- ernment and business and were often against the law. If Democrats insist that the only legitimate politics is carried out through our impotent political institu- tions, they risk isolating and undermining the locally embedded groups that are already applying the kind of tactics that overcame our frozen political system and achieved this country’s greatest social changes. Rather than ineffectual, one-sided efforts at pre- serving the trappings of normal political times, establishment Democrats should grapple far more seriously with what to do when formal institutions fail. Part of the necessary preparation involves build- ing much stronger ties of support between grassroots activists and the mainstream institutions that share their goals. These closer ties may be uncomfortable, but progress will never be made or preserved simply by clapping for Tinkerbell. N Vanessa Williamson is a senior fellow at the 7 Brookings Institution. Dana R. Fisher is a profes- sor at the University of Maryland.
T H E N AT I ON 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 Objection! she was in his custody. Jones is likely innocent of the crime he is set to be executed for. Elie Mystal During oral arguments, the State of Arizona repeatedly claimed that “innocence isn’t enough” to throw out Jones’s conviction and grant him a new trial, and the Supreme Court agreed. In his majority decision, Thomas argued that because Ramirez and Jones did not bring up the issue of ineffective counsel Supreme Homicide during their initial appeal of their state court convic- tions, they couldn’t bring it up later, in federal court. He also ruled that federal courts could not reopen The nation’s highest court rules that “innocence isn’t evidentiary hearings because of inadequate prior counsel. Of course, the reason the men didn’t bring tenough” to spare a person the death penalty. up their trial lawyers’ ineffectiveness is that their he basic definition of a homicide is the death appellate lawyers were also ineffective. But Thomas gives them no way out of that death spiral. According of one human because of the actions of another. to Thomas, if your trial lawyer is bad and your appel- By that definition, Clarence Thomas attempted late lawyer is bad, then you can be put to death even if homicide via the majority opinion he wrote in you are innocent. A federal court isn’t even allowed to the Supreme Court case Shinn v. Ramirez on review new evidence of innocence should it come to May 23. I do not say that merely because Thomas denied the light after your first two attorneys failed to uncover it. appeal of two people on death row. Supreme Court justices While holding the two men in this procedur- deny final appeals from people condemned to die all the time, and al death loop, Thomas touts his power to let the while those denials have the effect of killing people, I wouldn’t call prosecutors who want to kill them off the hook for every denial a homicide. I call Thomas’s opinion a homicide because their errors. Ramirez’s team argued that the State of his reason for denying the appeal was so twisted and evil that his intent Arizona lost the right to object to his new evidence to kill was discernible through the legal jargon. He even added a foot- because it didn’t do so when the team first brought note wherein he callously explained that he had the discretion to save it up in federal court. Thomas waves this argument these lives, but was choosing not to use it. away in a freaking footnote: “Further, because we People who follow death penalty jurisprudence know that the Su- have discretion to forgive any forfeiture…we choose preme Court has been on something of a killing spree over the past to forgive the State’s forfeiture before the District few years. The elevation of alleged attempted rapist Brett Kavanaugh Court.” And this is happening in the very same case to the court in 2018 gave conservatives five solid votes for denying where he is holding Ramirez’s appellate lawyers’ death row appeals, while people like Samuel Alito and Neil Gorsuch errors against him, on pain of death. Thomas is are unwilling to let mere constitutional or procedural concerns stand flaunting his power to decide who lives and who dies, in the way of the state’s ability to kill people. and has decided that Ramirez and Jones should die. But the Thomas opinion in Shinn is extreme even by the bloody stan- Thomas seems to think these people deserve it. dards set by his fellow conservatives. At issue in the case were the claims He invests considerable space in his opinion to lurid of two men on death row in Arizona, David Martinez Ramirez and Barry descriptions of the crimes the men were convicted of. Lee Jones, that they had ineffective counsel at their trial and also at their It is a sick and unnecessary detour into murder porn, post-conviction appeal, both of which were in state courts. Essentially, in which Thomas shows himself to be less concerned the men argued—on appeal yet again, this time in federal court—that about the laws at issue than about painting these men their first two groups of lawyers were bad and their third group should as monsters, undeserving of the court’s mercy. Again, be able to provide new evidence as part of a competent defense. while Ramirez does not deny that he committed a Both men have good arguments. Ramirez was convicted of killing crime (and instead argues that his capacity to know his girlfriend and her daughter, but his initial right from wrong is dimin- lawyers never brought up intellectual disability ished), Jones disputes—and has as a mitigating factor in his crimes—a factor that The State of Arizona evidence disputing—the details might have spared him a death sentence. Jones argued that “innocence recounted by Thomas. Not was convicted of raping and killing his girlfriend’s only is Thomas condemning 4-year-old daughter while she was in his care, but isn’t enough” to throw a potentially innocent man to his original lawyers never investigated the time- out Jones’s conviction, die; he’s smearing him on his line of events. When his current lawyers finally way to the grave. and the Supreme In dissent, Sonia Sotomayor ANDY FRIEDMAN 8 did investigate, they showed that the injuries that Court agreed. led to the child’s death were not sustained while assails Thomas for all of it. She
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T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 says his opinion is “perverse” and “illogi- Subject toDebate cal” and “makes no sense.” She points out Katha Pollitt that Thomas and the majority are essen- tially overruling two Supreme Court pre- cedents in their haste to authorize yet more killing by the state. She calls out Thomas’s sick game of rehashing the crimes the men have been convicted of, writing: “The majority sets forth the gruesome nature of Feed on Demand the murders with which respondents were charged. Our Constitution insists, howev- er, that no matter how heinous the crime, The baby formula crisis is about capitalism—and the exhortation any conviction must be secured respecting hto breastfeed is about disregarding women. ere’s my solution to the formula shortage: men all constitutional protections.” In what’s should breastfeed. Sure, it will take dedication and shaping up to be a career of biting dissents, hard work, also industrial-strength estrogen and other meds, a doctor, a lactation consultant, and I don’t know this is one of Sotomayor’s best. what else; but if a handful of trans women can do it, I’m But there is no stopping this Su- The preme Court. The sure regular old cis men can figure it out. Headline: “Breast Hero conservative conservatives are acting like sharks justices are who have caught Dad: ‘I Begged Her Not to Use Formula, but She Wouldn’t Listen!’” acting like the scent of blood Apparently, some women can restart lactation after breastfeeding has sharks who in the water: They ceased, so mothers who breastfed their babies and want to shame formula are now just vio- have caught the lently gnashing at users to justify their own exhaustion, sore nipples, mastitis, lost work, re- stricted diets, and forgone medications can also step in. Breastfeeding isn’t scent of blood any person unfor- just about milk, after all. It’s also about making other women feel like guilty in the water. tunate enough to failures. All babies matter! be in range of their I had my daughter 35 years ago, back in the days of the Mommy Wars. murderous mouths. I can’t believe we are still blaming mothers who don’t breastfeed—or don’t Four federal judges, on the district court breastfeed exclusively, or for long enough, or with a sufficiently beatific and the court of appeals, ruled that Barry smile plastered permanently on their face. I enjoyed breastfeeding, by the Jones received ineffective counsel that led way—many women do—but it was easy for me physically after the first to a wrongful conviction. Nobody was few weeks, and I was working at home. (I drank Guinness, too, which was asking Thomas to save this man; the system thought in those benighted times to help with the milk supply, but today is had done that already. But Thomas and the just another item in the ever-increasing list of things breastfeeding mothers conservatives won’t allow the system to must forsake.) If it had been difficult—if I had been going to an office every work. They’re not applying the law; they’re day and had to pump, if every feed had been a struggle or I had suffered any killing this man. Deliberately. N of the physical, emotional, or daily-life problems that outraged women are revealing just now in our nation’s op-ed pages—I doubt I would have kept MORE ONLINE up with it. I had plenty of friends who bottle-fed exclusively and doubted thenation.com/highlights the extravagant claims made for breast milk in countries like ours with clean i Why the water and sanitation. I was formula-fed myself, like most baby boomers, and Internet Sided With Johnny we are (mostly) healthy and smart and have accomplished great things in our LEFT FROM TOP: EVELYN HOCKSTEIN / POOL VIA AP; EDDIE MOORE / Depp ALBUQUERQUE JOURNAL / AP PHOTO; ILLUSTRATION: ANDY FRIEDMAN time, including parenting and grandparenting most Americans now alive. KATE MANNE Why is it that when it comes to women, everything seems to become i The Libertarian Party Goes an iron law? Why can’t we say “Give it a try, you might like it—but if you Alt-Right don’t, move on”? Pressure to breastfeed is related to the idea that women JEET HEER are tied to nature in a way men are not. That concept has done some good but also a lot of harm. Consider the obsession with unmedicated childbirth and vaginal delivery, which leaves many women feeling guilty for years after having a C-section, even when it was necessary and resulted in a safe 10 birth. And the consequences may be even more severe: In the UK, a study into an NHS Trust revealed over 200 hundred cases of baby and maternal deaths and injuries in just one hospital that were due in part to midwives’
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 overinsistence on vaginal birth. Face it: Nature FDA to deal with the crisis, while Texas Gov- is not always women’s friend, and when com- In fact, ernor Greg Abbott and Fox News falsely accuse bined with the ideal of womanly self-sacrifice, the Biden administration of causing the short- especially for the sake of children, the insis- breastfeeding is age by diverting formula to infants detained at tence that women do what’s “natural” can set not so natural— the border. Tell me again how much pro-lifers them up for years of self-blame. plenty of women care about children. don’t produce In fact, breastfeeding is not so natural: Plen- The formula crisis is about capitalism in an- ty of women don’t produce enough milk, and other way, too. Unlike most other countries, the plenty of babies can’t latch on. We’re not liv- enough milk; United States has no universal paid maternity ing in semi-mythical medieval villages where plenty of babies leave. Only about one in four employed women neighbor women were available for advice and can’t latch on. gets it, which is one reason that one in four goes help, work and child care combined easily, and back to work a mere 10 days after childbirth— it was accepted as God’s will that a lot of babies fine if that’s what she wants, but how many do? would die—including the ones for whom specialized formulas We make breastfeeding as difficult as possible, humiliating now exist. Bette Midler caught a lot of flak when she tweeted, women who do so in public, expecting them to pump in closets “TRY BREASTFEEDING! It’s free and available on de- at work, and then we accuse them of selfishness and laziness mand.” But, as the organizational psychologist Allison Gabriel if they opt for formula—a solution that at least allows fathers noted in a quote that’s gone viral, “breastfeeding is only free if and others to share feeding duties. we do not value women’s time”—about 35 hours a week. We We talk a good game about how precious babies and chil- would never expect a father to spend a full work week feeding dren are, but we leave it up to individual mothers to provide a baby. And men would never put up with such a demand— for their needs. At the same time, we constantly raise the bar only women do that, conditioned from birth to see themselves for what that involves—while depriving mothers of what they as worthless bitches if they don’t disregard their own needs. need to meet those standards. If Roe is overturned, 26 states The formula crisis is indeed about capitalism. The mar- are poised to ban abortion immediately. How many women ket is controlled by just four companies, with Abbott, which will be expected to perform perfect maternity without even produces most of the formulas for babies with allergies and having wanted the baby in the first place? N other medical conditions, tak- ing about a 40 percent share. Production is concentrated in OPPART/WARD SUTTON just a few factories, so when a single Abbott plant was closed after the infection of four chil- dren, and the deaths of two, were linked to contaminated formula, occasioning a long FDA investigation, shortages were inevitable. (Abbott claims there is insufficient evidence to link these events to its formu- las.) This is the modern market economy in action: overcon- centration, sluggish oversight, fragile supply chains, and not enough planning for likely disasters. The Biden admin- istration has responded admi- rably—invoking the Defense Production Act, importing 35 tons of formula from Europe, relaxing rules limiting the brands that can be purchased through the WIC food pro- gram. Meanwhile, Republicans in Congress have voted against $28 million in funding for the
T H E N AT I ON 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 THE resentatives Ayanna Pressley, Ilhan Omar, and Ja- maal Bowman, along with Senators Chris Murphy, ARGU Elizabeth Warren, and Tina Smith, introduced in Congress in 2021 also prioritizes students’ needs by MENT We Owe It to Young ending federal funding for police in schools while People to Listen helping schools hire more counselors, social work- to Them ers, and health professionals. i VONNE MARTIN Restorative practices can improve school climates n the days following the tragic, and make students safer. One school in Philadelphia reduced the number of serious and violent incidents nonsensical, and all-too-familiar mas- by over 52 percent in the first year of implementa- sacre of 19 children and two teachers tion of a restorative program. A school in Denver at Robb Elementary School in Uvalde, reduced fights by 80 percent within two years of Tex., we’ve heard the same weak script implementation. Another school in Oakland saw a from politicians: empty “thoughts and 77 percent reduction in violence in one year while prayers” messaging alongside the misguided demand to also ending the racial disparity in discipline. increase police presence and militarization in schools— Furthermore, a study of 179 school shootings from 1999 to 2018 showed there was no relationship between the presence of “school resource officers” and the severity of shooting incidents. If anything, while they’ve taken no legislative action to prevent subsequent mass their presence often made violence worse. A com- shootings. When Senator Ted Cruz said, “We know from past experience prehensive analysis of school shootings from 1980 to that the most effective tool for keeping kids safe is armed law enforce- 2019 also found that schools with armed guards had ment on the campus,” he ignored the well-researched reality students greater rates of deaths than those without. experience: Increased policing in schools is a threat to young people, Reports that Immigration and Customs En- not the solution. Police officers didn’t prevent the shooter from entering forcement officers were present at Robb Elemen- Robb Elementary; they refused to enter the school as he attacked. tary multiply the pain of undocumented parents, Elected officials should not use this tragedy to inflict more danger who, already facing dire circumstances, had to and violence on Black and brown communities. We must support consider the risk of deportation as they waited young people by listening to them. Black and brown youth have al- to learn whether their children had survived— ready shared a vision of safe and supportive schools that would create and demonstrate why we must end the school-to- a liberatory path forward. It’s about time legisla- deportation pipeline by ensur- tors pay attention and end school policing, along ing that ICE agents can’t enter with “hardening” measures like metal detectors, Young people demand or coordinate with schools. restraints, seclusion, surveillance, and the crimi- that schools shift from Police and ICE are insti- nalization of young people. tutions created to protect the Safety doesn’t exist when young Black and a punitive and policing state and white supremacy, not Latinx youth must repeatedly interact with a approach toward Black and brown people. They policing system that treats them as threats rather restorative practices. don’t belong in schools. than as scholars. The policing of students of color Countless studies and tes- and their families connects to a long history of timonials—along with com- racial capitalism and violence explicitly targeting Black and brown mon sense—show that reactionary and punitive communities. Schools should be places of joy for young people, not approaches to school violence are ineffective at institutions perpetuating state violence. best. Instead, we need to invest in resources that In the “Youth Mandate for Education and Liberation: A Mandate prevent shootings and all violence in schools. From to Guide Us From Crisis to Liberation,” students nationwide demand Columbine and Sandy Hook to Marjory Stoneman that schools divest from police and instead invest more in teachers, Douglas and now Robb Elementary, our youth have school counselors, social workers, and culturally responsive education lived this tragic cycle for too long. Legislators must programs—all while pushing for stricter gun laws. Young people and follow students’ lead to build communities of safety, grassroots youth groups within the Center for Popular Democracy free from gun violence and policing. N network—the nation’s largest multiracial organizing network—created the Youth Mandate, which has been endorsed by more than 100 ally or- Vonne Martin is the Center for Popular Democracy’s 12 ganizations and more than 6,000 individuals. They demand that schools codirector of education and justice transformation cam- shift from a punitive and policing approach toward restorative practices. paigns, which support CPD partners advocating for edu- cation justice. The Counseling Not Criminalization in Schools Act, which Rep-
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 S N A P S H OT/ M a r i o Ta m a The largest wildfire in New Mexico’s history is still burning after two months, having scorched over 315,000 acres and destroyed more than Scorched 350 homes and other structures. Drought conditions have contributed Trees to an early fire season and longer-burning and more destructive wildfires in the West. According to the US Drought Monitor, 90 percent of New Mexico is experiencing extreme drought. By theFROM TOP: GETTY IMAGES; WIKTOR SZYMANOWICZ / FUTURE PUBLISHING VIA GETTY IMAGES$15M 20 A Charitable View of Numbers Queen Elizabeth’s C A LV I N T R I L L I NDamages awardedNumber of peoplePlatinum Jubilee $2M to Johnny Depp in per minute who DeadlinePoetthe same trial are physically She’s done the speeches and the waves. Damages awarded abused by a As royals go, she’s been a dilly. to Amber Heard in 23% partner in the US For all this time, she’s done her job, a defamation trial It’s not her fault the job is silly. over her 2018 Portion of college 1 in 3 op-ed for The students who, upon 13 Washington Post reporting some Number of women sort of abuse, were who have experi- threatened with a enced some kind defamation suit of intimate partner violence 11B 53% Number of views the hashtag #Jus- Portion of domestic ticeforJohnnyDepp violence cases received on TikTok in the US that go as of mid-May unreported 41M Number of views the hashtag #Jus- ticeforAmberHeard received
The Backlash Against Sex Ed The right is inflaming another front in the culture war. BY JOAN WALSH
S hanel soucy seems like she would be a champion of what’s and teachers can use, and put limits come to be known as “comprehensive sexuality education” (CSE): on school clubs, among other things.” the teaching of basic anatomy and reproduction, plus all the com- Most of these bills are making their way plications and joy that go along with sexuality. Soucy is a 40-year- through the legislatures in red states like South Carolina, Tennessee, Okla- old biracial woman, with one Black and one white parent. She’s homa, Kansas, and Indiana. (Alabama already has a law comparable to Flor- an electrician and a storied local barber in Worcester, Mass. She became a mother ida’s.) Nebraska scuttled an attempt to develop state sex-ed guidelines in at 14, lived in and out of shelters—and briefly out of her car—until she got her first 2021 after a backlash from conserva- tives and Catholics. “The opposition apartment at 19. She raised three boys, “mostly” on her own, she said. peddled fear and misinformation,” said Lisa Schulze, the education and train- I felt a connection with Soucy during our hour-long phone conversation, even ing director for the Women’s Fund of Omaha. “It was heartbreaking.” Jim though I had tracked her down because she’d run for a seat on the Worcester School Pillen, the winner of the Republican primary race for governor (who de- Committee last fall in a polarizing campaign opposing the city’s new sex-ed cur- feated the Donald Trump–endorsed candidate, Charles Herbster, who was riculum. Soucy had lost, but in some ways she’d won. Along with the conservative accused of groping women), declared last year that “Nebraska should have Massachusetts Family Institute, which is connected to the Family Policy Alliance no state sex education standards—these are decisions that should be made by and the Family Research Council, Soucy and her supporters mounted a campaign parents, not bureaucrats.” urging Worcester parents to take their children out of the new sex-ed program. “Opt Some of this backlash seems home- grown, involving parents like Soucy Out of Pornographic Sex Education” signs went up around the city, Massachusetts’s who are genuinely confused by or T H E N AT I ON 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 concerned about the relatively recent second-largest. More than 13 percent of district families have now opted out of the sex-ed guidelines adopted or proposed for their schools. But much of it is fo- curriculum—a higher rate than for most cities in that traditionally blue state, Soucy mented and funded by the usual right- wing suspects, including the Heritage said—and the number is rising. Foundation, the Dick and Betsy De- Vos Foundation, Focus on the Family, “The number of families who opted out of any local sex-ed curriculum went and the Family Research Council, all of which have been leaders in tearing from eight, before I started my campaign, to 3,400 after,” she added. down public education and promoting private schools, as well as conservative Soucy counts the opt-outs as a victory and predicts the number will keep policies at the local, state, and fed- eral levels. There are also the newer growing. The Massachusetts Family Institute even gave her its Citizenship groups like the Family Policy Alliance (affiliated with the Family Research Award for her “commitment to our Judeo-Christian values.” Council) and Stop CSE (created by the right-wing Family Watch Inter- But Soucy said she’s an “independent,” not right or left, just national), which in turn have inspired state and local affiliates to advance an concerned about her kids—and yours. anti-CSE agenda. Cara Berg Powers, an educator who’s been fighting for compre- “These are old networks and op- ponents, but I don’t think they are hensive sex education in Worcester ‘reawakening.’ They never went away,” the longtime LGBTQ activist Evan since 2017, is proud of the new K-12 Wolfson told The Daily Beast in April. curriculum, but the battle isn’t over A t its most basic, “com- prehensive sex education” “In some ways, what’s yet, she said: “In some ways, what’s refers to a curriculum that gone on in Worcester foreshadowed goes beyond the teaching of basic anatomy, bodily gone on in Worcester the national conversation and con- changes during puberty, and how to foreshadowed the na- troversy [over CSE], but now it’s be- prevent pregnancy and STIs that many ing influenced by that conversation. 15of us received decades ago in middle tional conversation, but There’s a feedback loop here.” As CSE’s opponents get more now it’s being influenced extreme, we don’t know where the by that conversation.” loop will end. Soucy doesn’t want —Cara Berg Powers, anyone to get hurt, and she’s not local parent and activist sure why the battle has to get so ugly. “I have deep compassion for people struggling, living in pain and hope- lessness,” she wrote in a follow-up e-mail. But the battle is getting ugly nonetheless. W ith the nation focused on florida’s adop- tion of a Parental Rights in Education bill, which places restrictions on teaching or even mentioning sexual orientation and gender identity, especially in grades K-3, little at- tention is being paid to similar bills in the pipeline elsewhere. According to Education Week, at least 30 pieces of legislation around the country “would variously circumscribe LGBTQ representation in the curriculum, the pronouns that students
T H E N AT I ON 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 and high school. “Comprehensive” organize the counterprotest there, as elsewhere. But this burgeoning movement took a more programs typically include instruc- menacing turn after Florida Governor Ron De- tion on bodily autonomy, recogniz- Santis’s top communications aide suggested that anyone who opposed the state’s new law was a “We’ve made a lot of ing and reporting sexual abuse, and “groomer”—a derogatory term for someone, progress since the ’80s basic anatomy lessons in the early stereotypically a gay man, who grooms children grades. In later grades, they include for sexual abuse. Fox News hosts and right- wing politicians mainstreamed the notion that and ’90s. But it’s gotten issues of consent, bullying, methods opponents of the Florida law, or supporters of of contraception, information about comprehensive sex ed generally, are “groomers” really scary out there.” the right to abortion, and issues of or even “pro-pedophile.” gender identification and sexual ori- —Nora Gelperin, entation. Research shows that these The right-wing activist Christopher Rufo, last Advocates for Youth seen ginning up panic over a nonexistent “critical race theory” curriculum in public schools, has more comprehensive approaches reduce teen pregnancy, delay moved on to ginning up panic over a nonexistent sex-abuse crisis he attributes to public school the age at which teens commence sexual activity, lessen the “predators” and the way they teach about gender and sexuality. Why? “The reservoir of sentiment spread of sexually transmitted infections, and promote teen on the sexuality issue is deeper and more explo- sive than the sentiment on the race issues,” he health overall. Only 30 states require any form of sex ed, though recently told The New York Times. in states that don’t, some school districts decide to do so anyway. Some of that sentiment is fermenting in the same online sewers that produced the QAnon Nevertheless, some school districts don’t teach sex ed at all, and conspiracy theory—that top Democrats are run- ning a child-sex-trafficking ring—and also helped most adopt their own local standards, in consultation with the plan the deadly January 6 insurrection. QAnon’s believers were violent then, and it’s frightening to community. In most schools, whatever sex ed is offered is con- think what they might do now. If you believe that LGBTQ teachers, or even straight sex-ed teach- fined to a few days, or maybe a week, in the school year. ers, are “grooming” children for sexual abuse, then violence can seem justified. What worries CSE advocates most is that even cities and For instance, in Hartford, Conn., a school AIDS as a turning suburbs in blue states like Massachusetts are seeing a growing nurse falsely claimed on social media that an 11-year-old student was being given puberty point: During the opposition to new sex-ed standards. More than 100 protesters AIDS crisis, Ronald stormed an April Family Life Advisory Committee meeting in blockers—hormones that en- Reagan’s surgeon Maryland’s Frederick County, less than 50 miles from Wash- able young people who iden- general, C. Everett ington, D.C., to block discussion of implementing the state’s tify as transgender to prevent Koop, advocated the onset of puberty—with- out the parents’ knowledge. programs that taught new health education standards there. “Maryland family life When the report surfaced on about sex as well right-wing websites, includ- as condoms. and human sexuality instruction shall represent all students ing Patriots.win, a platform regardless of ability, sexual orientation, gender identity, and that facilitated the planning of the January 6 violence, school gender expression,” the state guidelines say. One protester came district officials received death threats. “The superintendent to the podium early in the meeting to warn committee members is supporting leftist grooming in her schools. She needs to ominously: “This is gonna be hard for y’all.” be executed by our judicial system,” a poster known as Indeed it was. The crowd shouted, swore, and interrupted committee members ProudAmericanKorean wrote, and then at- tempted to dox her—but the home address and district speakers for about an hour and a half, until the meeting was shut down. was out of date. Other posters suggested that educators be fed into “woodchippers”; a few “We have two genders, male and female,” said one angry man at the mic. “But you posted pictures of nooses and rope. Advance Democracy, a liberal research group, won’t [teach] kids religion?” Kris Fair, the first revealed the threats to Hartford’s superin- tendent and other violent anti-educator rhetoric executive director of the Frederick Center, an on right-wing websites. The group is best known for its work tracing the pre–January 6 threats of LGBTQ advocacy group, brought a group of young people to the meeting but left early. “I felt it was no longer safe to keep the young people in the room. I took them out,” Fair told a local radio station. In Westfield, N.J., protests erupted after a Republican state legislator cherry-picked potential resources for the local sex-ed cur- riculum, with her allies insisting the new state and local standards were promoting “sexu- alizing children” and “transgenderism.” Fox News ran the story repeatedly. The offending statements came from sample lesson plans that are not required under either the state’s or the Westfield district’s standards. Still, the uproar forced Democratic Governor Phil Murphy to tell reporters that he was “willing to entertain” revising the standards. Later Murphy said his focus was on tailoring the curriculum to make sure it’s “age-appropriate.” In Colorado, which has been a leader in developing comprehensive sex educa- CQ ROLL CALL VIA AP IMAGES tion standards, deeply red Delta County voted to not even bother to incorporate comprehensive sex education locally—the state doesn’t mandate it, but does provide funding to incentivize it—because of protests and counterprotests. “Everyone is being crazy,” Delta County Superintendent Caryn Gibson said about the decision, 16 after a two-year process to craft local standards. The Family Policy Alliance helped
violence on the Internet, especially on TheDonald.win (which morphed into Patriots.win). Advance Democracy’s founder, Daniel J. Jones, heard stories of threats against educators and school board members over teaching sex ed and saw them as yet another threat to democracy. “These poor people are purely public servants,” he told me. “This is dangerous.” “We’ve made a lot of progress since the ’80s and ’90s,” said Nora Gelperin, the educational director of Advocates for Youth. “But it’s gotten really scary out there. These issues of personal safety are new. Educators are getting death threats.” W hat’s behind this endorsed programs that taught about sex—gay and straight—as well as condoms. frenzy? A data point in a Gallup poll re- “There is now no doubt that we need sex education in schools and that it leased in February jumped out at me: [should] include information on heterosexual and homosexual relationships. The 21 percent of Generation Z, born be- tween 1997 and 2003, report they are need is critical and the price of neglect is high. The lives of our young people de- lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender—something besides “heterosexual.” “Change is a-coming,” pend on our fulfilling our responsibility,” Koop said in 1986. He went on: “The best Gelperin said. protection against infection right now—barring abstinence—is use of a condom.” But despite the new generation gap, this is an old fault line in American politics. As Peo- But instead of cooperation, the AIDS epidemic spawned a ple for the American Way noted in the 1996 report “Teaching Fear: The Religious Right’s bitter schism between “abstinence-only” programs and a broad- An old fault line: Campaign Against Sexuality Education,” the er approach that included teaching about sexuality, condoms, right’s sex-ed panic goes back at least to the and “safe sex.” Reagan directed millions of dollars into the two In the 1980s, ERA op- 1960s, when the Christian Crusade published a ponent Phyllis Schlafly pamphlet titled “Is the Little Red School House the Place to Teach Raw Sex?” and the closely main abstinence-only groups, including one founded by Schla- made opposition to associated John Birch Society denounced fledg- ling efforts to teach even limited forms of sex ed fly. Their narrow curriculum was adopted by school districts in sex ed part of a larger in schools as a “filthy communist plot.” Much Florida, Louisiana, California, Illinois, and others. In one film anti-feminist agenda. of the opposition originated as a reaction to the growing demands for women’s rights, especially promoted by the abstinence-only curriculum “Sex Respect,” the right to decide when or even whether to be- come a mother. As the anti-feminist titan Phyl- a student is seen asking a teacher, “What if I want to have sex lis Schlafly put it in 1981, “The major goal of nearly all sex education curricula being taught before I get married?” The teacher replies, “Well, I guess you’ll in the schools is to teach teenagers (and some- times children) how to enjoy fornication with- just have to be prepared to die.” out having a baby and without feeling guilty.” But in the mid-1990s, groups Despite the activists’ furor, though, the right wing made few gains. In 1983, The Washington ranging from the World Health Post reported, “The vociferous opposition to sex education spawned by fundamentalist and New Organization to the American Psy- Right groups in the 1970s and early 1980s…has UNIVERSAL HISTORY ARCHIVE / UNIVERSAL IMAGES GROUP VIA GETTY IMAGES been submerged by quiet, grassroots alliances chological Association, along with Students who get of parents, educators, clergy and lay people who American academics, found that it believe courses in human sexuality have a place was the competing, comprehensive comprehensive sex ed in the schools.” Later in the decade, the HIV/ AIDS crisis seemed to offer an opportunity for curricula that postponed sexual ac- are more likely to report the two sides to work together. Ronald Rea- tivity for teens and also increased sexual abuse if it gan’s surgeon general, C. Everett Koop, even the use of condoms, central to pre- venting the spread of HIV/AIDS. happens and to avoid And the pendulum began to swing back to a more comprehensive ap- pregnancy and STIs. proach to sex education under Bill Clinton. (Not that it was a golden age: It was Clinton, re- member, who pressured Surgeon General Joycelyn Elders to resign for suggesting that masturbation might slow the spread of AIDS and “perhaps should be taught.”) Pandering to a re- surgent Christian right, George W. Bush injected new federal money into teaching abstinence; Barack Obama zeroed it out, 17
though private groups continued to fund it. By now, parents are largely on board posed years earlier, it was rejected, and the one with a comprehensive approach: A 2017 overview of reliable survey data found that adopted in 2021 had no connection.) “So I went 93 percent of adults supported teaching sex ed in high schools, 84 percent in middle to the meeting, and I realized it was real.” schools, and large majorities favored curricula that covered contraception, consent, and sexual orientation issues. The momentum seemed to be with the advocates of When I asked what was “pornographic” expansive curricula focused on teaching about sexual consent and safety, as well as about the new curriculum, as the “Opt Out” gender identity and acceptance of LGBTQ families and children. campaign claims, Soucy pointed me to a cartoon video that’s available as a resource for the fifth- Until recently. grade curriculum, featuring a boy masturbating to what she said sounds like porn music. (She Fighting back: In S hanel soucy is deeply concerned about many of acknowledged that it’s only a resource available St. Petersburg, Fla., the same issues CSE is trying to address, but her from the sex-ed video provider Amaze.org, not marchers protested worldview leads her to a fundamentally different a part of the curriculum.) But Soucy insisted the passage of the approach. that most Worcester parents prefer a curriculum that emphasizes the teaching of abstinence. She state law restricting Despite having been a teen mother, Soucy praises also claimed that the new sex-ed curriculum was teachers’ ability to the sex ed she received. “When I was in high school in the ’90s, “forced” on unwitting parents with little notice. discuss LGBTQ issues we were taught ‘sexual risk avoidance,’” she said. “Teachers asked in the classroom. me into their classes to share my experience as a teen mom. Soucy and I had a friendly conversation, but at one point she turned the tables on me. “I Which is hard. Now they’re teaching ‘Sex is natural and normal looked you up. I know who you are,” she said, chuckling—meaning she knew I was likely a and for pleasure.’ Sure, but tough consequences come with that. supporter of CSE. She asked me some ques- tions, starting with why I thought the compre- And they’re exposing kids to these ideas at a very young age.” hensive approach was important. Though she was active in her three boys’ schools, Soucy knew I fumbled for words, and started with the notion that it helps LGBTQ youth, and kids nothing about what the local school with LGBTQ parents, feel affirmed, safe, and ac- cepted in the community. There are high rates of committee did. Then she got a flyer depression, drug abuse, and even suicide among teens in that community, especially for those who one day at her son’s youth group, and are transgender. “But what about the majority?” MARTHA ASENCIO-RHINE / TAMPA BAY TIMES VIA AP she countered. I’m not sure how learning about “It’s always made out to it opened her eyes. those things hurts straight kids with straight par- ents, but I admit I didn’t say that. “It said there was going to be a I asked her whether, as a teen mother, she be about a wildly radical big discussion on sex ed at the school agenda. [But] the inten- committee,” she recalled. “They shared excerpts from the curricu- tion behind these stan- lum, and I couldn’t believe it. It was dards is to save lives.” very age-inappropriate.” Planned Parenthood, she added, was behind —A teacher in a district trying to implement CSE it. (Though a Planned Parenthood– 18 guided curriculum had been pro-
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 could have benefited from a more comprehensive had been going on for more than five years,” she said, citing a approach to sex ed than “risk avoidance”—one that emphasized the importance of bodily au- task force that brought community groups together to plan a tonomy, reproductive health, and contraception? curriculum. “There was an incredible level of transparency on “No,” she said flatly. “When you’re having sex at 14, or 12, you’re not thinking about any this—we didn’t get that transparency for our math curriculum!” of that. It’s about escaping dysfunction. It’s not a means of pleasure.” she added jokingly, although she I noted that research shows comprehensive wasn’t kidding. programs help teens postpone sex and avoid pregnancy better than abstinence-only mod- The task force “was an incredibly els. “I’ve looked at those studies,” she said. “They’re sketchy. A lot of the research is run by comprehensive process,” she contin- Planned Parenthood.” Some of it is, but a lot of research today is independent. And all of the ued, involving educators, communi- “The anti-bullying and respected studies find the same results: Students who get comprehensive sex ed are more likely ty groups, and parents. It’s true that anti-harassment curric- to report sexual abuse if they experience it; they one of the curricula it considered ulum helps everyone. All also become sexually active later, are more likely was designed by Planned Parent- to use protection when they do, and are more likely to avoid pregnancy and STIs. hood, but the task force settled on of these things support a compromise alternative. Conser- I soldiered on. The early-grades curriculum, vatives on the school committee all young people.” I told her, is at least partly designed to help chil- dren recognize and report sexual abuse. Can she nevertheless shelved it in 2019 after —Dr. Kathleen Ethier, see at least that as important? Again, Soucy said being lobbied by former committee Centers for Disease Control no: “The majority of [abused] kids know what’s happened to them—but if you tell, you get taken member Mary Mullaney, a Catholic out of your family and put in foster care. So a lot of kids know but just don’t activist. As a compromise, Mayor Joe Petty directed a committee tell.” I’m sure that’s true for some abused children, though to take another crack at a new curriculum. They began almost not all, but her assertion is heartbreaking nonetheless. immediately, Powers recalled. Finally, I asked if she There were several meetings about it in 2020 and 2021, she shares the increasingly com- mon conservative notion said, “and Shanel attended at least the last two.” They were that those advocating com- prehensive sex-ed programs held on Zoom, during the pandemic; it’s possible the level of are “groomers” or even pedophiles. participation wasn’t entirely clear, Powers allowed. But turnout “Oh, I think that’s rash—I was high: At least 30 people spoke at the final meeting, and Close reading: don’t name-call,” she an- most favored the new curriculum, she said. It was adopted Cara Berg Powers, swered. “I just feel like this is a on May 6 of last year. But the backlash began immediate- an advocate for com- matter of exploitation.” Sexual exploitation? No, she said, and returned to the idea that Planned ly. And even after Soucy lost prehensive sexuality Parenthood is behind Worcester’s new curricu- lum, which she insisted is preying on “vulnerable her school committee race, it education in Worces- people, broken people. And it sets [Planned Par- continued unabated. ter, Mass., with her enthood] up for a lifetime of clients.” daughter. Powers is proud of her vic- C ara berg powers, like soucy, is a Worcester parent and an unsuc- tory but knows she might have cessful candidate for the school committee, in 2019. The similar- to fight again. The CSE curriculum the board ities end there. When the committee approved its CSE cur- chose—“Rights, Respect, Responsibility,” or the riculum in May of last year, “I jumped for joy,” she told me. Powers, who teaches education at “Three Rs,” produced by Advocates for Youth—is Clark University in Worcester, disputes Soucy’s claim that the new curriculum was “forced” on now being taught in Worcester classrooms. But parents with little notice or transparency. “This Soucy and her allies are still trying to get parents to opt out. “They were harassing parents about it in the pickup lines after school,” Powers said, until school officials asked them to stop. Powers’s 8-year-old daughter recently had a three-day unit of the new curriculum, and she wanted more of it. Her daughter, she said, knows trans and nonbinary people, “but her pronouns are she/her/hers. She’s clear about who she is, but she knows gender is not the most important thing about people. And she doesn’t understand: What harm is there in letting all people be themselves? It’s really about control—that parents think they can stop their kids from being trans or being gay.” COURTESY OF CARA BERG POWERS O ne sample lesson plan for first graders in the “rights, respect, Responsibility” curriculum, now used in Worcester, Westfield, N.J., and hundreds of other districts, has been singled out by anti-CSE activists and the media. The lesson is not required to be taught in full anywhere; it’s “suggested.” But that hasn’t stopped activists from using it as an example of everything that’s supposedly wrong with CSE. The lesson plan is called “Pink, Blue and Purple,” and most of it is a straight- forward primer on how to avoid sex stereotyping. It starts with a choice of cards to send to new parents: Should they be blue for a boy and pink for a girl? Why? The lesson explains there’s no reason to use gendered colors. It goes on to say there are no specific “girl toys” or “boy toys” and no “girl jobs” or “boy jobs.” 19(continued on page 27)
T H E N AT I ON 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 The Problem Suopf rthee me Court It’s time to admit that the nation’s highest court has been a source of harm more often than it’s been a force for justice. BY LOUIS MICHAEL SEIDMAN B y now, it should be abundantly clear that our antiquated effective gun regulation, limitations on Constitution, written over two centuries ago by white men to gov- campaign spending, and reductions to ern a small, slave-dependent republic huddled along the Eastern the cost of prescription drugs, yet be- Seaboard, does not meet the needs of the sprawling, multiethnic, cause of the political structures that the and complicated country that we have become. framers imposed on us, we are unable to For anyone who doubts this proposition, consider the following facts. In two out accomplish those objectives. of the last six presidential elections, a candidate became president even though he These facts, and many more like them, should make any sensible per- lost the popular vote. Virtually all of the money and attention in presidential elec- son skeptical about our Constitution and about the role it plays in modern tions are devoted to a tiny number of swing states that determine the outcome. The political culture. And yet constitutional skeptics almost never get a fair hearing. Constitution vests in state legislatures the power to appoint presidential electors Instead, American politics is saturated by reverence for an ancient and anach- whether or not they are chosen by a popular majority—a power that Donald Trump ronistic document, written by people who in many cases owned other human tried to take advantage of in 2020, and may well take advantage of in 2024. beings, and never endorsed by a majori- ty of the inhabitants of our country. Additionally, nine individuals, appointed for life and responsible to no one, reg- Liberals and conservatives, Demo- ularly make crucial and unreviewable decisions about matters such as the structure crats and Republicans, Congress mem- bers and Supreme Court justices, all of health care in the United States, the nature of marriage, the right of women insist on their own partisan versions of constitutional obedience while our to reproductive justice, and the powers of the federal government and the states. political culture collapses, crucial pub- lic needs go unmet, and the ties that All the justices on the Supreme Court insist that they are neutral and apolitical bind us together as a country fray. We need to understand that convention- public servants who do no more than follow “the law” as it is written. Yet they are al constitutionalism is irrational and wrong. It attaches religious significance nominated by a process drenched in raw partisanship, and their to a decidedly secular and deeply flawed document. It is standing in the way of votes regularly align with the partisan views of the people who saving our country. It has got to stop. appoint them. Republican presidents have appointed 15 of the last 22 justices to the Supreme Court, even though they won Louis Michael the popular vote in only five of the last 15 elections. The last Seidman is the Carmack Water- Democrat to serve as chief justice was Fred Vinson, whose brief house Professor and largely undistinguished career ended almost 70 years ago. of Constitutional Law at George- The Constitution protects the rights of people who want town University to make movies catering to individuals who get sexual pleasure and a former clerk from witnessing the sadistic crushing of innocent animals. Yet for Thurgood it doesn’t explicitly protect the rights of women, and it does nothing to protect the rights of all of us to live in a world that is not ravaged by global warming. 20 Marshall. Huge popular majorities favor measures including more ILLUSTRATION BY ADRIÀ FRUITÓS
P erhaps the most inviting target for constitutional skepticism is Here are just a few examples of the judicial the United States Supreme Court. There is no necessary association be- failings that should give any thoughtful court tween the Supreme Court and American constitutionalism. All federal observer pause: officeholders take an oath to support and defend the Constitution, and one could imagine a system in which the Constitution was enforced by § In the early 19th century, John Marshall saw Congress, the president, and state officials. Still, in American constitutional culture, no problem with serving as secretary of state and chief justice of the United States at the same time. the Supreme Court has assumed such a central role that it is often taken to be the In perhaps the most famous case in American le- gal history, Marbury v. Madison, Marshall as chief embodiment of constitutionalism. justice ruled on the legal im- The justices themselves do everything they can to promote plications of actions taken by Marshall as secretary of state. this image. They protect their reputation by working in secret. § Also during the 19th cen- According to hallowed tradition, no one other than the justices tury, Justice Henry Baldwin was hospitalized for “incurable attends the sessions where cases are actually decided. The justices lunacy” and missed an entire term of the court. He none- rarely hold press conferences or make public statements. More- theless returned to the bench and remained on the court for over, the quasi-religious claptrap that surrounds the court—the years. Richard Peters Jr., the Supreme Court’s reporter of robes the justices wear, the marble temple in which they are decisions, stated that “most courtroom observers of Bald- housed, the solemnity and formality of the oral arguments that win agreed that ‘his mind is out of order.’” they conduct—is meant to symbolize the grandeur, neutrality, § Justice Robert Grier, who impersonality, and majesty of the law, and of the Constitution had suffered a disabling stroke, cast the deciding vote in one of the most crucial decisions in Amer- whence it derives. ican history, holding that Congress lacked the power to make paper money legal tender. Unfor- An interlocking web of myths buttresses tunately, it appears that he acted without having any clear idea of what case he was voting on. Marshall law: An this imagery. The justices are thought to be engraved portrait of brilliant jurists who work extraordinarily § Justice James McReynolds was a notorious John Marshall, the hard. They are wise women and men who racist and anti-Semite. He was unremittingly hostile to his colleague Louis Brandeis because fourth chief justice take the long view and are above the pet- Brandeis was a Jew. When Charles Hamilton Houston, the renowned African American civil of the United States, ty squabbling that engulfs the rest of the rights attorney, argued before the court in from the early 1800s. government. They are apolitical public servants who lead 1938, McReynolds turned his back on him. He also referred to Howard University as the monastic existences devoted solely to the rule of law. Their “[n——] university.” independence guarantees that they are answerable to no polit- § Justice Charles Whittaker was often un- able to decide how to vote or to keep up with ical party or faction, but solely to their conscience and to the his work. Once, when assigned to write a ma- jority opinion, he ended up turning the task US Constitution. over to Justice William O. Douglas, who, out of All of this is arrant nonsense. Historically, the Supreme Court of the United States has been populated mostly by peo- ple of decidedly ordinary intellect and ability who have gotten pret- ty cushy jobs through their polit- ical connections. The notion that The Supreme Court of independence—insulation from CENTER: STOCK MONTAGE / GETTY IMAGES the United States has political accountability—guarantees that justices will be motivated by been populated mostly devotion to the law rests on a log- by people of decidedly ical fallacy and has little empirical support. In fact, unaccountability ordinary intellect and produces just what one would ex- ability. pect: a freedom to indulge personal quirks and obsessions. 22
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 pity, ghostwrote it for him even though Doug- grant incompetence or mendacity but plain-vanilla mediocrity. las had also written the dissenting opinion. For every Louis Brandeis, there are many Sherman Mintons. For § Shortly after he was confirmed as a justice, Hugo Black faced a huge scandal about his every William Brennan, there are many Gabriel Duvalls. The membership in the Ku Klux Klan. Reporters for the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette discovered that truth is that most of the justices have gained their seats because of although he had officially resigned from the Klan at the beginning of his campaign for the inside connections, political deals, or US Senate, Black rejoined the organization and was given a lifetime membership. ideological commitments. Their per- § After becoming an associate justice, Abe formance on the bench is consistent Fortas regularly provided advice to his former client, President Lyndon Johnson, even though with what one would expect from the Johnson administration was often a party before the court. Fortas was forced to resign individuals selected on this basis. Most of the justices when it became known that he had accepted If one looks at paper credentials, payments from various interests with potential the modern court scores higher than have gained their seats business before the court. the historical average. All of today’s because of inside § While serving as a law clerk for Justice justices have distinguished academic connections, political Robert Jackson, William Rehnquist prepared records, and there is no reason to a memorandum arguing that the court should reaffirm the “separate but equal” doctrine an- doubt their intelligence. That said, deals, or ideological nounced in Plessy v. Ferguson. When confront- their range of experience is limited. ed with the memo at his confirmation hearing, None of the justices has had to meet commitments. Rehnquist swore under oath that, contrary to what the memo in fact said and despite persua- a payroll for a private business or sive evidence from contemporaries, it did not reflect his personal views. make decisions outside of a huge bureaucracy. None has run § During oral argument in an employment for or served in elective office. Although the Supreme Court discrimination case, Chief Justice Warren Burger announced that women were better at secretarial hears many criminal cases every year, no sitting justice has ever work than men were. He reportedly told his law clerks that Blacks made talented gardeners be- served as a criminal defense attorney, although this will change cause they had a great sense of color, but that they could not get mortgages the way Jews did because when Ketanji Brown Jackson joins. The court regularly decides Jews were generally more able and trustworthy. Women should not be allowed to serve as judges technical and complex cases about specialized matters like patent in rape trials, he added, because they were too emotional and incapable of fair judgment. law and employee benefits law, but no sitting justice has devoted There are enough examples of this sort of significant time to studying these matters. The court’s opinions Hooded justice: behavior to be troubling. (And this is with- routinely rely on empirical assumptions, but the justices appear Supreme Court out touching on the misconduct of modern woefully ignorant of statistical method. There is little evidence Justice Hugo L. Black justices—for example, Brett Kavanaugh’s bizarre and likely perjurous testimony before the Senate that many of them know much about the social sciences, much acknowledges his past Judiciary Committee, or Clarence Thomas’s bla- tantly partisan extrajudicial less about philosophy, literature, or the hard sciences. membership in the Ku diatribes.) Moreover, the Perhaps more significantly, no one should confuse the justices Klux Klan in a nation- secrecy that surrounds the wide radio broadcast court means that we have with apolitical and neutral students of jurisprudence. Many of on October 1, 1937. no way to know how many them got their jobs because they were connected to politically other instances of incompe- tence, misconduct, or florid powerful figures. Consider in this respect Justice Antonin Scalia’s unintentionally eccentricity have influenced the court’s work. Still, I do damning defense of his failure to recuse himself from a case in which Vice President not mean to claim that these examples are representative. Dick Cheney was a named party after Scalia had gone duck hunting with him: No doubt most justices have done their best at what is a Many Justices have reached this Court precisely because they were friends of difficult job. the incumbent President or other senior officials—and from the earliest days down to modern times Justices have had close personal relationships with the In some ways, the more President and other officers of the Executive. John Quincy Adams hosted serious problem is not fla- dinner parties featuring such luminaries as Chief Justice Marshall, Justices Johnson, Story, and Todd.... Justice Harlan and his wife often “stopped in” at the White House to see the Hayes family and pass a Sunday evening in a small group, visiting and singing hymns. Justice Stone tossed around a medicine ball with members of the Hoover admin- istration mornings outside the White House. Justice Douglas was a regular at President Franklin Roosevelt’s pok- er parties; Chief Justice Vinson played poker with President Truman. Modern justices have also been cozy with political figures, and their prior service has established deep ties of personal and politi- cal loyalty. Here are some examples: § In his younger years, Chief Justice MJS / AP PHOTO John Roberts served as associate White House counsel for Ronald Reagan and as the principal deputy in the Solicitor General’s Office for George H.W. Bush. 23
T H E N AT I ON 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 § Justice Samuel Alito worked eugenics program that resulted in the forced sterilization of thousands of women. as assistant solicitor general and at With American entry into World War I, the the Office of Legal Counsel under Wilson administration embarked on a vigorous program to suppress dissent, utilizing the Espio- The justices exercise Reagan. nage Act of 1917 and Sedition Act of 1918 to jail extraordinary power— § Justice Stephen Breyer worked many opponents of the war. The court upheld these convictions in every case that came before in the Johnson Justice Department it, including the conviction of the Socialist Party leader Eugene Debs, who received millions of and throughout history, and was special counsel to the Sen- votes for president while sitting in a jail cell. they have used this ate Judiciary Committee while it power to render many was under Democratic control. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, pop- ulism and progressivism emerged as an import- § Justice Elena Kagan befriended ant political force, and state governments began to enact various forms of economic regulation. truly terrible decisions. Barack Obama while they were both For example, state statutes mandated minimum teaching at the University of Chica- wages and maximum hours; prohibited “yellow dog contracts,” which prevented workers from go Law School. She went on to serve forming unions; and provided for the price reg- ulation of public utilities. The Supreme Court’s as special counsel to the Senate Judiciary Committee under Joe response to these reforms was uncertain and inconsistent but, in general, hostile. Biden, as associate White House counsel and deputy assistant In 1905, for instance, the Supreme Court to the president for domestic policy under Bill Clinton, and as decided Lochner v. New York. According to the court, a state statute protecting employees of solicitor general under Obama. bakery shops from having to work more than 10 hours per day and 60 hours per week vio- § Justice Kavanaugh drafted the Starr Report, which claimed lated the “freedom of contract” protected by the 14th Amendment’s due process clause. And that Clinton had committed potentially impeachable offenses; Lochner was hardly an outlier. In all, between 1905 and 1930, the court invalidated some 200 worked for the George W. Bush campaign on the Florida recount statutes imposing economic regulation. in 2000; and served as Bush’s staff secretary in the White House. Concern about the court’s ideological motiva- tions came to a head during There is nothing dishonorable about service in any of these the New Deal period, when the court blocked some im- Historic injustice: positions. Still, it strains credulity to believe that the justices portant New Deal programs An engraving of Dred suddenly shed their political predispositions upon assuming and threatened to invalidate Scott, the plaintiff in the bench. many more. After his over- whelming victory in 1936, the infamous 1857 President Franklin Roo- sevelt moved to discipline Supreme Court case N one of this would matter much but for the fact the court by increasing its that denied citizenship that the justices exercise extraordinary power— size from nine to 15 justices. to African Americans. and throughout the court’s history, they have used Congress ultimately reject- this power to render many, many truly terrible ed the proposal, but the decisions. This is not the place for a comprehensive court more or less backed history of the Supreme Court, but some highlights from that history convey a sense off from confrontation with a popular president. Roo- of the role that the court has played in our political and legal culture. sevelt remained in office long enough to appoint In the earliest days of the republic, Federalist judges, including eight justices, and these appointments inaugu- Supreme Court justices, vigorously enforced the Alien and Sedi- rated a period during which the court abstained from interfering with economic regulation. tion Acts, which criminalized criticism of the president and re- At the same time, the Roosevelt Court’s de- sulted in the jailing of opposition leaders throughout the country. fense of civil liberties was, at best, spotty. The court occasionally defended the rights of unpop- In the run-up to the Civil War, the court consistently sided ular speakers, but in moments when civil liberties were at greatest risk, it refused to intervene. with slave owners. For example, in Prigg v. Pennsylvania, Justice After the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, the Roosevelt administration ordered the exclusion Joseph Story, writing for the court, held that a Pennsylvania law that prohibited the extradition of African Americans for the purpose of enslaving them was unconstitutional. In the Dred Scott decision, Chief Justice Roger Taney, writing for the court, held that even free African Americans could not be citizens of the United States and that Congress’s efforts to outlaw slavery in the territories were unconstitutional. After the Civil War, Congress enacted Reconstruction legislation that amounted to a comprehensive program to erad- icate the “badges and incidents of slavery” and to protect the newly freed men and women from violence and discrimination. Fearful of judicial interference, the Reconstruction Congress enacted the 14th Amendment to insulate its program from constitutional attack. Unfortunately, the court read the amendment in an indefensibly narrow fashion and proceeded to invalidate much of the Reconstruction program. When political pressure on the South eased, Southern states enacted a compre- hensive system of racial apartheid. In Plessy v. Ferguson, the court, in an infamous opinion by Justice Henry Billings Brown, found that this “separate but equal” re- gime was constitutionally permissible. The court did no better at enforcing civil liberties during this period. Through- out the 19th century, it regularly ignored infringements on speech and free exercise 24 rights. In an especially shameful decision, the court gave its approval to a massive
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 of thousands of Japanese American citizens from out, the court’s orders were widely ignored. Real change did not come until Lyn- their homes. The Supreme Court held that don Johnson’s huge victory in the 1964 election and the breaking of the Southern the action was constitutionally permissible, even stranglehold on Congress. though the exclusion was based solely on ethnic- ity and the excluded individuals were given no Many other Warren Court reforms were similarly vexed. The court addressed opportunity to demonstrate their loyalty. some of the worst manifestations of police violence and lawlessness, but it also in- vented the concept of “qualified immunity” for government officials who violated When the McCarthy panic hit the country civil rights, thereby shielding them from meaningful legal accountability. It was Chief in the postwar period, the liberal justices again Justice Warren himself who wrote for the court in Terry v. Ohio to endorse the “stop caved to public pressure. They acceded to the and frisk” tactics that resulted in the systematic harassment of millions of Black men. criminal convictions and firings of scores of peo- ple because of their political affiliations. T he supreme court’s history is important and often misunderstood, but the crucial question to answer is how the court operates now and D ue to a series of historical how it is likely to operate in the immediate future. Unfortunately, what- accidents, by the late 1950s power ever our experience during the Warren Court era, the modern Supreme on the court had shifted to justices Court has returned to its historical role as the defender of class privilege, who viewed themselves as legal racial hierarchy, and misogyny. From the invalidation of campaign finance legisla- reformers. During the brief heyday of the Warren tion, to the hobbling of efforts to control climate change, to Court, the justices acted vigor- ously to dismantle racial apart- the recent threat to abortion rights, the justices have allied heid in the South, reform the criminal justice system, protect themselves with the most reactionary forces in American life. the free speech rights of dis- senters, require equality of pop- So what is to be done? In the wake of the Senate’s un- ulation in voting districts, and provide some constitutional precedented refusal to consider President Obama’s nom- protection for poverty-stricken Americans. Even after Chief ination of Merrick Garland to the court and the debacle Justice Earl Warren had re- tired and a conservative pres- surrounding the nomination of Brett Kavanaugh, academics ident had somewhat changed the complexion of the court, and political figures have proposed a variety of reforms. The it rendered pathbreaking de- cisions protecting reproductive autonomy and simplest to implement would be an expansion of the court’s attacking gender discrimination. size. The Constitution does not require that there be only A half-century later, the Warren Court’s hold on the American imagination remains strong. nine justices, and the court’s size has varied throughout our For many conservatives, the Warren Court re- mains an exemplar of arrogant and lawless ju- history. A variant of this proposal would allow the court’s dicial overreach. Its more important impact, though, has been on the attitude of many pro- size to fluctuate so as to allow each administration a set gressives. Anyone looking at the entire sweep of the court’s history would understand that the number of appointments. court has pretty consistently stood with the most shortsighted and venal impulses in American Other, more complex proposals would change the court’s society. Still, the Warren Court interregnum supports the hope that if only the right justices functioning in dramatic ways. For ex- could somehow be appointed, the Supreme Court might yet be an engine driving us toward ample, the political analyst Norman Wronged by the the Preamble’s promise that we “establish jus- Ornstein has proposed 18-year term limits for Supreme Court court: Carrie Buck, tice.” That hope, in turn, softens the criticism justices, with a justice then relegated to service on the lower the plaintiff in Buck v. that many progressives might otherwise direct toward the court. courts so as not to run afoul of the constitutional guarantee of Bell (1927), in which In evaluating this hope, it is important to life tenure. Former presidential candidate Pete Buttigieg has the Supreme Court emphasize two points about the Warren Court. borrowed from a far-reaching proposal advanced by law pro- approved a vast First, this judicial Camelot did not last very fessors Daniel Epps and Ganesh Sitaraman. Under this scheme, forced sterilization long—effectively only 10 years. Second, for all there would be 15 justices, with 10 equally divided between the program. its ambition, the Warren Court’s actual accom- plishments were limited and fragile. Disman- two parties and those 10 choosing the remaining five. tling the Jim Crow system was an important achievement, but as many scholars have pointed Here are some other proposals that the Supreme Court itself could adopt in the unlikely event that it were so inclined: § Ditch the robes and the “Your The modern Supreme Honors.” Supreme Court justices are not gods or priests; they are Court has returned to its ordinary human beings. In a coun- role as the defender of try without an aristocracy, respect class privilege, racial should never be based on station. Instead, it must be earned and is al- hierarchy, and reaction. ways held provisionally. The justices should act, and should be treated, like every other citizen. § Require a seven-justice majority to invalidate a statute. Nothing in the Constitution mandates majority voting by the justices; indeed, by internal rule, the court has deviated from majority voting in deciding whether to grant review over cases. More than 100 years ago, the famed Harvard Law School professor James Bradley Thayer wrote that a statute 25
should be invalidated only when its unconstitutionality was “so clear that it is not the justices to defend their opinions is bound to open to rational question.” A way to institutionalize Thayer’s insight is to require provide more incentive to think carefully about at least a seven-justice majority to invalidate a statute. If three justices think that what they are doing. the statute is constitutional, it is hard to say that their judgment is “irrational.” Will the Supreme Court adopt these reforms Why, then, should the judgment of six justices prevail over the collective judg- on its own? Don’t bet on it. We face a clas- ment of three of their colleagues and the political branches? sic chicken-and-egg problem: The justices have § Media coverage. For years, there has been argument about whether the Supreme power, and their power rests on mystification. Court’s oral arguments should be broadcast live on television. The court seems to We can hardly expect the beneficiaries of this be moving haltingly in this direction, but this change does not go nearly far enough. system to dismantle it voluntarily. It does not fol- Secrecy surrounding the court’s operations has produced sloppiness and miscon- low, though, that debate about these proposals is duct that would never be tolerated if subjected to the disinfectant of sunlight. The pointless. The necessary first step toward forcing Supreme Court’s conferences should be offered for live broadcast. I know, I know— the court to give up its power is to delegitimize how are the justices supposed to be candid with each other if the court in the eyes of the public. And the first every word they speak is made public? But, for goodness’ sake, step in accomplishing that objective is asking why, Rogues’ gallery: these folks have life tenure. What is this protection for, if not exactly, the justices are so terrified of reforms People in New York to allow them to say what they think without worrying about City protest the leaked retribution? If the justices in fact feel a little pressure to think that would end the pervasive mystification that encases the court’s work. Even considering pro- draft of the Supreme more carefully about what they say in conference, this would be posals like these punctures the pomp, pretension, Court decision over- a good result rather than a bad one. and grandiosity that supports the court’s power. turning Roe v. Wade. § Draft opinions. The court should release draft opinions for More than that, thinking about these propos- public comment before they are finalized. Why not? Administra- als reveals the sheer ridiculousness of the court. tive agencies have functioned this way for years. Congress does Yes, we need to advance reasoned arguments for not usually keep important legislation secret until it becomes why this institution is harming the country. But law, and when it tries to do so, it is subject to harsh criticism. It is more than just argument is required. The court terrifying that the court produces major legal documents in final should be the object of derision, mockery, and form without giving interested parties the opportunity to point contempt. We need to start making fun of the out errors and suggest revisions. pomposity and pretensions of the justices. § Reverse oral arguments. After If we can bring ourselves to see through the draft is made public, the court its pomposity and pretensions, perhaps the Su- should conduct reverse oral argu- preme Court will lose its power over us. Once it The necessary first step ment, whereby lawyers for each side does, the American people can begin the serious BRYAN R. SMITH / AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES toward forcing the court can question the justices about the work of debating what it would take to establish to give up its power is opinion. Why is it only the jus- justice—work that cannot and should not be del- tices who get to ask the questions? egated to an arrogant elite in robes. N to delegitimize it in the A reverse oral argument, with the This article has been adapted from From Parchment eyes of the public. advocates posing the hypotheticals to Dust: The Case for Constitutional Skepticism, and testing limits, might uncover by Louis Michael Seidman (The New Press). Copyright 2021. Reprinted here with permission. unintended consequences or flabby 26 argumentation. Moreover, forcing
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 (continued from page 19) anti-bullying and anti-harassment curriculum helps everyone. It continues: “You might feel like you’re a Heterosexual kids have lower rates of suicide attempts and lower rates of sexual assault [than students who don’t get such teaching]. boy even if you have body parts that some peo- All of these things support all young people.” ple might tell you are ‘girl’ parts. You might feel like you’re a girl even if you have body parts that Meanwhile, in florida, the new law hasn’t gone some people might tell you are ‘boy’ parts. And into effect yet, but you might not feel like you’re a boy or a girl, but teachers are already you’re a little bit of both. No matter how you feeling the chill. feel, you’re perfectly normal!” Michael Woods, a It’s the quote heard round the world, from the 29-year teaching veteran in Palm “We are policing New York Post to the Daily Mail to The Washington Beach, had a colleague preparing teachers in ways we Post. The Bulwark’s Cathy Young, one of the news a lesson about the US space pro- site’s stable of anti-Trump conservatives, fea- gram. One slide in the curriculum never have before.” tured it in a purportedly balanced piece about the sex-ed wars in April. Young, to her credit, came featured the late Sally Ride, the first —Alison Macklin, out against the Florida bill as “bad law.” But she woman in space, who also happened SIECUS also suggested that advocates of CSE are push- ing complex concepts at children who are too to be a lesbian. “She just cut ‘lesbian’ out of the slide. She felt young—and she used the body-parts section of “Pink, Blue and Purple” as one example. Young she had to,” he said. seemed to think a compromise was possible. Woods emphasized that Florida has no sex-ed requirements. I put that proposal to Advocates for Youth’s Nora Gelperin. “We’re not willing to compro- It’s a point that often gets lost in the controversy: With no sex ed mise on someone’s identity or their families’ identities,” Gelperin responded. “The more you required, the state’s prohibition on discussing sexuality and gen- yield, the more they’ll decimate sex ed.” Plus, she added, “we already have parental opt-out.” der in the early grades is basically intended to make sure young Alison Macklin, the state policy and advo- children are never taught, or don’t have it acknowledged or cacy director at SIECUS: Sex Ed for Social Change, agrees. “We are policing teachers in respected, that anyone in their lives is LGBTQ. (In later grades, ways we never have before. There is no teach- er in the world who is espousing that people the Florida bill bans teaching on gender and sexuality that is not become gay or trans! I’m always asking people who make these claims, ‘OK, give me an exam- “age appropriate or developmentally appropriate,” a standard ple.’ And they can’t.” that teachers say is too subjective.) Some anatomy is taught in One educator, still reeling from the attacks on the “Three Rs” cur- the fifth grade; a broader “health” curriculum starts in the sixth. riculum, agreed to let me share an e-mail they sent as Woods is a science teacher who also teaches kids with disabili- their school district reviews its curriculum. “It’s always ties. When I reached him by phone, he’d just come from teaching made out to be about a wildly radical agenda,” the the five-day sex-ed curriculum for ninth graders. It dealt with teacher wrote. “But if peo- ple in my position can try Internet safety and cyber-bullying, but only one day was devoted to understand a bit about why parents may be un- to discussing gender identity and sexual orientation—“mainly comfortable about discuss- ing details about gender defining ‘what is LGBTQ?’ We actually stress abstinence,” Woods said, “but if you’re at younger ages, then [the other side] should be able choosing not to be abstinent, [we also cover] ‘here’s how you protect yourself.’” to consider that there are so many young people in crisis and education Woods is proud to be public about being gay. “I came out very late, because I was could help with that. The intention behind these standards is to save lives.” afraid of losing my job. I’ve never identified myself Dr. Kathleen Ethier, who runs adolescent as a gay teacher, but now I have to,” he said. His health and sexuality programs at the Centers for Disease Control, said the best CSE programs multi-year contract gives him protection others save straight kids’ lives too. “These policies and practices that are being pushed back on help all don’t have. students,” Ethier told me. “Studies show the But the “groomer” slur rattles him, Woods con- tinued. To those using it, he would say: “You don’t understand how dangerous that word is. Do you understand the consequences of that word?” He began to choke up. “I’m a Special Olympics coach. That requires people to have trust in me. I’m a prom sponsor. I chaperone the senior class trip.” A surprising number of people resisted talking to me for this story. Teachers and school adminis- trators are running scared. Advance Democracy’s Daniel J. Jones thinks the “consequences” of this nasty rhetoric go beyond distrustful parents and even job loss. Having studied the way online threats turned into bloodshed on Janu- ary 6, he warns, “We should not be surprised if this turns violent.” Cara Berg Powers said some of her education students are having second thoughts about their chosen profession. “My students are scared they’re going to be called ‘groomers.’ They’re afraid they’ll be in danger. One is a trans woman—she said, ‘Being a teacher is all I ever wanted.’ But now she’s thinking, ‘Maybe I shouldn’t.’” “People ask me, ‘Are you afraid of losing your job?’” Woods said. “I’ve got 29 years here. This is my way of speaking up for students. “This topic is not going anywhere,” he adds. “And neither am I.” N 27
T H E N AT I ON 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 BY NICOLAS NIARCHOS become emotional when I heard street musicians. I grew worried that people, H Lviv, Ukraine surrounded by so much war, would lose ere in the cultural capital of ukraine, the statues have been sight of their culture and therefore them- selves. What does art matter when peo- wrapped in plastic. The windows and facades of the neoclassical ple are dying, starving, and being raped? buildings that have led many a writer to describe this city as a “jewel box” have also been covered. This may be enough to Y uliya komska, who grew protect them from the shrapnel from Russian bombs and shells, up in Lviv and is now a but it won’t be enough to shield them from a direct hit. Taken as a metaphor, these professor of German stud- veiled figures convey a message: Art and culture are under wraps, at least until the ies at Dartmouth, recently invasion of Ukraine is over. wrestled with the same In early May, Lviv’s opera house, a Beaux-Arts wedding-cake building that contradictions when thinking about her inhabits both the physical and cultural heart of the town, hosted a ballet, the first homeland. In “A Stained Glass in Lviv,” public performance there since the war began. The ballet—Giselle, a work of an essay for the Los Angeles Review of 19th-century French Romanticism—had nothing to do with the war, but the fact Books about the destruction of culture of the hostilities was never far off. The mother and grandmother of the principal in Ukraine, Komska writes of a night- dancer, Daryna Kirik, had survived the horrors of the Russian occupation in Bucha, mare she had, about the destruction of where residents were shot on the street and war crimes are alleged to have taken a stained glass window her father made place. An announcement preceded the curtain raising: The performance would be after the fall of the Soviet Union. In halted in the event of an air raid. the essay, she eloquently explains why On the opening night at the opera house, there was no alarm, but as Lviv has worrying about culture is important: settled into an uneasy normalcy, punctuated by sirens and the occasional Russian OLENA KHRAMOVA strike, culture has had to adapt, to go underground and huddle in bomb shelters In war, mourning the loss of art, with the city’s residents. That night, ballerinas in white tulle costumes glided onto be it actual or anticipated, is not and off the stage without a hitch, and the director of the opera, Vasyl Vovkun, hailed separate from mourning for the the event as a triumph of light over darkness. senseless disruption and destruc- tion of human life. To live is to Despite the occasional performance or recital, however, in- build, to repair, to illuminate, stitutions like the theater, the opera, and the ballet have shifted to leave traces in the fabric of onto a war footing. Their buildings have been repurposed as time and space. Until an empire’s supply hubs and homes for internally displaced people. At the fist hits it all and smashes it to opera, volunteers have made hand-sewn protective garments smithereens. In the face of its to be sent to the troops, and the company is raising funds for a onslaught, human life is as fragile front-line medical clinic through paid online concerts. Across as the glass that bears humanity’s loving traces. town at the Philharmonic, medical supplies are stockpiled for transport One day in Lviv, I attended a re- to the worst-hit areas of the country. Volunteers in a shuttered library hearsal at the Philharmonic. At the Maybe the function of art piece together camouflage netting time, the Philharmonic wasn’t open to was less grandiose, as out of strips of cloth. the public. In the hallway, boxes marked Protasov, the conductor, “tensoplast” and “dermoplast”—ban- suggested: that it merely offers a distraction from W hat does war do dages and medicine destined for the the moment. to a culture? I was in Ukraine front—were piled high, threatening to in March, during a fearful period swamp the bust of the Soviet-era com- when every empty concert hall por- poser Stanyslav Lyudkevych. In a liver-colored recital room, an orchestra made up mainly of female tended doom. Kyiv was under attack, string musicians played a piece by the and, so the logic ran, it was only a matter of time before Lviv, Polish composer Witold Lutosławski, too, would have to resist the invaders from the East. The Rus- “Musique Funèbre pour Orchestre à Nicolas Niarchos sians generally bombed in the very early hours, and each day, as Cordes.” Most of the men in the or- is a journalist the sky darkened, rumors and dire warnings would begin to fly. whose work “Trust me, a friend of a friend at the British Ministry of Defense chestra had been conscripted into the focuses on conflicts, insists the Russians will target foreign cell phones with missiles.” minerals, and “My father has heard from military sources that tonight they will Ukrainian military, though two double migration. He is strike.” And so on. currently writing bassists remained. “They are a prob- a book about cobalt During wartime, the unusual is transmogrified into normality. Sheltering in a disused casino for six hours as air raid sirens echo lem,” Vitaliy Protasov, the conductor of the International Symphony Orchestra, announced to laughter from the musi- cians. They did not know when they mining. in the streets is a regular occurrence. Some days in Lviv, I would would be called up to fight. 29
Anastasia Pryshlyak, the young manager of the orchestra, told me that art was a soon be 10 pm—curfew— after which soldiers would way for the musicians to play their part away from the front. “We want to come back scour the streets for Rus- sian diversanty: saboteurs, to our normal life and play concerts here,” Pryshlyak told me. “For us now, we feel real and imagined. Vovkun greeted Orishchenko in his empty inside. But we know that to be able to perform here safely, we need to help office with a bear hug, his eyes brimming with tears. there. That is the most important thing.” A powerfully built man As with any war, here and there had taken on totemic significance. Here was the in his 60s with a silvery beard, Vovkun once served relative safety of Lviv; there was the front, the war, the place of death. Culture bridges as Ukraine’s minister of cul- ture. He and I had been dis- the gap between the here and the there, making both in some way cussing culture in Ukraine for just over an hour. His more manageable. After the performance, I spoke with Mariana office at the opera house connects via a small pas- Stasinchuk, a 29-year-old violinist. “My husband is in the military sageway to a private box overlooking the stage, right now,” she told me. “As long as he’s there, I will be here and which at that point was dark. He spoke of his long- do anything I can to support him. There’s no other way I can do it.” ing to have a performance and his worries about the audience’s safety. The INSO opera was rehearsing for a solidarity concert that Vovkun wanted to convey to me that Ukraine was under siege not simply by Russia’s military had been organized across the border in War- but culturally, in line with a tradition that for 300 years has negated Ukraine, its art and its saw. Lutosławski’s haunting rhythm swelled history. That night, we spoke about Tchaikovsky’s Ukrainian roots, Pushkin’s calum- Art inspires us to in the hall. Afterward, Protasov said to me, nies against Mazeppa, and Peter live: Wrapped statues “It’s important that we try to find something the Great—don’t even mention in Lviv (above), and in our souls—” before trailing off. “Now, with him. “He was a chauvinist, and he was the first person against the in- the director of the weapons, it’s impossible, and it’s impossible dependence of Ukraine,” Orish- chenko said, chiming in. It might opera, Vasyl Vovkun to make plans... It’s difficult to say what will seem odd that Ukrainians con- (right), who once come out of music.” He paused, then alighted tinue to spend time litigating the served as Ukraine’s on a simpler answer: “It’s a good possibility to legacy of an 18th-century Russian minister of culture. not read the news and to think [about] what we have. It’s, it’s monarch while Grad rockets pul- verize their cities. But they do, like a help.” passionately. For this war is also one about history and culture. A friend in Moscow told O ne night i visited Ukrainians like Vovkun will NIKOLAI VON BISMARCK (3) me that even people he the shuttered opera. emphasize the Europeanness of Ukrainian cul- spoke to there who were A friend of Vovkun’s ture. A small European Union flag stands at against the war didn’t had come to say the edge of his desk, and a certificate from the believe Ukraine was a goodbye. Goodbyes pope (Vovkun is a Greek Orthodox Catholic by real country. in Lviv these days often mean that religion) adorns a wall in his office. The Russian people are leaving the country, position, on the other hand, denies that Ukraine 30 heading across the border, joining or its culture even exists. A friend in Moscow the great human stream seeking asy- told me the other day that even people he spoke lum in Europe. Oleh Orishchenko to who were against the war didn’t believe was traveling in the opposite di- Ukraine was a real country. rection; he was going there, back to As the journalist Anna Reid recently wrote in the war. an essay for Foreign Affairs about the Kremlin’s war on Ukraine’s history, “according to Putin’s Outside, people were quick- logic, all divisions between Russia and Ukraine trotting to their homes. It would are the work of Western powers.” The logic, she says, holds that “Ukrainians and Ukraine, in other words, aren’t just naturally part of Rus- sian; they don’t even really exist.”
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 W hat did my time at lviv’s the glass the quantity of people that have died and the heritage cultural institutions teach that has been damaged. People would be able to remember me about the necessity of what Russian occupants did to us.” art? During other wars—in Yemen, in Congo, in the A fter he arrived at the opera house that night Sahel—I have seen how art can heal shattered with Vovkun, Orishchenko announced that he communities, how it has the power to transport had decided to return to Kharkhiv. He would people with no hope into a world of imaginative bring with him humanitarian supplies. He had possibilities. I saw in Ukraine how art might been in Lviv for only preserve human connection in a time of intense three days. Turning to me and my isolation; how it can bridge the divide between the mundane and the terrifying in war. Or translator, overwhelmed by this maybe the function of art was less grandiose, as Protasov, the conductor, suggested: that it news, Vovkun said, “We are in a “After the war, I plan merely offers a distraction from the moment. peaceful place, but Oleh is going Certainly in Ukraine it seems difficult for back to the war, bringing humani- to make an art project culture to find its own space. The war is tarian help.” all-consuming; many Ukrainians I spoke with Orishchenko solemnly took by leaving destroyed said they felt suffocated, petrified by the sheer impending doom of the invasion. Reminders from his pocket a yellow armband, buildings as they are, of normal life are hard to come by: a package a symbol of the Ukrainian resistance from abroad, a beer and a note smuggled worn by volunteers, and wrapped it under glass.” —Petro Antyp across the border from a friend on the other side. People yearn for the return of art in their around his sleeve: “The occupants lives: An internally displaced teacher misses giving piano recitals to her friends; a photog- have used prohibited bombs”— rapher longs to shoot scenes without soldiers and tank traps. thermobaric bombs, which though not specifically proscribed Perhaps the best answer to this conundrum by international law can cause mass civilian casualties—“that has to do with art’s role as a vector for collective memory. Petro Antyp, an artist and sculptor exploded near the theater. There were four or five places they who is originally from Donetsk, believes that this is one of art’s most important functions. hit very near to the theater. Thanks to the people who stayed in Musique funèbre: With about a half-dozen volunteers, he said, the theater all the time, they were able to stop the fire.” Now he Apart from the double he is gathering “all the possible information on wanted to relieve them. It had taken Orishchenko three days to bass players, who art pieces that have been damaged.” He is in- forming lawyers in Paris and the United States, get to Lviv on jam-packed roads, he told me. He wondered how were still waiting to be drafting notes to submit to UNESCO like a crisis investigator preparing a brief on the de- long it would take to get back. called up, all the men struction of life for the International Criminal Armenian brandy, left over from before the war, appeared. in the orchestra had Court. He hopes this work will let the destroyed been conscripted. collections of today say something both about The Ukrainian government had prohibited the sale of al- the past and the world that is to come. cohol during wartime—too many fresh volunteers manning When we met in Lviv, Antyp’s mourning was tempered by hope. In the midst of the checkpoints—but the occasion called for a toast. “I pray that current destruction, he hopes something will be restored, a way of looking at Ukraine’s art not you survive tomorrow in this difficult situation, because tomorrow you are leav- “through the eyes of Moscow” but on its own terms. He hopes to restore the Ukrainian-ness ing, tomorrow you won’t be able to sit here with us. I really love you. I really re- to the memory of artists like Kazimir Malevich, who was born to a Polish family in Kyiv but is spect you,” Vovkun said, raising a glass. (Vovkun, who has remained in touch with often thought of as Russian. Orishchenko, reports that he managed to reach Kharkhiv safely.) With what remains from the war, he be- lieves he can create something that can be a After the glasses had been drained, a troupe of young singers entered to ask repository for the memory of this time. “After the war, I plan to make an art project by leaving Vovkun’s permission for something. The director asked them to perform for us, but destroyed buildings as they are, under glass,” Antyp said. The project has allowed him to they politely declined. They didn’t feel like singing, they said, when people were think of a world without the invasion, one in which the lessons of the terror inflicted upon dying in the East. N Ukraine are remembered. “We will write on Anna Ivanova contributed reporting and translation.
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theB&AB O O K S ARTS The Zen stewart brand is not a scientist. Playboy He’s not an artist, an engineer, or a programmer. Nor is he much of a The life and times of Stewart Brand writer or editor, though as the cre- ator of the Whole Earth Catalog, that’s BY MALCOLM HARRIS what he’s best known for. Brand, 83, is a huckster—one of the great hucksters in a time 40 and place full of them. Over the course of his long life, Brand’s salesmanship has been so outstanding that scholars of the American 20th century have secured his place as a historical figure, picking out the blond son of Stanford from among his peers and seating him with inventors, activists, and politicians at the table of men to be remembered. But remem- bered for what, exactly? ILLUSTRATION BY TIM ROBINSON
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 Whole Earth: The Many Lives of Stewart Brand is the first full biographical consider- early employee at the Oregon electron- ation of a man who has already provided useful fodder for writers seeking to characterize the various social and intellectual movements that came out of California in the final ics company Tektronix—were, and they third of the 20th century. The author, the longtime tech journalist John Markoff, has covered Brand at length before, in What the Dormouse Said: How the Sixties Counterculture introduced him to the scene, connecting Shaped the Personal Computer Industry. But his new book puts Brand, the man—rather than his role as an exemplary connector of others—at the center of its story. An autho- Stewart with family friends. rized project, Markoff’s biography draws primarily from Brand’s own words in contem- porary interviews and in his detailed journals, to which the author had access. If, in the Brand felt at home in Palo Alto, and historical light of 2022, it were possible to make Stewart Brand look good, I’m sure Mar- koff would have managed it, which makes it all the more remarkable that he does not. he assumed that with his Exeter training he’d cruise to the top of his class; but de- spite his enthusiasm for the coursework, he made the same, lackluster grades that he did in boarding school. And though on paper he was the perfect Stanford Man— athletic and sporting but no jock, excited I n works ranging from Tom about ideas but no egghead, outdoorsy Wolfe’s The Electric Kool- Aid Acid Test—the book but no loner, and rich—he had trouble opens with Brand driving the famous Merry Prank- Whole Earth making friends and fitting into a crowd. ster bus—to Fred Turner’s 2004 study From Counterculture to Cyberculture, Brand The Many Lives of Markoff writes that classmates remember found a way to put himself behind the Stewart Brand wheel, most often by buying the car. He By John Markoff him as a straitlaced “square” who wore his pops up repeatedly in what has become Penguin Press. the standard prehistory of Silicon Val- 416 pp. $32 ROTC uniform around campus. Rejected ley: organizing the San Francisco Trips Festivals, which kick-started the hippie with a standout older brother. It was here, by his brother Mike’s fraternity, Stewart movement, helping show off the first Markoff writes, that Brand developed a personal computer prototype, supplying “coping mechanism” that became an “op- hung out with the school’s foreign stu- those newly minted hippies with “back erating manual” for him throughout his to the land” fantasies, advising the Zen life: “Brand figured out that the best way dents, fretted about overpopulation, and governor of California Jerry Brown, tell- to compete was not to follow the crowd ing America about early computer games, but to instead chart his own iconoclas- dove into the hyper-individualist writings cofounding one of the first successful tic path.” For an underachieving elitist, experiments in Internet community, and better to be incomparably strange than of Ayn Rand. coining the phrase “Information wants second-rate. to be free.” As an overlapping member Here the reader starts to sense the of so many relevant milieus, Brand is like As a young man, Brand struggled to a transitional fossil, revealing changes find a balance between his convention- contours of a black hole at the center and continuities. In him, academics and al thinking and his need for open fields reporters have found a useful tool for where he could succeed. Looking at col- of Markoff’s narrative. Throughout the narrating the period, helping readers ride leges in the West, where the level of com- smoothly from the 1960s to the 1980s petition was lower, he considered Reed book, people who meet Stewart Brand and linking together the ostensibly dispa- but was disturbed to hear that the school rate cultures in Turner’s title. was left-wing. The prospective student often disappear from his life so fast that sent a letter inquiring about Reed’s “pink” Unlike Forrest Gump, who jogged reputation and its students, who seemed it’s as if they were repelled by an unseen through the same period blissfully igno- “a shade odd.” He ended up at Stanford. rant and unseduced by any particular line, force. He had his own car and off-cam- Brand fervently believed in almost every- Stanford was, at the time, a small, ru- thing—at least for a little while. Born into ral, middling private college best known pus spot, but aside from a pay-to-play an ownership-class family in Rockford, as the alma mater of Herbert Hoover. Ill., he was the youngest of four children. It was also a conservative place; the first adventure on a summer trip to Paris, His father was a partner at an advertising thing Brand did when he got to town agency, but the family money traced to the was hit the Brooks Brothers outlet in Brand remained sexually frustrated into Midwestern timber boom. Stewart attend- San Francisco. But thanks to the ma- ed prep schools, boarding at Exeter Acad- neuverings of its provost, Fred Terman, his 20s, sending his sole female friend of emy in New Hampshire, where despite Stanford was in the early stages of an his intellectual disposition, he was an un- exciting new trajectory. Palo Alto was the note a letter calling her a “bitch” when exceptional student, especially compared launchpad for the West Coast postwar electronics industry, and though Brand she declined a romantic relationship. Malcolm Harris is the author of Kids These was not particularly technologically in- Days and the forthcoming Palo Alto. clined, his MIT-trained father and his His male friendships faded about as fast. brother Mike—a Stanford alum and an In a place where similarly bright-eyed young men of all sorts formed ambitious lifelong partnerships with their chums, Stewart—who had access to plenty of resources and could have used the disci- plined focus of a contrasting partner— didn’t. I couldn’t help but wonder: Was this guy an asshole? The answer to this question only peeks through Markoff’s authorized prose, but against Brand’s gray account of himself, the occasional glimpse of other people’s perceptions reveals a lot. What else do you need to know about a man who ha- bitually induced his Whole Earth Catalog coworkers to play a game with padded swords just so he, with his experience and size, could beat the crap out of them? Arrogant, lazy, pretentious, and mean: Between the lines, it sure sounds like this guy sucks. This admittedly 41 uncharitable lens brings Whole Earth into sharper focus.
B&AB O O K S the ARTS B rand spent his early twen- could have taken, it’s worth keeping the socialist but that there was good money to ties moving in two direc- tions at once. For a class alternative in mind. Had he possessed be made as a beatnik. assignment on the “anom- ic personality,” he checked the endurance or patience to join an elite Brand’s next big idea combined his re- out the burgeoning Beat scene in San Francisco’s North Beach and was relieved military unit, he likely would have been ceding interest in photography with his to find the whole thing much straighter than it was depicted in the media. Brand among the first boots on the ground in increasing interest in “systems thinking,” chilled with ex-surrealists and future hip- pies, house-sitting a luxurious three-bed- Vietnam, where the US Special Forces a shift from his Randianism to the faddish room rent-free. But then, with seeming incongruity, he shipped off to Fort Ben- began the war with a murderous counter- work of architectural theorist Buckmin- ning in Georgia to start Army Ranger training. ROTC was one of Brand’s fa- insurgency campaign. Say what you will ster Fuller. On one 1966 acid trip, Brand vorite parts of Stanford—an uncommon sentiment—and the idea of joining an about rich-kid beatniks, but at least they was struck by an idea: Why hadn’t NASA elite corps appealed to him, so after de- ciding that three years was too long to were not war criminals. released a satellite picture of the entire become a Marine, he signed up for two years in the Army. He completed his basic planet yet? It was a puzzling question, and officer training but lasted only two weeks in Ranger School. T he catalyst that turned beat- with its conspiratorial overtones and hip- niks into hippies was LSD, pie implications, Brand recognized what Markoff’s stenographic style makes for and Brand was there almost we might call a “good meme.” Lacking easy reading, but if you ask a proud guy from the start. Like a new social media, he shared his meme by hand, why he dropped out of Ranger School, boat or car, an LSD trip crafting buttons that read “Why haven’t we you’re not likely to get the authoritative answer. Whole Earth, the author notes, is was available as a luxury purchase, and he seen a photograph of the whole Earth yet?” intended not as a scholarly work but as an authorized biography, which leaves it paid $500 to the International Foundation and mailing them to important people in to Brand to make himself look bad, and he does so constantly. “With no war, it for Advanced Study for a supervised set of science and politics. Then he donned a wouldn’t do for a book,” he wrote, reeval- uating his choice to enlist on egomaniacal experimental trips, which sound nightmar- costume—a new trademark top hat made grounds. “I am a character in search of an author, situation, plot, and other charac- ish even to a reader who enjoys the drug. him nearly six and a half feet tall—strapped ters.” Instead of becoming a lowly grunt, he haggled with bureaucrats and used his Though he’d forever be associated with on a plywood sandwich board, and distrib- connections—including his sister’s hus- band, a fast-rising commandant educated acid culture, Brand preferred the inhal- uted the buttons at some of the country’s at West Point—to get better assignments, including a sinecure at New Jersey’s Fort ant that the experimenters gave him as a top colleges: Berkeley, Stanford, Colum- Dix, where he spent the weekends as an art scenester in Greenwich Village and warm-up, and he huffed his way through bia, Harvard, and MIT. Like the acid ad- got into trouble for falling asleep on duty. Still, Stewart’s dreams of military the ’60s, eventually de- vocate Timothy Leary, glory weren’t finally over until he was told that he couldn’t apply to become a veloping a tank-a-week Brand had a top-down Green Beret until he had 18 months of training. Instead, less than a year into his nitrous habit. approach to social en- two-year commitment, Brand got per- Brand styled him- It was LSD that turned lightenment, an elitism mission (“magically,” Markoff writes) to leave early and study art in San Francisco, self a photographer— beatniks into hippies. that, more than any where he rented a houseboat. he’d used a camera ideology, position, or to stand out during Brand was there almost interest, has guided his If becoming a flea-bitten trust-funder tooling around the Bay on his new sail- his short military ca- from the start. whole life. boat, driving to the woods in his new red reer—and envisioned NASA did release 42 VW bus (imported from Germa- ny), and trailing Jack Kerouac a career as a freelance reporter and au- such a photo the next year, and Brand sounds like the worst road Brand thor who would illustrate his own work. recycled it for another notion, as the name But his pitches to national outlets yielded of his catalog. Why a catalog? One strand no assignments, and a series of projects that runs through Markoff’s book un- on American Indians went unfinished as remarked is the fact that Brand loved Brand jumped from one thing to the next. shopping. He was the prototypical early He made experimental sound works that adopter, prepared to pay sticker price for were devoid of musicality, and not in a the latest gadgets, a habit linked to his good way. “What he had,” Markoff writes, father’s love for mail-order catalogs and “just as he had had as a child, was an even further back to a family hardware unending stream of notions.” It’s not a supply business. He took the same shop- flattering thing to say about a man. ping approach to ideas and identities, al- Brand did have the luck, however, to ways on the lookout for something new. be fishing in a well-stocked pond with the Many of his peers were the same way, luxuries of time and good equipment. The and for them he dreamed up the Whole Trips Festival wasn’t Brand’s idea—he got Earth Catalog, a thick brochure for the it from the Merry Pranksters, who wanted reverse-engineered store of Stewart. to do a concert-size Acid Test—but he had The form was brilliant, in its way: With $300 for a venue deposit as well as con- no critical or creative agenda to speak of, nections to concert professionals in San the Whole Earth Catalog could play fast Francisco, including the young promoter and loose with copyright, raiding the latest Bill Graham. As a vehicle for Brand’s ex- books for their coolest pictures and dia- perimental art, the festival was a total bust, grams. In it, the reader found all sorts of but as a Grateful Dead concert it was a stuff, from walkie-talkies to tepees, calcu- success, and Brand reassured his father not lators to kerosene lamps, as well as a whole only that he had no interest in becoming a lot of what we might now call ’60s books.
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 Brand took the large format from Steve Baer’s newsprint instructional zine Dome Cookbook, the typeface from L.L. Bean, and his famous intro (“We are as gods and might as well get good at it”) from a British anthropologist. Reviewers got $10 apiece, and Brand paid for the INCREASE AFFECTION latest in bespoke publishing technology. His $25,000 investment ($200,000 or so today) did not break his bank. The 64-page Catalog had a cover price of $5, roughly 10 times the Created by Winnifred Cutler, price of a paperback. The hardest-working member of Brand’s staff was his new wife, Lois, Ph.D. in biology from U. of Penn, post-doc who toiled alongside him all day and then did the cooking, cleaning, and laundry at night Stanford. Co- while her husband watched TV for inspiration. The relationship did not last long. One discovered human pheromones in 1986 wonders when Stewart did all the reading his bibliophile image required. Author of 8 books on As for politics, Markoff notes that leftists who met Brand assumed he was working with wellness and 50+ scientific papers. the CIA, an accusation that could be rated as indirectly to literally true, depending on the 6-Pak: Save $100 circumstances (later in life Brand would work alongside the CIA doing scenario planning). When he did take an unusual shine to someone political, as he did later in life with the environmentalist Wendell Berry and the cartoonist R. Crumb, Brand quickly turned them PROVEN EFFECTIVE IN 3 off. At a time when revolution gripped the country, the Whole Earth Catalog reflected his right-wing thought by omission. After one DOUBLE-BLIND STUDIES young staffer suggested ways to make the In 1986, while he vacationed on a colonial ATHENA PHEROMONEStm catalog more political, Stewart vetoed the ranch in Kenya and dreamed of a book increase your attractiveness. Athena 10X tm For Men $99.50 notion with a surprising set of rules: “No called Sleeping With Lions, the remainder 10:13 tm For Women $98.50 politics, no religion, and no art.” What was of the Whole Earth team sent him a letter Unscented Cosmetics Free U.S. Shipping left? Computers and shopping. As a futur- saying the project was broke and they ♥ Ed (TN) “I want to give Athena a compliment: 10X ist, he had that much right. would have to cut him off. Well into his is the best product I ever bought in my life! You ask what it does? Well, for one thing it has increased The Whole Earth Catalog was an un- 40s, Brand could still count on a check my love life! Thank you very much.” derground hit, and with the help of John from Mom. But how to spend his time? ♥ Patricia (CO)“I love 10:13! It’s amazing, like a secret weapon. The difference was immediate. I’m Brockman—Markoff describes him as the What role could history offer him? 68. But men stop, want to be around me, treat me respectfully.” East Coast Jewish equivalent of Brand’s Before he knew it, Brand was on a West Coast WASP, another individual- Shell oil platform, helping the company’s ist huckster hovering around collectivist managers find an innovative way to re- Not in stores tm 610-827-2200 art scenes—the catalog went mainstream. structure the workforce, despite the labor Athenainstitute.com Though it didn’t actually sell many of union’s objections. In the second half of Athena Institute, Braefield Rd, Chester Spgs, PA 19425 NTN the featured items, and though Brand his life, Brand betrayed everything he’d (along with almost everyone else) later ever embraced in the first half, with the denounced the whole back-to-the-land notable exception of capitalism, of which mentally conscious and techno-optimist; philosophical and even spiritual rather hippie commune movement that served he’s remained in favor. Soon he and sev- than materialistic and stultified. If Brand had died before the 2008 crash, before as its ostensible customer base, the Whole eral others who worked for Shell began Edward Snowden and Uber and Facebook as a tool of genocide and Jeffrey Epstein Earth Catalog made his reputation. It al- their own consultancy firm. From the and coal-fired Bitcoin-mining plants, he might have secured an uncomplicated leg- lowed him to put more than $1 million mind that created the Whole Earth Cat- acy. Now we all know better, and Brand’s biographer can’t get around that. in profits into a short-lived foundation alog came the Global Business Network. At the age of 83, Brand has survived that awarded small, arbitrary grants to Brand charged more than $100,000 a year long enough to see himself as the protag- onist in a real book, a significant accom- the kinds of projects he liked—Brand, to show up at the occasional meeting, plishment for a man of meager talents and what appears to be an exceptionally bad still getting family checks, didn’t need the where he was known for falling asleep. personality. Brand is lucky the book isn’t a better one, for the sympathetic Markoff—a money. When Stewart and Lois divorced, As a consultant, he took to shilling the member of the same milieu as his subject, a fellow client of John Brockman who un- she got only $10,000 and the TV. He kept fashionable theories of the day, from cy- dertook the project at the suggestion of a former Brand deputy, Kevin Kelly—strains the catalog’s National Book Award and bernetics to space colonization to Y2K to depict him in a favorable light, at signif- icant cost to the work’s quality. The reader the credit, which meant he got the seven- to geo-engineering and resurrecting the is left with a picture that’s suspiciously overexposed, a portrait that illuminates figure advance that Brockman negotiated woolly mammoth. Brand no longer wears 43flaws in the attempt to cover them for a Whole Earth–branded guide to soft- his top hat, but he’s still doing the same up. Sometimes that’s the most flat- ware in the early ’80s, which flopped. thing he’s been doing his whole life: find- tering thing anyone can do. N ing rich, powerful men and selling them T hough, unlike nearly ev- on his notions. His latest now is a part- eryone else in his milieu, nership with one of the world’s wealthiest Brand never programmed men, Jeff Bezos, to spend tens of millions a computer, he did find a of dollars building “a 10,000-year clock” niche near California’s tech into a mountain owned by the Amazon ecosystem. As a transitional figure be- founder. Nice work if you can get it. tween the ’70s and the ’80s, he is unpar- At one point in time, it was possible to alleled; for Brand, the leap from hippie to see Brand as the goofy grandfather of a yuppie was no more than a step. After the gentler, more thoughtful capitalism head- catalog’s success, he committed himself to quartered in the San Francisco Bay Area: realizing a new ideal: the “Zen playboy.” decentralized but still ambitious; environ-
B&AB O O K Sthe ARTS Intimacy at a Distance investments, with companies like Cere- bral leading the pack on a wave of VC The history of teletherapy cash. Many of these new companies spe- cialize in fast-tracking prescriptions for iB Y D A N I E L L E C A R R controlled substances like amphetamines, n 1991, kenneth colby, a psychiatrist at ucla, re- capitalizing on the Covid-era relaxation of in-person prescribing rules. The legal leased a software program that he hoped would gray areas surrounding these apps and relieve the burden on the nation’s overloaded psy- how they should be regulated is a predict- chiatric system. Overcoming Depression promised able result of the way every facet of our to make patients “experts in their own depression” lives was clambering shambolically online through a program they could run on their new per- during lockdown. But data about the ex- tent to which these new forms of digitized sonal computers. It was a promising time for an initiative that aimed to psychiatry have changed the field—much less whether or not they work—remains cross-fertilize the desktop computing craze and the early-’90s rise in alarmingly scant. Like QR codes, tele- therapy and Web psychiatric consulta- diagnoses of depression—encompassing tions now seem less like a temporary emergency measure and more like part 25 percent of the nation’s adults, according clinician proved too daunting for the of an indefinite new normal. Sure, the much-touted increased access to psychia- to the National Institute of Mental Health NIMH, which cut the project’s funding tric care comes laden with questions about treatment standards—but in the tyranny (NIMH), a number that Colby considered after only a few years. Griping at what of the permanent ad hoc, who has the energy to ask whether the thing to which an underestimate. he considered the institute’s conservative there are no alternatives is any good? SWITCHBOARD OPERATORS (GETTY) But for all its promise, Overcoming vision, Colby remarked, “I think the ulti- Hannah Zeavin’s The Distance Cure takes on the question of telepsychiatry’s Depression landed with a thud, another mate funding will come from the private therapeutic validity by examining the many ways that psychiatry and psychoanalysis failed dream of the 1990s. The challenge sector when it realizes how much money have historically been practiced without an in-person session—from Sigmund Freud’s 44 of moving from a prototype to a can be made from conversing computers.” analyses conducted via written correspon- functioning software system that Colby was right. In 2020, mental dence to call-in radio shows and suicide hotlines. As a history that looks into pres- could plausibly replace a human health start-ups garnered $1.5 billion in ent trends, the book aims not only to contextualize teletherapy by assembling a larger genealogy of psychotherapy at a distance but to use it as a way into the problem that defined the quarantines: how to transact intimacy at a distance. Psychotherapy that happens without both parties in the same room is not just a niche within the larger genre of “com- munication,” Zeavin argues. Instead, dis- tance therapy reveals something that is true of human communication in general: that all intimacy relies on a fantasy of togetherness, even when the parties are physically present with each other. There is, she asserts, no way to be “really” to- gether with someone else that doesn’t rely on a third thing traversing the space be- tween “me” and “you.” This third thing, per Zeavin, is “media,” a vertiginously broad concept encompassing any means of communication, from a chat over lunch to a transatlantic telecom line. Rather than understanding teletherapy as “more distanced” than in-person therapy, then,
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 Zeavin contends that different types of media facilitate different types of fantasies of a series of letters to his colleague Wilhelm Fliess. Most scholars of psychoanalysis have togetherness that are, in the end, variations of the same psychic process. Whether we taken these letters to be a straightforward account of Freud’s self-analysis, but Zeavin are FaceTiming or writing letters or in the room together, no experience of intimacy is argues that, more than simply chronicling a process he’d already conducted elsewhere, more “real” than any other—they are just mediated differently. the correspondence itself was the way that the analysis was mediated. Psychoanalysis To understand the stakes of what Zeavin is doing here, you have to understand two has sometimes indulged in pretending that the in-person encounter facilitates a kind things about the small but influential academic field of media studies. The first is that of telepathy, but Zeavin underlines that there has always been a distorting medium media theorists are always talking about “affordances,” by which they mean how any involved, even with both parties in the room. As Freud developed his method, she type of media facilitates some aspects of communication but not others. Because it was notes, he repeatedly invoked metaphors of mediation to describe the processes of “the integrated with e-mail, for example, Gchat made it easy to keep chats running all day at talking cure”: Dreams are like mail carried by a censored postal system, memory is like a desk job in a way that AOL Instant Messenger hadn’t, which in turn shaped how peo- a mystic writing pad, and analytic listening is like a telephone call. ple communicated with each other and the sorts of things they said when they did. This If there is some analytic slippage here insight is what the founder of the field, Marshall McLuhan, meant with his famous line between metaphor and method—after all, what do the metaphors prove?—Zeavin “The medium is the message”: The effects of a message are bound up with its mediation hits on more definitive evidence with the case of Little Hans, an analysis conducted through a channel’s “affordances.” entirely through letters between Freud and the patient’s father. When Hans was 5 The second is that, while drawing on years old, he suddenly developed a phobia toward horses, and the boy’s father turned this foundational approach, Zeavin is push- to his close friend Freud for help. The famous clinical peculiarities of the result- ing hard against the boomer orthodoxy ing case gave Freud a critical test zone for his then-budding theories on childhood of an older generation of powerful media The Distance Cure sexuality. Freud met Hans only once, af- ter which the child’s father would relay scholars, most notably the MIT endowed A History of written reports about Hans’s behavior to Freud, who would respond with advice chair Sherry Turkle, whose influential ac- Teletherapy and lines of questioning that the father would then implement. count of the rise of digital communication By Hannah Zeavin Taken together, Zeavin argues, Freud’s has circulated widely outside the academy MIT Press. self-analysis and his analysis of Little Hans demonstrate that therapy at a distance is in crossover hits like Life on the Screen 328 pp. $35 not a deviation from the “original” psy- chotherapeutic technique but existed at and Reclaiming Conversation. Although the very outset of the talking cure. If this is an implicit argument from authority—that Zeavin names no names, the arguments is, that distanced therapy must be at least as legitimate as Freud’s cases of in-person that Turkle advances in these books are treatment if he did both—it is all the same an effective strike against arguments that exactly the kinds of critique that Zeavin distance necessarily degrades psychother- apy’s original form. But although Zeavin’s wants us to question. Turkle holds that should take its place. How are we supposed argument—that the intimacy created by letters, on the one hand, and by in-person the digital age replaced human in-person to judge whether any given type of medi- therapy, on the other, were “not identi- cal, but [could] be used to achieve similar conversations with talking to and through ated intimacy is the kind we want when it aims”—works well for Freud’s study of machines; this change was bad because it comes to psychiatric care? 45himself, it’s harder to defend when damaged something essential about human In a moment in which disaster capital- it comes to Little Hans. As Zeavin herself notes, scholarly critics have relations. Zeavin begins by asking whether ism has pounced on a gaping social crisis— this is really true. For her, toggling from reframing it as a “crisis of mental health” in-person to digital communication does ripe for profiteering by VC-backed tele- not trigger a change in intimacy at its most psychiatry and tech start-ups—any serious basic structural level. Regardless of the answer to this question cannot begin with medium, all human communication relies “All things being equal....” Unfortunately, on fantasizing proximity across separation, and as usual, all things are not being equal. our relations mediated by “materiality” (an- As you read this, telepsychiatry is staking other concept that, by the end of the book, out an enormous growth market premised seems slightly winded from all the lifting), on squeezing the gig-working medical pro- whether in the form of our bodies or writ- vider for all she’s worth. If there is nothing ing or digital instant messages. inherently bad about psychiatric care at a For many of us who logged on in our distance, then figuring out whether and in teens, Zeavin’s arguments clock as bracing- what way it could be good requires that we ly reasonable, another warranted riposte by specify the historical and political condi- millennials against their elders’ panicked tions in which it’s happening: In what con- theorizing about those damn kids and their text? For whom and by whom? And why? damn phones. If all human proximity is in- herently mediated, Zeavin asserts, then we Z eavin approaches these should stop evaluating the validity of any questions over five chap- particular intimacy as somehow equivalent ters, each devoted to a dif- to its degree of physical presence. Yet, to ferent method of distanced the extent that The Distance Cure effectively therapy, beginning with a makes the case that “real presence” is the study of two cases that Freud conducted wrong metric for therapeutic legitimacy, through the mail: his own self-analysis and it opens up questions about what criteria the case of Little Hans. Starting in 1897, Freud attempted to turn his method on Danielle Carr is a historian of psychiatry at UCLA. himself in a process that he recounted in
B&AB O O K S the ARTS often pointed out the questionable legiti- Freud via letter as proof of the Viennese many of them empirically rich enough to macy of the Little Hans analysis. A rigorous doctor’s theories. Read skeptically, the case show the multiple and often conflicting 1963 paper combs through the correspon- makes it hard to avoid inflecting Zeavin’s political projects a given type of media has dence archive, in which Hans’s father tran- thesis with further questions: All therapy is been used to pursue. The medium is not scribed his conversations with his son, to mediated, sure, but then doesn’t the Little always the message so straightforwardly, show the parent quite literally feeding the Hans case imply that some forms of medi- it would seem, and Zeavin gives one in- child lines (“And then you wanted Mommy ation are less effective than others? And if stance after another of psychotherapeutic to drop baby sister in the bath to kill her, so, how do we decide whether a particular media used by groups with varying or even didn’t you? So you could be alone with form of mediation is good or bad? conflicting goals. In the chapter on radio Mommy, isn’t that right?”), to which Hans therapy, for instance, she describes the En- would distractedly agree. This questionable These questions recur through the rest glish psychoanalyst Donald Winnicott’s “data” was then presented to a pleased of The Distance Cure, as Zeavin presents radio hour for mothers who were turned studies of various therapies at a distance, into single parents by World War II, an effort to get psychoanalytic advice to the Resolution masses who couldn’t afford expensive shrinks. Winnicott’s fireside-chat style of Sliver of light, sliver parenting advice contrasts with both left- of light, sliver of wing programs like The Voice of Fighting light!—God asked Algeria (which unified a movement re- a question and sisting violent French colonial rule) and split the room right-wing programs for the 1980s moral in two. Tomorrow majority, such as Dr. Laura Schlessin- I will wake up ger’s call-in show (which preached “family when I wake up. values” as the cure for distraught advice I will wear velvet. seekers). The strength of the chapter lies I will embrace my in its dazzling discussion of a wide range fruit-full gut as of radio therapy programs, and it offers a dearly as I would tour de force of a particular kind of schol- the one I am missing arly analysis: one that coaxes similarities so entirely even it hurts out of variations in the historical wild to yawn, to sing, in order to illustrate unifying theoretical to say aloud anything. concepts. Still, it’s not always easy—at Glass glass after glass least not if we’re going by the book’s de- of water I will drink scriptions of what was actually said on the and grow ever glad, shows or their political milieu—to deduce and a light will land which types of programs the author would on my forehead thin endorse, and why. like a memory, confidently silver, Similarly, the fascinating chapter on I will lift my hand. suicide hotlines leaves the reader with no clear or definitive answers about what CHASE BERGGRUN Zeavin makes of the political capacities of the medium. Here we encounter the gay 46 Anglican priest Bernard Mayes, who cre- ated one of the nation’s first suicide hot- lines in the United States in 1961 to help curb San Francisco’s staggering suicide rate. At a time when psychiatry still held that homosexuality was a mental disease, the hotline became a de facto ministry to the city’s queer community. (That’s good, presumably.) Yet the hotline’s Protestant roots made it equally viable as a recruiting tool for organizations like the burgeon- ing megachurch-cum-self-help empires, often by using scads of hastily trained volunteers to man the phone lines and scoop desperate callers into an organiza- tion’s waiting arms. (That doesn’t sound so good.) Given the distressed state of the nation’s mental health capacities fol-
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 lowing the bureaucratic debacle of dein- to psychiatric care and the quality of that to unfold in the space that The Distance Cure opens up for analysis—outside of a stitutionalization, these initiatives can be care? If you turn the dial toward relaxing moral hierarchy of media adjudicated by “real presence”—and with eyes peeled to seen as understandable attempts to close the professional accreditation require- the rapacious ingenuity of the capitalist medical system to gouge profits out of a the gaps in care. But as Zeavin describes ments for providers, you get more widely political crisis. the volunteer-based model of the hotline, available care, often provided by people W hile The Distance Cure’s am- bit is psychotherapy at a dis- with people on the brink who are not part of a tance in the broadest sense, Zeavin’s later chapters look of killing themselves call- racist and classist med- directly at the present, laying out an indispensable genealogy ing to make contact with The medium is ical apparatus, and who of computerized and Internet-mediated unpaid volunteer coun- might even be from the psychotherapy. The story of the original therapeutic chatbots such as ELIZA and selors, the reader may not always the same minority commu- SHRINK is well-known to historians of psychiatry, for instance, but Zeavin dex- wonder whether these message when it nity as the patients. But terously foregrounds the telling details to hotlines really provide a comes to therapy. you also create opportu- provide a more immediately useful history model we’d want to rep- nities for a host of shady for the present. In 1966, Joseph Weizen- baum, a programmer at MIT, created a licate, at least given any grifts, each promising program he called ELIZA, a bot that used natural language processing to converse other options. help in the service of making a buck or with human users. While ELIZA was built to mimic a psychotherapist, the resem- Of course, Zeavin’s extensive writ- pushing an organization’s agenda. Turn blance was incidental; far from trying to replicate a human therapist, Weizenbaum ing in public-facing outlets hardly leaves the dial the other way, toward a tighter room for suspecting her of secretly sym- regulation of care, and not only does pathizing with Laura Schlessinger or care become harder to find, but the psy- evangelical megachurches—far from it. chiatric profession can start looking like The point of a historical analysis is not to the shadiest grift of all, slinging dubious dole out easy parables, and ambiguity can medications into a social crisis defined by be productive. (Ask any psychoanalyst.) widespread anxiety and despair. But if we are going to create a better, These are hard problems. If the left is more just psychiatric system, we are go- going to come up with solutions, we will ing to need answers. To mention only one need historical studies that dig into the major problem that crops up in almost weeds of how these concerns played out every case study Zeavin examines, how do in the past and that have an opinion on we deal with the trade-off between access them. These kinds of projects will have
B&AB O O K S the ARTS meant for ELIZA to demonstrate how is created equal, with some forms more 2000s, online therapy—often augmented little responsivity was needed to make hu- mans feel they were having a meaningful amenable to a bootstrapping and individ- by phone conversations—offered patients interaction with a machine. But the peo- ple who were supposed to be testing the ualized self-help approach than others. flexibility and a respite from the sometimes program seemed to be having genuine- ly emotional conversations with ELIZA. Zeavin ties the emergence of therapeutic daunting intimacy of an in-person encoun- The experience radicalized him against the expansion of computers into human computer programs intended to “repro- ter, but it could be hard to gauge what affairs, and he would later argue that the idea of a computer replacing a human gram” patients’ thoughts and behaviors to these new modes meant for the quality of therapist to provide effective psychothera- py was “perverse.” the rise of cognitive science in the 1970s, care. Certainly it was better than nothing, Despite Weizenbaum’s warnings, which ousted psychoanalytic therapeutic but clinicians grappled with the difficulty ELIZA spawned imitators like SHRINK, which was explicitly intended to replace paradigms on the strength of its compati- of inferring basic, medically relevant facts the scarce and expensive labor of human clinicians. SHRINK was created in the bility with an emerging—and lucrative— that would have been a seamless part of an computer science department of Stanford University by Kenneth Colby (the psy- computational regime. office encounter, such as assessing whether chiatrist behind Overcoming Depression), with the idea that the machine would rap- the patient was maintaining basic grooming idly process patients during hospital intake. But problems snarled the attempt to put T his triumph of computeri- or showing up to sessions drunk. These SHRINK into use. In contrast to the de- zation forms the backdrop kinds of trade-offs are still in play for tele- lighted chatter of ELIZA, SHRINK users for Zeavin’s last chapter, therapists today: Seeing the patient’s living often raged against the machine. A repre- which describes the rise of environment can be illuminating, but in- sentative transcript of one session reads: Internet-mediated thera- stant-messaging-based therapies can leave person: I don’t understand. pies—from university message boards to out many of the clues that therapists trained program: Do you want to under- stand. “cyber clinics”—within the emergence for in-person care normally use. In short, person: I hate you, you stupid machine. of new types of online intimacy during the affordances are different. program: What don’t you like about me. the 1990s, all facilitated by various kinds By not assuming that in-person thera- person: You have no feelings. program: How do you mean. of instant messaging. Here Zeavin finds a py is automatically the most legitimate or person: I mean you cannot expe- rience what I experience because you genre of computer-mediated intimacy that authentic type of intimacy, The Distance are just a machine. program: Tell me more about bucked the widespread expectation in the Cure asks us to think about therapeutic such feelings. person: We are not communi- ’60s and ’70s that human therapists would mediums as offering different types of in- cating. program: I am trying my best to be replaced by computer timate interaction, communicate with you. shrinks. What happened not more or less of “Almost everyone who has participated in these dialogues reports that he comes instead mirrored the way it. But while Zeavin, to feel annoyed and frustrated by the pro- that more recent predic- Distance therapy is in a moving finale, gram’s responses,” a puzzled Colby wrote. tions of powerful AI and often offered as a recounts the hero- In accounting for these differences, Zeavin argues that techniques ranging automation have been solution to the problem ic efforts of many from diaries to mood-tracking apps can be proved wrong: Instead of therapists to serve thought of as facilitating “auto-intimacy,” or a process in which patients relate to super-AIs, we have under- of accessing care. patients during the 48 themselves through a technolo- paid Mechanical Turks, pandemic, the book gy without another human in the loop. But not all auto-intimacy and instead of computer leaves room for shrinks, the ’90s saw the rise of therapeutic questions about the quality of the care forms that connected people with other provided by teletherapy as it is currently people through the Internet. If computers structured by the profit motive. The mise could not replace humans, online therapy for the present scène was set with the 2010 could facilitate access to both providers passage of Obamacare, which required and other patients. Instant messaging and most insurers to cover mental health. That e-mail were not simply a diluted form of same year, Microsoft, Google, and Sam- speech or writing traditionally conceived, sung released smartphones to join the Zeavin contends; they represented their iPhone, which had debuted three years own genre of communication, what she earlier. A deluge of newly insured patients calls online “therapeutic speech,” complete seeking therapy swamped existing clinical with its own ways of transacting distance capacity, creating the market conditions and communicating presence. for venture-capital-backed teletherapy The first regulatory framework for “cy- start-ups like Talkspace (founded in 2012) bertherapy” emerged in 1996 in California, and Betterhelp (2013) to reorganize care then still in the first blush of the Silicon models along gig-work lines. Valley boom. Care through e-mail and “Help is no longer hard to find…[but] often spotty video chatting was envisioned good help still may be,” Zeavin writes, by its clinician proponents as a solution to noting that the study Talkspace constantly the failure of the community mental health invokes to validate its model had only 57 movement. Asylums had been dismantled participants and measured outcomes with in favor of a community-based network a dubiously nonspecific ratings scale. And model that never got the funding it needed there are other reasons for concern: not to be more than a short-lived administra- just the danger that such start-ups can go tive fiasco. Throughout the 1990s and early belly-up and abruptly terminate patients’
T H E N AT I O N 6.27–7.4.2 02 2 care, as in the case of the now-defunct company everbliss, or the risk of privacy leaks, such as the Talkspace imbroglio that resulted in dozens of patients’ names being revealed. More fundamentally, it’s a ques- tion of the quality of care that results from a gig-work model that piles therapists with the highest possible caseload for the lowest possible fee. A March 2022 Businessweek investigation of Cerebral, a tech-darling start-up, found that prescribers, pincered between Yelp-like patient reviews and the company’s management, feel pressure to loosen their qualms around the Rx pad, while patients are forced to bounce be- tween therapists who keep quitting, burned out by the platform’s grind. A s The Distance Cure dis- cusses, distance therapy is often offered as a solution to the problem of access- ing care. Yet analyzing these case studies by reaching for what unites them at a general level (“mass inti- macy” in the case of radio programs, for instance, or “auto-intimacy” in the case of computer-mediated therapies) may come at the expense of missing the ways in which we can draw distinctions. It also hinders our ability to contemplate whether distance therapy is any more liberating than the in-person version. If anything, The Distance Office SpaceCure successfully argues that therapy at a distance is not necessarily worse than therapy in person—but also that it is not The surreal workplace satire of Severance ADAM SCOTT, ZACH CHERRY, JOHN TURTURRO, AND BRITT LOWER IN SEVERANCE (COURTESY OF APPLE TV+) inecessarily better either. The take-home BY VIKRAM MURTHI is that if telepsychiatry gets us out of some n the waning decades of the 20th century, the political problems in mental health care, it American labor force experienced myriad, well- lands us squarely in the face of others. documented changes that systematically disem- powered workers across all economic sectors. By rejecting a false hierarchy of intima- Long-standing unions were either busted or saw cy, The Distance Cure points away from the their membership radically decline; wages stagnated dead-end approaches that rank types of in- timacy and human communication based on their form instead of their content. In a deftly argued coda, Zeavin asserts that the problems with one or another type of even as the GDP grew at a steady clip; and politicians waged suc- therapy are inherent not to the medium cessful campaigns to cut taxes on capital gains. Income and wealth or the physical proximity involved but inequality skyrocketed, and higher prof- often to the fact that we place so much its emboldened employers to exploit long since ceased to be an achievable goal. more emphasis on the setting in which workers even further. If workers had be- Now not only is an American what they therapy takes place than on its outcomes. came alienated from the products of their do, but their place of work is a “home,” When we attribute our frustration with labor during the Industrial Revolution, even as it provides them with fewer protec- contemporary life to a medium alone, we by the dawn of the 21st century they had tions and asks more of their time. “When foreclose the potential to find in these became psychologically alienated from you’re here, you’re family,” preached the media the tools for building intimacy and the labor itself, as its only ostensible pur- famously cheesy Olive Garden slogan, but solidarity. In other words, we mistake the pose is self-perpetuation. it chillingly doubles as the motto for the symptom for the disease. If Freud was “Living to work” instead of “working American workplace. 49right about anything, it’s this: That’s no to live” became the modus operandi for The premiere of the Apple way to find a cure. N many, especially after upward mobility had TV+ series Severance benefits
B&AB O O K S the ARTS from good cultural timing, as many peo- The series’ protagonist, Mark Scout with outie-Mark to inform him that Lu- ple have started to reevaluate their atti- (Adam Scott), works for Lumon Indus- mon, naturally and obviously, is not what tudes toward work and the workplace in tries in the Macrodata Refinement di- it seems. the wake of Covid-19. There’s now a pre- vision, having undergone the severance Created by Dan Erickson, and with mium, however small it may be, placed procedure after his wife died in a car Ben Stiller as executive producer, Sev- on decoupling job satisfaction from one’s crash. Severance opens with Mark trying erance uses its high-concept, Twilight overall well-being. Fittingly, the premise to ease a newly severed coworker, Helly Zone–like premise to explore dystopian of Severance asks: What if you could med- (Britt Lower), into the workplace after corporate overreach. The series neces- ically guarantee that you will never take she wakes up on a conference table with sarily demands an immersive world rife your work home with you? In the series, no idea who or where she is. She’s set to with mysteries, and thus Erickson and one of the world’s largest corporations replace Petey (Yul Vazquez), Mark’s best Stiller have molded it to be artificial and uses a surgical procedure to separate their friend at the company, who was fired un- stuck out of time, like Hell designed in employees’ work and nonwork memories, der mysterious circumstances; we quick- the image of a Big Tech company. In fact, essentially splitting them into a work self ly learn that Petey’s work and personal while Severance has been acclaimed for (an “innie”), who “wakes up” every time memories have been “reintegrated” via its “puzzle box” plotting—i.e., opening they enter the office, and a personal self a controversial backroom procedure. A various narrative cans of worms to retain (an “outie”). disheveled Petey eventually gets in touch viewership—it is first and foremost a feat of production design. The interior of the Lumon offices eerily, effectively resembles what a prison would look like if an architect had designed it to evoke a mid-20th-century office building. The warm yet ominous look of Lumon goes a long way toward lending credence to the Macrodata Refinement division’s Gender Essentialist Poem revolt against its corporate overlords, who include the protagonists’ immediate supervisor, Seth Milchick (Tramell Till- Woman licks gold onto paper. Woman can man), and acting boss, Harmony Cobel also draw blood, but only if called to (Patricia Arquette). Over the course of Severance’s debut season, Mark, Helly, and their fellow workers—the profane, by a ricochet of sunlight (I am a ricochet of smugly content Dylan (Zach Cherry) and sunlight but who cares). Woman tilts the fastidious rule-follower Irving (John Turturro)—wake up to their employer’s her heart towards the center of the earth. nefariousness and reject the severance Woman sees herself or doesn’t. Woman learns procedure. After this, they begin to feel the walls of their ostensibly safe work- to kiss by avoiding (I am floating place closing in on them. Though the series often bites off more than it can just beyond) the edge of the cliff. Woman chew, Severance succeeds when it squarely focuses on Mark and his coworkers’ slow is where the edge of the cliff (A snowcapped radicalization. Like many labor activists mountain, a guess of a person) meets dead of yore, they’re spurred to take down the system by a piece of literature. Only it’s air (I). Woman is an eagle circling (I not The Communist Manifesto that wakes fight to be spoken of). Woman is a radio them up but, rather, in one of the best jokes of the year, a pretentious self-help wave leaking voidlight (I). Woman fights to book, the kind whose cover would make your eyes glaze over in a bookstore. speak (I hide inside). Woman fights. (I JOSHUA JENNIFER ESPINOZA D espite Stiller’s involve- ment, which includes di- recting two-thirds of the season’s episodes, Severance isn’t a comedy, at least not in the traditional setup-and-punchline 50 sense. Minor bouts of surrealism occa- sionally puncture the series’ sober tone, but it still retains a serious disposition
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