Hagiography, The Cult of Martyrs, and The Formation of Christian Identity in Late Antique Pannonia

HAJNALKA TAMAS
•
Hagiography, the Cult of Martyrs,
and the Formation of Christian Identity
in Late Antique Pannonia

Center for Patristic Studies and Ancient Christian Literature
Babeș‐Bolyai University, Cluj‐Napoca

HAJNALKA TAMAS

Hagiography, the Cult of Martyrs,
and the Formation of Christian Identity
in Late Antique Pannonia

PRESA UNIVERSITARĂ CLUJEANĂ / CLUJ UNIVERITY PRESS
2022
Advisory board:
Prof. emeritus dr. habil. Radu ARDEVAN
Assoc. prof. Vasile RUS, PhD
Front cover image: St. Quirinus, portrait. Silver reliquary, 5th‐6th
century AD. Basilica of St. Euphemia, Grado, Italy, detail.
https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Capsella_reliquia
rio_‐_Tesoro_Duomo_Grado_‐_2.jpg
ISBN 978‐606‐37‐1512‐9
© 2022 HAJNALKA TAMAS. All rights reserved.
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Acknowledgements
This volume is a revised version of my doctoral dissertation, Pannonian Martyrs

of the Great Persecution and the Formation of Christian Identity in the Late 4th and
Early 5th Century Middle Danube Area (KU Leuven, 2014). The dissertation contained
also extensive studies of the transmission history and critical editions of three of the
analysed texts. Since these have appeared elsewhere, I did not include them here.
Although expanded, corrected, or nuanced, the core of this volume still
represents my doctoral research. It is fit, therefore, to begin by thanking those who
supported and shaped that endeavour: the promoters of my doctorate, Prof. Johan
Leemans and Prof. Mathijs Lamberigts; and the correctors of my dissertation, Prof.
David G. Hunter, Prof. Gert Partoens, and Prof. Anthony Dupont. Their patient and
generous advice steered clear of obstacles, enabled the overcoming of cliffhangers,
and tempered excesses. Born in the office of Prof. Leemans in a sunny afternoon in
late September 2008, the project was nurtured throughout the years in the Leemans
Research Group, the Research Unit History of Church and Theology from the Faculty
of Theology and Religious Studies, KU Leuven, and in many conversations with my
Leuven colleagues and friends. A heartfelt thank you to all!
In 2016-2018, parts of this book were shaped by further study in the context of
an MSCA Individual Fellowship at the University of Exeter (Christian Diversity in Late
Antique Sirmium (ca 350 AD – ca 450 AD): A Historical, Literary and Theological Study,
Grant no. 658265). Substantial contributions resulted from visits to research
institutions and libraries during and after my doctorate: the Société des Bollandistes
in Brussels; the Library of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences; the Niedersächsische
Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek, Göttingen; the Museo Archeologico Nazionale
Cividale, Archivi e Biblioteca; the Museum of Srem and the Institute for the Protection
of Cultural Monuments in Sremska Mitrovica. In the course of these visits I had the
privilege to consult with experts who offered valuable information concerning the
history of Pannonia and of Christianity in Pannonia, epigraphic and martyrological
material, and the transmission history of texts: Prof. László Perendy, Prof. Péter
Kovács (Budapest); Dr. Levente Nagy (Pécs); Mrs. Claudia Franceschini (Cividale del
Friuli); Mrs. Jasmina Davidović and Mrs. Biljana Lučić (Sremska Mitrovica).
Special gratitude goes to Prof. Bogdan Neagota, who encouraged the
publication of this research, and to Pr. Dr. Claudiu George Tuțu, who made it possible
by offering the generous financial support of the Center for Patristic Studies and
Ancient Christian Literature from the Babeș-Bolyai University.
Most of all, I wish to thank my family and my fiancée. My parents understood
my dream of studying in Leuven and patiently endured the separation from their only
child. My late grandmother never fully grasped the meaning of a doctorate, yet she
was so proud and supportive all along. They all became co-sufferers on a laborious
journey that dragged on for too many years, holding fast long after I had given up. My
warmest thoughts go to my fiancée, Vojtech Novitzky, who selflessly and cheerfully
encouraged this project, both when I wrote the dissertation, and when I re-wrote the
book, never losing patience, never complaining about short temper, unslept nights, or
long days spent in the cocoon of late antique hagiography in Pannonia.
Contents
Abbreviations....................................................................................................................................................... XI
General Introduction .......................................................................................................................................... 1
1. Pannonian Hagiography: Introductory Remarks, State of the Art ................................... 9
2. Delimitation of Contents ..................................................................................................................... 18
3. Structure ...................................................................................................................................................... 19
4. Chronology of Pannonian History in Late Antiquity ............................................................ 26
Chapter I: Quirinus of Siscia (BHL 7035-7039) ................................................................................ 27
1. Hagiographic Dossier ............................................................................................................................ 27
1.1. Passio Quirini .................................................................................................................................... 28
1.2. Literary Sources ............................................................................................................................. 31
1.3. Ancient and Medieval Martyrologies ................................................................................... 35
1.4. Medieval Itineraries ..................................................................................................................... 40
1.5. Archaeological and Epigraphic Sources ............................................................................. 40
1.6. Concluding Observations on the Elements of the Hagiographic Dossier: Place
and Date of Martyrdom; Translation of Relics ........................................................................ 44
2. Passio Quirini ............................................................................................................................................. 46
2.1. Redactions ......................................................................................................................................... 46
2.2. Historical Reliability; Date and Place of Composition ................................................ 51
2.3. Published Editions and Translations ................................................................................... 53
Latin Text and English Translation ............................................................................................... 54
3. Martyrdom and Episcopal Authority: A Commentary on the Passio Quirini............ 62
3.1. Flight from Persecution .............................................................................................................. 63
3.2. The Exemplary Bishop ................................................................................................................ 64
3.3. The Bishop and the Christian Community ........................................................................ 66
Chapter II: Irenaeus of Sirmium (BHL 4466) ..................................................................................... 69
1. Hagiographic Dossier ............................................................................................................................ 69
1.1. Late Antique Martyrological Sources .................................................................................. 70
1.2. Medieval Liturgical Sources ..................................................................................................... 72
1.3. Archaeological and Epigraphic Sources ............................................................................. 74
1.4. Concluding Remarks on the Hagiographic Dossier ...................................................... 76
2. Passio Irenaei Sirmiensis ...................................................................................................................... 78
2.1. Extant Recensions and Their Relationship ....................................................................... 78
2.2. Relationship with the Passio Pollionis; When and Where Was the Passio
Irenaei composed? ................................................................................................................................. 85
2.3. Historical Reliability ..................................................................................................................... 91
2.4. Published Editions and Translations ................................................................................... 92
Latin Text and English Translation ............................................................................................... 94
3. Irenaeus, Bishop and Imitator of Christ ................................................................................... 100
3.1. Steadfastness in the Faith and the Imitation of Christ ............................................ 101
3.2. The Bishop as Sacrifice to God and Mediator between God and Humans ..... 102
3.3. The Bishop’s Solidarity with the Community and Episcopal Teaching .......... 103
3.4. Hagiography and Episcopal Authority in Late Fourth-Century Sirmium ...... 105
Chapter III: Pollio of Cibalae (BHL 6869) .......................................................................................... 107
1. Hagiographic Dossier ......................................................................................................................... 107
1.1. Late Antique Liturgical Sources .......................................................................................... 107
1.2. Medieval Latin Martyrologies............................................................................................... 110
1.3. Archaeological and Literary Sources ................................................................................ 111
2. Passio Pollionis ....................................................................................................................................... 116
2.1. Date and Place of Composition ............................................................................................ 116
2.2. Historical Reliability; Redactions ....................................................................................... 119
2.3. Relationship with Other Passiones; The Issue of Original Language................ 123
2.4. Published Editions and Translations ................................................................................ 124
Latin Text and English Translation ............................................................................................ 126
3. Passio Pollionis: A Literary and Audience-Oriented Analysis ....................................... 132
3.1. The Use of Scripture in the Passio Pollionis ................................................................... 132
3.2. Valentinian vs. Probus: The Antithesis ............................................................................ 134
3.3. Martyrdom and Apologetics: The Functions of Pollio’s Confession ................. 135
3.4. The Accusations Brought against Pollio: The Issue of Virginity ......................... 138
Chapter IV: Syneros (Serenus) of Sirmium (BHL 7595-7596) ............................................... 141
1.1. Archaeological and Epigraphic Sources .......................................................................... 141
1.2. Late Antique Martyrological Sources ............................................................................... 142
1.3. Medieval Martyrological Sources ....................................................................................... 144
1.4. The Magnum Legendarium Austriacum ........................................................................... 146
1.5. Concluding Observations on the Hagiographic Dossier ......................................... 146
2. Passio Sereni Sirmiensis..................................................................................................................... 149
2.1. Introduction................................................................................................................................... 149
2.2. The Critical Text and Previous Editions.......................................................................... 151
2.3. Historical Reliability and Date ............................................................................................. 155
3. Spiritual Development and Kairological Martyrdom in the Passio Sereni ............. 166
3.1. Temptation, Immorality, and the Garden ....................................................................... 166
3.2. Spiritual Development and Flight from Persecution................................................ 170
3.3. Passio Sereni and Pannonian Christian Identity ......................................................... 172
Chapter V: Donatus, Venustus, Hermogenes and Companions (BHL 2309) ................... 173
1.1. Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis................................................................................ 174
VIII
1.2. Martyrologium Hieronymianum .......................................................................................... 175
1.3. Concluding Observations on the Hagiographic Dossier ......................................... 177
2. Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis......................................................................................... 181
2.1. Relationship with the Passio Pollionis: Historical Reliability; Date of
Composition ........................................................................................................................................... 181
3. Scio unum Deum vivum et verum, qui est trinus et unus Deus: The Relevance of
Creedal Elements in the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis ......................................... 194
Conclusion ......................................................................................................................................................... 201
Bibliography ..................................................................................................................................................... 207
1. Primary Sources ................................................................................................................................... 207
2. Secondary Literature ......................................................................................................................... 213
Scriptural Index .............................................................................................................................................. 225
Index of Ancient and Medieval Sources ............................................................................................. 226
Index of Ancient Names .............................................................................................................................. 231
Index of Modern Authors ........................................................................................................................... 233
IX
Abbreviations
ActaAntHung Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae

ActaSS Acta Sanctorum
AKG Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte
AnAl Antichità Altoadriatiche
AnBoll Analecta Bollandiana
AnTard Antiquité Tardive
ArtB The Art Bulletin
AS Es Annali di storia del’esegesi
ASIA.NS Atti e memorie della Società Istriana di Archeologia e
Storia Patria. Nuova serie
BAC Biblioteca de autores cristianos
BAR International British Archaeological Reports. International Series
Series
BEFAR Bibliothèque des Ecoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome
BEL.S Bibliotheca Ephemerides Liturgicae. Subsidia
BETL Bibliotheca Ephemeridum Theologicarum Lovaniensium
BGBE Beiträge zur Geschichte der biblischen Exegese
BHG Bibliotheca hagiographica Graeca
BHL Bibliotheca hagiographica Latina
BHLms Bibliotheca hagiographica Latina manuscripta
BHO Bibliotheca hagiographica Orientalis
BHTh Beiträge zur historischen Theologie
BSS Bibliotheca Sanctorum
BSGRT Bibliotheca Scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum
Teubneriana
ByZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift
CChr.SL Corpus Christianorum. Series Latina
CChr.CM Corpus Christianorum. Continuatio Mediaevalis
ChH Church History
CIL Corpus inscriptionum Latinarum
CivCatt La Civiltà cattolica
CPF Collection Les Pères dans la Foi
CPL Clavis Patrum Latinorum
CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum
CUF.SG Collection des Universités de France. Série Grecque
CUF.SL Collection des Universités de France. Série Latine
DACL Dictionnaire d’archéologie chrétienne et de liturgie
FC Fontes Christiani
FSI Fonti per la storia d’Italia
GCS Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten
Jahrhunderte
HAW Handbuch der Altertumswissenschaft
Hist. Historia: Zeitschrift für alte Geschichte
HLHR.NS The Haskell Lectures on History of Religions. New Series
HThR Harvard Theological Review
Hyp. Hypomnemata: Untersuchungen zur Antike und zu
ihrem Nachleben
ICUR Inscriptiones Christianae Urbis Romae
ILCV Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres
IPM Instrumenta Patristica et Mediaevalia
JECS Journal of Early Christian Studies
JEH Journal of Ecclesiastical History
JFSR Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion
JThS Journal of Theological Studies
LCI Lexikon der christlichen Ikonographie
LCO Letture cristiane delle origini
LThK Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche
MGH AA Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Auctores Antiquissimi
MGH SRM Monumenta Germaniae Historica. Scriptores Rerum
Merouingicarum
OCM Oxford Classical Monographs
OHM Oxford Historical Monographs
PCBE Prosopographie chrétienne du Bas-Empire
PLRE Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire
QL Questions Liturgiques
RechAug Recherches Augustiniennes
RGA.E Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde.
Ergänzungsbände
RHE Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique
RHT Revue d’histoire des textes
RQ.S Römische Quartalschrift für christliche Altertumskunde.
Supplementheften
RSCI Rivista di storia della chiesa in Italia
SC Sources Chrétiennes
SE Sacris Erudiri: A Journal on the Inheritance of Late
Antique and Medieval Christianity
SHEPL Studies in History, Economics and Public Law
SHG Subsidia hagiographica
Situla Situla: Dissertationes Musei Nationalis Labacensis
XII
SSAC Sussidi allo studio delle antichità cristiane
StT Studi e Testi
SVigChr Supplements to Vigiliae Christianae
ThesLL Thesaurus linguae Latinae
TrC Tria Corda: Jenaer Vorlesungen zu Judentum, Antike und
Christentum
TU Texte und Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der
altchristlichen Literatur
VigChr Vigiliae Christianae
VS La vie spirituelle
ZAC Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum
ZKG Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte
XIII
General Introduction
The fourth and the fifth centuries AD can be characterized as an age of

transformations. In this period the Roman empire went through its final grand crisis,
leading to political, military, economic, social, cultural, and religious changes and
challenges that re-shaped its outlook. These phenomena prepared the dramatic
transition to the barbarian states of the sixth century in the West, and to the
Byzantine empire in the East.1
The disruption of the classical, senatorial model of administration, the
militarization of the political landscape,2 and the progressive de-centralization of
power and authority brought about the rise of new types of elites.3 After the fall of the
Danube limes, from the late fourth century on, the empire was forced to receive and
settle within its borders those barbarians whom it could no longer repel: Goths, Huns,
but also smaller groups of foederati living on imperial lands.
The presence of these barbarian groups, with a closely knit linguistic and
religious identity, brought the socio-cultural diversity and the economic problems of
the empire to a dramatic momentum. In a remarkably brief time-span the internal
and external military actions of Rome and to a certain extent also of Constantinople
came to depend largely on the recruitment of barbarian contingents. Their leaders
rose to the highest ranks; then the unthinkable happened: All of a sudden, the empire
was no longer threatened just from without, but had to deal also with the uprising of
barbarian foederati within. For the first time in centuries, Rome was unable to
assimilate these groups, which ravaged the Western provinces (Thracia and Illyricum
first of all, next Gaul and Italy, finally Africa and Spain), deepening the social,
administrative, cultural and religious rifts.4
1 See, e.g., Peter J. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History (London: Pan Macmillan, 2005);
Walter A. Goffart, Barbarian Tides: The Migration Age and the Later Roman Empire (Philadelphia, PA:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Guy Hallsall, Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West: 376-
568, Cambridge Medieval Textbooks (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).
2 Walter Pohl, “Rome and the Barbarians in the Fifth Century,” AnTard 16 (2008): 98.
3 Rita Lizzi Testa, Le trasformazioni delle élites in età tardoantica: Atti del Convegno Internazionale.
Perugia, 15-16 marzo 2004, Saggi di storia antica 28 (Rome: “L’Erma” di Bretschneider, 2006); Michele R.
Salzman, The Making of a Christian Aristocracy: Social and Religious Change in the Western Roman Empire
(Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002).
4 On the Gothic migrations see: Herwig Wolfram, History of the Goths (Berkeley, CA: University of
California Press, 1988); Peter J. Heather, Goths and Romans 332-489, OHM (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1991); Noel Lenski, Failure of Empire: Valens and the Roman State in the Fourth Century A.D. (Berkeley
and Los Angeles, CA and London: University of California Press, 2002); Michael Kulikowski, Rome’s
Gothic Wars: From the Third Century to Alaric, Key Conflicts of Classical Antiquity (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2007).
Christianity admittedly played its role in this transformative dynamics. During

the fourth century it became not only an accepted religion, but also an attractive
choice for all social strata. Christians involved in administration and the clerical
hierarchy now had access to the court,5 being thus able to influence imperial policies
regarding various matters, not just religious ones.6 The dogmatic debates of the
second half of the fourth century shook Christianity to the core,7 and had long-
standing, albeit indirect, repercussions on the relationship with the barbarian
foederati.
To give just an example, when the first groups of Goths and Huns crossed the
imperial border in the 370s, their choice fell on Arian Christianity. Granted, Gothic
Arianism was, technically speaking, not that radical. 8 Yet, in times to follow, this
doctrinal affiliation served the Goths as an identity-marker. Alongside the linguistic
factor,9 it ensured their group cohesion, setting them apart from the rest of the
empire, which progressively embraced neo-Nicene Christology.
5 Claudia Rapp, Holy Bishops in Late Antiquity: The Nature of Christian Leadership in an Age of Transition,
The Transformation of Classical Heritage 37 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA, and London: University of
California Press, 2005), passim, esp. 242-289; Rudolf Haensch, “Die Rolle der Bischöfe im 4. Jahrhundert:
Neue Anforderungen und neue Antworten,” Chiron 37 (2007): 153-181.
6 Good examples of the changing relationship between secular and ecclesiastical authority in the fourth
century are Ambrose’s interventions in imperial affairs, in confrontation with Gratian and with
Theodosius. See Gunther Gottlieb, Ambrosius von Mailand und Kaiser Gratian, Hyp. 40 (Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1973); John H.W.G. Liebeschuetz, Ambrose and John Chrysostom: Clerics
between Desert and Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011), 77-94; Kirsten Groß-Albenhausen,
Imperator christianissimus: Der christliche Kaiser bei Ambrosius und Johannes Chrysostomus, Frankfurter
althistorische Beiträge 3 (Frankfurt am Main: Buchverlag Marthe Clauss, 1999), 29-144. See further, on
the relationship between doctrinal debate and the quest for power (and authority), Carlos R. Galvao-
Sobrinho, Doctrine and Power: Theological Controversy and Christian Leadership in the Later Roman
Empire, The Transformation of Classical Heritage 51 (Berkeley and Los Angeles, CA, and London:
University of California Press, 2013).
7 On the Christological and Trinitarian controversies of the fourth and the fifth centuries, see: Michel
René Barnes and Daniel H. Williams, eds., Arianism after Arius. Essays on the Development of Fourth
Century Trinitarian Conflicts (Edinburgh: Clark, 1993); Richard P.C. Hanson, The Search for the Christian
Doctrine of God: The Arian Controversy 318-381, 2nd ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2005); Lewis
Ayres, Nicaea and Its Legacy: An Approach to Fourth-Century Trinitarian Theology (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2006); Khaled Anatolios, Retrieving Nicaea: The Development and Meaning of
Trinitarian Doctrine (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2011); Uta Heil and Annette von Stockhausen,
eds., Die Synoden im Trinitarischen Streit: Über die Etablierung eines synodalen Verfahrens und die
Probleme seiner Anwendung im 4. und 5. Jahrhundert, TU 177 (Berlin and Boston, MA: De Gruyter, 2017).
8 Gothic Christianity was extensively studied by Knut Schäferdiek. See the volume of his collected studies
Schwellenzeit: Beiträge zur Geschichte des Christentums in Spätantike und Frühmittelalter, AKG 64 (Berlin:
De Gruyter, 1996), but also from his more recent works, Knut Schäferdiek, “Das gotische Christentum im
vierten Jahrhundert,” in Triuwe: Studien zur Sprachgeschichte und Literaturwissenschaft. Gedächtnisbuch
für Elfriede Stutz, ed. Karl-Friedrich Kraft, Eva-Maria Lill and Ute Schwab, Heidelberger
Bibliotheksschriften 47 (Heidelberg: Heidelberger Verlagsanstalt und Druckerei GmbH, 1992), 19-50;
and Knut Schäferdiek, “Die Anfänge des Christentums bei den Goten und der sog. gotische Arianismus,”
ZKG 112, no. 3 (2001): 295-310.
9 John H.W.G. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops: Army, Church and State in the Age of Arcadius and
Chrysostom (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 49.
2
At the level of everyday life too, Christianity remodelled the traditional Roman
values, especially that of the family. 10 The blooming spiritual and ascetic movements
soon became fashionable amongst the higher classes.11 They were perceived as a
more than safe alternative to the marriage-centred Roman mentality. The key social
structure of Christianity was the community – local and wider – with its hierarchy
and clergy, with its communitarian identity revolving around faith, liturgy, rites
(baptism, Eucharist, the celebration of the martyr-cult, etc.), and the Christian
sacralised space (the chapel, basilica, martyrium, monastery, pilgrimage site).12
Yet, the influence was mutual. Christianity was also affected by the political,
economic and socio-cultural circumstances of the late empire. The fourth and the fifth
centuries represent the first grand formative period of Christianity. The transition
from a “persecuted” Christianity to a “triumphant” one went hand in hand with a
certain reinvention – seeking and setting new identity-markers in order to come to
terms with these changes. The Christological and Trinitarian debates certainly
represent the most spectacular aspect of these attempts at self-definition. But
Christian liturgy and rites were also being defined in this period; its hierarchical
structures were taking shape;13 and the relationship with secular authority had to be
sorted out. To return to the example of the Gothic conversion, Arianism was chosen
not because Arian Christology was easier to fathom, but rather because Valens, the
emperor who allowed their crossing in imperial territory, seemingly supported
Arianism.14 The ascetic movement may have had deep roots in Christian spirituality,
but it represented, at the same time, the guarantee of subsistence for many a low-
born, bereft of financial means.15
10 For the consequences this shift of perspective had on late Roman society and on Christian self-
perception, see Kate Cooper, The Fall of the Roman Household (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2007).
11 See Elizabeth A. Clark, “Theory and Practice in Late Ancient Asceticism: Jerome, Chrysostom and
Augustine,” JFSR 5, no. 2 (Fall 1989): 25-46.

12 Baudouin de Gaiffier, “Réflexions sur les origines du culte des martyrs,” in Etudes critiques
d’hagiographie et d’iconologie, SHG 43 (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1967), 14; Jean-Marie
Salamito, “La christianisation et les nouvelles règles de la vie sociale,” in Histoire du christianisme: des
origins à nos jours, vol. 2: Naissance d'une chrétienté (250-430), ed. Charles and Luce Pietri (Paris:
Desclée, 1995), 675-717. That Christianity more or less dissolved this family centred society in favour of
a community-centred one is readily visible in funerary practices. For instance, the whole community
engaged in the celebration of funerals. Even more significant are the intramural burial customs, where
the unit is no longer the family (as in the great mausoleums of the Roman aristocratic families), but
various members of the community are buried next to one another. See Ann Marie Yasin, “Funerary
Monuments and Collective Identity: From Roman Family to Christian Community,” ArtB 87, no. 3 (2005):
441-451 (case study on North-African burial basilicas).
13 See, e.g., the essays collected in Johan Leemans et al., eds., Episcopal Elections in Late Antiquity, AKG
119 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011).

14 Schäferdiek, “Die Anfänge,” 298; Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 49.
15 See the analysis of P. Laurence, “Les Moniales de l’aristocratie: Grandeur et humilité,” VigChr 51
(1997): 140-157.
3
These issues were reflected at all levels of Christian life, leading to a shift in
discourse that can be summarized as “re-appropriating” or “re-making” the past.16
The result was an age of prolific literary activity that attempted to Christianize
history, to construct models of the past for the benefit of the present – through, e.g.,
sermons, biographies, but also texts about martyrs.
The present work focuses on this last genre, the martyr-narratives and their
role in the transition to a new discourse. 17 After Christianity had been declared religio
licita, one was no longer in need to be prepared for dying for Christ’s sake. What to do
then with the traditions developed around the memory of the martyrs, the primary
aim of which had been to prepare for the prospect of martyrdom? 18 Instead of
relegating them to the status of “tales” about past heroes, Christianity “recycled” them
and their universe of expression to create another pillar for its identity – another tool
to define it over against larger cultural identities in the Empire.
This identity-formative function of martyr-texts is closely connected with the
development of the cult of martyrs. 19 From earliest times the martyrs were given
special honours: Christians made efforts to collect their bodies and provide them a
decent burial in specially appointed places. There the entire community gathered
every year on the day of their death, to sing hymns and psalms, to celebrate the
Eucharist, and to have a meal for the benefit of the needy. 20 With the recognition of
Christianity as religio licita, when secrecy and discretion were no longer imperative,
these special honours grew into veritable festivals dedicated to the martyrs, the so-
called panegyreis. The more popular the martyr, the more sumptuous his / her
anniversary festival got. Shrines, martyria, were built above their tombs or their relics
were removed from the graves and buried in the proximity / under the altar of newly
built basilicas (depositions and translations).21
This devotion flowed from the belief that through the act of martyrdom, one
achieved communion with Christ. Such communion endured in eternity, and so
16 Averil Cameron, “Remaking the Past,” in Late Antiquity: A Guide to the Postclassical World, ed. Glen W.
Bowersock, Peter Brown and Oleg Grabar (Cambridge, MA and London: Harvard University Press, 1999),
1-20.
17 On the different modern scholarly approaches to this prolific genre, see the essay of Susan Ashbrook
Harvey, “Martyr Passions and Hagiography,” in The Oxford Handbook of Early Christian Studies, ed. Susan
Ashbrook Harvey and David G. Hunter (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 603-627.
18 For the preparation for martyrdom as an aim of early hagiographic texts, see Everett Ferguson, “Early
Christian Martyrdom and Civil Disobedience,” JECS 1, no. 1 (Spring 1993): 77 (with examples at 77n27).
19 Cameron, “Remaking the Past,” 7-8.
20 Hippolyte Delehaye, Les origines du culte des martyrs (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1912), 29-60;
De Gaiffier, “Réflexions,” 15; Johan Leemans, General Introduction to ‘Let us die that we may live’: Greek
Homilies on Christian Martyrs from Asia Minor, Palestine, and Syria (c. AD 350-AD 450), ed. Johan Leemans
et al. (London and New York: Routledge, 2003), 15-22.
21 The martyria are, alongside church buildings, the primary locus for a specifically Christian art. For
martyr-shrines and their art in general, see André Grabar, Martyrium: Recherches sur le culte des reliques
et l’art chrétien antique, 2 vols. (London: Variorum Reprints, 1972).
4
martyrs were soon seen as intercessors between humans and God.22 In that sense,
martyrs were not just heroes of the past: Through their relics, they sanctified places
and people. Their merits in martyrdom extended as blessings over the community
that cared for their relics and celebrated their panegyris.23
The martyrs and saints became during the fourth century public figures.24 The
martyr-cult in general was a privileged occasion to “catechize” new converts
(especially from a polytheistic background), and to (re-)assess the grounds which
bound together the local Christian community. It also became a repository of the
worries and the hopes of faithful, who sought proximity to the martyr even after
death. The practice of burial next to the martyrs (inhumatio ad martyres) shows that
faithful believed they could offer assistance for their salvation at the moment of the
resurrection.25 And so their cult and the practices and traditions associated to it
became yet another, twofold, identity-marker: They distinguished Christianity from
other religious cults; and they distinguished local Christian communities from one
another.26
The cult of the martyrs determined a widespread interest in the stories of the
martyrs, seen as foundational events. Whence the care to carefully collect and
immortalize them in writing and in art. The community of faithful was time and again
reminded of these foundational stories through the decorations in the martyria.27 The
story of the martyr’s arrest, trial, and death was read and commented upon every
year at the celebration of his / her dies natalis – the panegyris.28 This, in turn,
generated a flourishing hagiographic activity starting with the fourth century.
Practical reasons stood partially behind this flourishing: The liturgy of the
martyr-cult demanded that those venerated be provided with the account of their
death. Responsible for the task of narrating the story of martyrs must have been
authoritative persons, the bishop himself or persons whom he delegated, since it was
22 On the cult of the martyrs, see the foundational work of Peter Brown, The Cult of the Saints: Its Rise and
Function in Latin Christianity, HLHR.NS 2 (Chicago, IL: The Univeristy of Chicago Press, 1981); and the
essays published in Paul Anthony Hayward and James D. Howard-Johnston, eds., The Cult of the Saints in
Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Essays on the Contribution of Peter Brown (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1999).
23 Johan Leemans, “Celebrating the Martyrs: Early Christian Liturgy and the Martyr Cult in Fourth
Century Cappadocia and Pontus,” QL 82 (2001): 249, 252; Leemans, “General Introduction,” 21;
Cameron, “Remaking the Past,” 8.
24 Harvey, “Martyr Passions,” 603.
25 On inhumatio ad martyres, see Yvette Duval, Auprès des saints corps et âme: L’inhumation «ad sanctos»
dans la chrétienté d’Orient et d’Occident du IIIe au VIIe siècle, Collection des Etudes Augustiniennes. Série
Antiquité 121 (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1988).
26 Harvey, “Martyr Passions,” 607.
27 Of the artwork that must have adorned martyria, Asterius of Amasea and Gregory of Nyssa described
beautiful examples: Asterius of Amasea, Ecphrasis in Euphemiam (ed. Datema, 153-155); Gregory of
Nyssa, In Theodorum (ed. Heil, Cavarnos, and Lendle, 62-63).
28 On the educational function of these elements, see Johan Leemans, “‘Schoolrooms for our souls.’
Homilies and Visual Representations: The Cult of the Martyrs as a Locus for Religious Education in Late
Antiquity,” in The Challenge of the Visual in the History of Education, ed. Mate Depaepe and Bregt
Henkens, Paedagogica Historica 36, no 1 (2000), 113-127.
5
imperative that the narrative be received and appropriated by the entire

community.29 But the hagiographic discourse of the fourth and the fifth centuries had
a hidden agenda, too. Taking advantage of the centrality of martyrs in the life of the
community, its discourse often sought to facilitate a better appropriation of certain
dogmatic or disciplinary tenets of the ever-developing Christian teaching. Thus, these
martyr-narratives also represented widely circulating texts which, like the Scriptures,
informed the cultural memory of their Christian audience. As Bauduin de Gaiffier
aptly formulated, “(…) les Actes des martyrs étaient souvent lus dans les assemblées
chrétiennes; envoyés d’une communauté à l’autre, ils circulaient de mains en mains et
se fixaient dans les mémoires.” 30
Hagiographic texts of the fourth and the fifth century largely took the form of
passiones, relatively short narrations concentrating on the events surrounding the
martyrdom of their protagonists.31 In that, they tended to embrace the same basic
structure. An introduction delineated the chronological setting: which persecution
claimed the protagonist(s) as its (their) victim, offering also a short portrait of the
martyr (with due mention, where appropriate, of ecclesiastical function), and
presenting the manner of his / her arrest. Next, the body of the text narrated the
interrogations by the persecuting officials, their attempts to convince the martyr to
deny Christ, and the tortures he / she endured. The extent of the tortures varied from
one text to another, depending on the aspects prioritized by each hagiographer.
Finally, the concluding paragraphs spoke about the martyr’s last actions (final prayer,
exhortation of the onlookers, etc.) and his / her manner of death. An additional
paragraph may detail the burial of the martyr’s corpse. The texts usually ended with
indications of the day of martyrdom and a doxology.
This basic, conventional, framework allowed for variations, depending on the
skill and taste of the hagiographer: Literary embellishments could be added, but
differences can be observed also in the treatment of Scripture or the use of typical
narrative traditions (miracle accounts, stories of conversion). In spite of the more or
less elaborate literary-rhetorical expression, the martyr-texts of the fourth and the
fifth century often had a historical kernel around which the narrative developed. 32
29 With few exceptions (all late), the hagiographers who redacted this type of martyr-stories remained
anonymous (contrary to famous authors of vitae sanctorum). This is perhaps due to the fact that the
hagiographer wrote the story of the martyr in the name of the Christian community: As Susan Ashbrook
Harvey noted, the act of writing hagiography is a collective act, since the hagiographer is limited to a
certain extent by the expectations of the community, but the community participates also by receiving
and appropriating the story. See Harvey, “Martyr Passions,” 617.
30 Baudouin de Gaiffier, review of Studi agiografici, by Manlio Simonetti, AnBoll 75 (1956): 425.
31 On the various genres of hagiographic literature, see Hippolyte Delehaye, Les passions des martyrs et
les genres littéraires, 2nd ed., SHG 13B (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1966); René Aigrain,
L’hagiographie: ses sources, ses méthodes, son histoire, 2nd ed., SHG 80 (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes,
2000), 121-194.
32 For the historical relevance of hagiographic texts and the late antique hagiographic production, see,
i.a., the monograph of Timothy D. Barnes, Early Christian Hagiography and Roman History, TrC 5
(Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010).
6
Especially the hagiographies related to the Great Persecution had to be written in

such a way as to reconcile still fresh memories about the martyrs and the stories
people expected to hear about them. These hagiographic texts had to contain some
historically reliable information, at least in terms of name, date, and manner of death.
The theological content of these hagiographic texts is mostly visible in the
narrative of the court trials. Here, too, several stock-motifs appear in almost every
passio, largely taken over from earlier narratives. The mechanisms of cultural and
religious memory informed this process as well. In order to describe situations of
suffering and death for the sake of Christ, hagiographers appealed to earlier
examples, well-embedded in the conscience of their audience. 33
The fundamental motif of the theology unfolded in hagiographic texts is the
imitatio Christi, in its various aspects.34 Through their public confession and their
painful death, but also through their conduct during the trial, the martyrs share in
Christ’s suffering and death.35 This brings them to communion with Christ, who
speaks and suffers himself through the martyrs.36 Two widespread topoi flow from
the idea of the imitation of Christ. Firstly, martyrdom represents a fight against the
devil and its demons, acting through officials conducting the trials.37 This perception
of martyrdom as a contest, a cosmic struggle and victory over the devil is expressed in
rich agonistic imagery. Secondly, martyrdom is a sacrifice to God, 38 even a re-iteration
of Christ’s sacrifice.39
Other stock-motifs recurrent in hagiographic literature are martyrdom seen as
mission40 and assurance for the resurrection. Both are catechetical-propagandistic
aspects: The missionary side of martyrdom consisted in offering to the audience
models worthy of imitation. And, with the unfolding of the cult of the martyrs, the
transition from imitatio Christi to imitatio martyrum was easily made. To the new
converts, hardly at ease with the idea of a bodily resurrection, examples of martyrs
who already gained eternal life in God’s company served as a much needed
confirmation.41
33 De Gaiffier, review of Studi agiografici, 425: “De même que le texte de la Bible était cité presque
involontairement, de même les rédacteurs, pour décrire des situations analogues, employaient des
expressions qui reposaient dans l’inconscient de leurs souvenirs.”
34 For the different expressions of imitatio Christi, see, among others, Michele Pellegrino, “L’imitation du
Christ dans les Actes des Martyrs,” VS 98 (1958): 38-54; Candida R. Moss, The Other Christs: Imitating
Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).
35 E.g., Mart. Apollonii 47 (ed. Musurillo, 102.22-25); Pass. Fructuosi 7.2 (ed. Musurillo, 184.7-12).
36 E.g., Mart. Perpetuae 15.6 (ed. Musurillo, 122.30-124.1).
37 See, e.g., Mart. Carpi 17 (ed. Musurillo, 24.12-17); Pass. Mariani 2.2 (ed. Musurillo, 196.1-3); Pass.
Crispinae 1.7 (ed. Musurillo, 304.8-10). Ferguson, “Early Christian Martyrdom,” 75.
38 E.g., Mart. Dasii 5.2 (ed. Musurillo, 274.32-34); Pass. Felicis 30 (ed. Musurillo, 270.6-7); Mart. Cononis
6.7 (ed. Musurillo, 192.9-10).

39 The foundational texts in this regard are Ignatius of Antioch, Ep. ad Romanos 2.2; Mart. Polycarpi 14
(ed. Musurillo, 12.28-29). See De Gaiffier, “Réflexions,” 17-18.

40 Ferguson, “Early Christian Martyrdom,” 76.
41 E.g., Mart. Polycarpi 18 (ed. Musurillo, 16.14-15); Mart. Pionii 21.4 (ed. Musurillo, 164.2-3). De Gaiffier,
“Réflexions,” 21-22.
7
Especially after Christianity “triumphed” over the empire (with the edict of
toleration of 313 AD), martyrdom was also perceived as a grace, given by God only to
select Christians, who proved themselves worthy through their way of life.42
According to this view, one had to “earn” the possibility of martyrdom. God’s
providential arrangement of circumstances that made the event possible was most
often expressed in the providential arrest of the martyr or by the martyrs themselves
in their (final) prayers.43 The theology of martyrdom as a special reward for a truly
Christian life, may have initially served also as a reaction against the so-called
“voluntary” martyrdom, in the attempt to curtail the heedless rushing to self-
denouncement – especially since many of these “voluntary” martyrs ended up
apostatising.44 In later ages, however, it served to highlight the special status enjoyed
by the martyrs.
Related to the providential supervision of martyrdom is the topic of flight from
persecution. Far from representing a shameful practice, flight from persecution was
regarded as a legitimate action: The Scriptures advised it and presented it as
compatible with imitatio Christi. The martyr did nothing more than obeying Christ’s
commandments,45 especially as formulated in Mt 10:23, “When they persecute you in
one city, flee to another.” 46 Of course, this legitimation was agreeable only because in
the passiones those who sought first escape from persecution ended up doing the
right thing. When the right moment (arranged by God) presented itself, they
eventually embraced martyrdom. This is another stock-motif to emphasise the
martyr’s special calling in that he / she was chosen by God to undergo martyrdom.
As this short and rather schematic presentation hints, if we consider

hagiographic texts as literary-theological writings used in well-defined (often
liturgical) settings, they carry a theological programme informed by two fronts: On
one hand, by what their target-audience expected (the expectations of the local
community which celebrated the cult); and on the other hand, by what their redactor
expected from the respective target-audience (their finality beyond the martyr-cult).
42 Ferguson, “Early Christian Martyrdom,” 75-77.

43 See, e.g., Mart. Polycarpi 14 (ed. Musurillo, 12.29-30); Mart. Carpi 4.1 (ed. Musurillo, 32.13); Mart.
Perpetuae 21.11 (ed. Musurillo 130.17); Pass. Mariani 2.3 (ed. Musurillo, 196.4-5).
44 On Patristic attitudes to voluntary martyrdom, see the chapter “Voluntary Martyrdom in the Early
Church” in Geoffrey E.M. de Ste Croix, Christian Persecution, Martyrdom and Orthodoxy, ed. Michael
Whitby and Joseph Streeter (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 153-200; Christel Butterweck,
Martyriumssucht in der alten Kirche? Studien zur Darstellund und Deutung frühchristlicher Martyrien,
BHTh 87 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1995), 153-200.
45 E.g., Mart. Polycarpi 5 (ed. Musurillo, 4.28-6.1); Mart. Agapis, Eirenis et Chionis 1.3 (ed. Musurillo,
280.15-20). Oliver Nicholson, “Flight from Persecution as Imitation of Christ: Lactantius’ Divine
Institutes IV. 18, 1-2,” JThS 40, no.1 (1989): 48-65; Johan Leemans, “The Idea of ‘Flight for Persecution’ in
the Alexandrian Tradition from Clement to Athanasius,” in Origeniana Octava: Origen and the
Alexandrian Tradition. Papers of the 8th International Origen Congress, Pisa, 27-31 August 2001, ed. L.
Perrone with P. Bernardino and D. Marchini, vol. 1, BETL 164 (Leuven: Peeters, 2004), 901-910.
46 On the reception history of this verse, see Martin Künzi, Das Naherwartungslogion Matthäus 10,23:
Geschichte seiner Auslegung, BGBE 9 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1970).
8
In spite of the relatively homogeneous structure and universe of expression that

denotes the genre of passiones, the pen of a skilled hagiographer produced under
their guise efficient catechetical and propagandistic instruments. These, in turn,
contributed to the definition of Christianity at large, and often to the definition of
certain communities over against others. 47 It is this line of research that I shall follow
in relation to late antique Pannonian hagiography.
1. PANNONIAN HAGIOGRAPHY: INTRODUCTORY REMARKS, STATE OF THE ART
Several reasons prompted my focus on the hagiography of late antique

Pannonia. Firstly, important secular and ecclesiastical events unfolded on the scene of
the Pannonian provinces during the later Roman empire. Secondly, archaeological
and historical examination revealed the social and doctrinal complexity of Christian
communities in Roman Pannonia. Thirdly, the hagiographies of Pannonian martyrs
represent the main literary source for the history of these communities during the
late fourth and the early fifth centuries.48 And finally, in spite of their importance,
these texts remained, until quite recently, largely understudied.
The Pannonian provinces, especially Pannonia Secunda, with its capital
Sirmium, were a hot-spot of secular and ecclesiastical history in the period concerned
here (fourth and early fifth century). Diocletian had re-organized the Roman province
of Pannonia into four units: Pannonia Prima, Savia, Valeria and Pannonia Secunda,
with the capitals at Savaria (today Szombathely, Hungary), Siscia (modern Sisak,
Croatia), Aquincum (Budapest, Hungary) and Sirmium (today Sremska Mitrovica,
Serbia), respectively.49 The four provinces, although separate administrative units,
represented a closely-knit region of the central diocese of Illyricum.
This exceptional status denoted the strategic importance of the late Roman
Pannonias, situated on the border of the Western and Eastern halves of the Roman
Empire. Virtually all land-routes, but also some water-routes connecting the two
parts of the empire coursed through the Pannonian provinces.50 The north-eastern
border, from Carnuntum (today Petronell-Carnuntum, Austria) to Singidunum
(Belgrade, Serbia) coincided with the limes of the empire on the Middle Danube. As
47 Harvey, “Martyr Passions,” 605-607 and 614-617.

48 Apart from this hagiographic production, but a handful of literary sources survived the ages: the
Altercatio Heracliani (CPL 687; ed. Caspari, 133-147); two letters of Germinius, bishop of Sirmium, which
survived among the fragments of Hilary of Poitiers: Fragm. A.III.5 and B.VI.7 (ed. Feder, 47-48 and 160-
164); alongside indirect references in several works of Hilary and Athanasius of Alexandria (on the Arian
controversy). The reconstruction of Pannonian Christian history depends largely on external sources
(from other parts of the empire), corroborated with archaeological and epigraphic evidence in situ.
49 Jenő Fitz, L’administration des provinces pannoniennes sous le Bas-Empire romain, Latomus 181
(Brussels: Latomus, 1983), 14-15; András Mócsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia: A History of the Middle
Danube Provinces of the Roman Empire (London and Boston, MA: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974), 273.
50 See Andrew F. Burghardt, “The Origin of the Road and City Network of Roman Pannonia,” Journal of
Historical Geography 5, no. 1 (1979): 1-20; Endre Tóth, Itineraria Pannonica: Római utak a Dunántúlon
(Budapest: Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum, 2006).
9
barbarian populations constantly pressured this limes in their move westwards, the
strategic and political role of Pannonia progressively increased. The barbarian threat
often demanded the deployment of substantial military resources and the presence of
the emperors themselves. As a consequence, Sirmium was raised to the status of
imperial residence, on a par with Rome, Milan and Trier. Starting with the
Constantinian dynasty, either the imperial court or the highest administrative
apparatuses kept constant vigil in Pannonia and on its Danubian limes.
Still, in 374 AD, a multiethnic barbarian group managed to break the Roman
defensive system, and pillaged the land.51 Among others, Mursa (today Osijek in
Croatia) was destroyed.52 In 381 AD, Gratian finally settled them as foederati in the
Northern Pannonian provinces (Valeria, and, to a lesser degree, Prima).53 Upon
Theodosius’ death, the settlers broke their foedus (395 AD), and before they were
engulfed in larger migrating units, the Pannoniae went through several more years of
ransacking. This was but a precedent to the successive waves of migrants that settled
for shorter or longer periods in Pannonia and in other regions of Illyricum, from
where they conducted campaigns in the Western provinces, Italy and Gaul. The final
blow was dealt by the Hunnic invasions of mid-fifth century. Justinian’s attempt to
restore part of Pannonia in the sixth century was short-lived, and the Avar conquest
put a definitive end to Roman Pannonia.
The settling of barbarian groups in Illyricum caused in the long run
demographic displacements. Many of the Roman inhabitants fled towards safer
regions of the Empire, principally to Italy, but also to Gaul and Greece. A law in the
Codex Theodosianus, issued to the praetorian prefect Theodorus in December 408,
points to the gravity of the situation. The law referenced “numerous groups of
inhabitants” of Illyricum who sought “foreign residence.”54 The prefect was tasked
with taking steps to protect the civic status of these refugees. The Hunnic invasions
exacerbated in the following decades this flux of immigrants from Illyricum.
Eventually, much of the Roman administration and the endowed classes from
Noricum were evacuated in the 480s AD. Something similar can be assumed for
Pannonia too. At any rate, in Pannonia and Dalmatia larger cities were abandoned,
and the remaining fraction of the population retreated either to the mountains or to
51 László Barkóczy, “History of Pannonia,” in The Archaeology of Roman Pannonia, ed. A. Lengyel and
G.T.B. Radan (Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1980), 115.
52 Letter of Maximus to Valentinian II (386/7 AD), in Coll. Auellana 39.4 (ed. Guenther, 88-89).
53 László Várady, Das letzte Jahrhundert Pannoniens (Amsterdam and Budapest: Gemeinschaftsausgabe
des Verlages Adolf M. Hakkert and Akadémiai Kiadó, 1969), 377; Barkóczy, “History,” 118; Friedrich
Lotter, Rajko Bratož and Helmut Castritius, Völkerverschiebungen im Ostalpen-Mitteldonau-Raum
zwischen Antike und Mittelalter (375-600), RGA.E 39 (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 2003), 81-99.
54 Codex Theodosianus 10.10.25 (the 10th of December 408 AD): “Idem AA. ad Theodorum praefectum
praetorio. Cum per Illyrici partes barbaricus speraretur incursus, numerosa incolarum manus sedes
quaesivit externas, in cuius ingenuitatem adsidua petitorum solet libido grassari eique illicite iugum
servitutis imponere. Igitur praescriptum tua sublimitas recognoscat, ut Illyricianos omnes, quos patria
complectitur vel alia quaelibet terra susceperit, petere non liceat. Dat. IIII Id. decemb. Ravennae, Basso et
Philippo conss.” See also Codex Theodosianus 5.7.5 and Constitutiones Sirmondianae 16.
10
better protected areas.55 Although nothing points to a systematic evacuation, one can
safely assume that at least some inhabitants took the path to safer parts of the
empire.
The Christian history of late antique Pannonia is no less dynamic. The presence
of the court and high administrative apparatus in various centres of the province
(Siscia, Savaria, Sirmium) and its limes (e.g., Carnuntum) attracted a growing number
of Christian converts. This is especially true of the Valentinian dynasty and thereafter.
In practice, we may surmise that local ecclesiastical authorities had to cope with the
challenge of accommodating and training these converts to a properly Christian
lifestyle.
The Christological and Trinitarian controversies did not elude Pannonia either.
Once again, the focal point in this period was Sirmium, but other episcopal sees (such
as Mursa) participated in the Arian crisis. Secular circumstances requiring imperial
presence offered the local ecclesiastical elite access to the emperor. This was
particularly important during the reign of Constantius II (337-361 AD), who
attempted several times to bring order to the chaos. Yet, his sympathy to the Arian
solution, could not quell the Nicene opposition. Illyricum, and Pannonia at its centre,
became the cauldron of Nicene and anti-Nicene debates in the West.56
Tradition has it that in mid-fourth century two Pannonian bishops, Ursacius of
Singidunum and Valens of Mursa, both Arians, wrapped Constantius II under their
influence.57 To them one can add later Germinius of Sirmium, whose theological
orientation evolved nonetheless towards a reconciliatory via media.58 It seems that at
least in these centres Christians had split in Nicene and Arian factions, if not even
parallel communities.59 But archaeological excavations unearthed evidence of Arian
sympathies in Pannonia Prima as well.60 The already complex doctrinal and
ecclesiastical situation was further complicated when Photinus,61 a new heresiarch,
was made bishop of Sirmium.
55 Rajko Bratož, “Il cristianesimo in Slovenia nella tarda antichità: Un abrozzo storico,” ASIA.NS 29-30
(1981-1982): 39-40.
56 An overview can be consulted in Hanson, The Search, 315-347; Ayres, Nicaea, 122-166.
57 Hanson, The Search, 591-592.
58 Hanson, The Search, 592-594; Daniel H. Williams, “Another Exception to later 4 th-century ‘Arian’
typologies: The Case of Germinius of Sirmium,” JECS 4, no. 3 (1996): 335-357.

59 Branka Migotti, Evidence for Christianity in Roman Southern Pannonia (Northern Croatia): A Catalogue
of Finds and Sites, BAR International Series 684 (Oxford: Archaeopress, 1997), 5; Mirja Jarak, “The
History of the Early Christian Communities in Continental Croatia,” in Od nepobjedivog sunca do sunca
pravde: Rano kršćanstvo u kontinentalnoj Hrvatskoj – From the Invincible Sun to the Sun of Justice: Early
Christianity in Continental Croatia, ed. Branka Migotti (Zagreb: Arheološki Muzej, 1994), 173-175. Such
archaeological finds, albeit attesting Arian presences, are too limited in number and importance to posit
on their basis the existence of parallel communities.
60 Edith B. Thomas, “Arius-Darstellung, eine römerzeitliche Ziegelritzeichnung aus Kisdorog in
Pannonien,” Annales Musei Szekszárdiensis de Béri Balogh Ádam nominati – A Szekszárdi Béri Balogh
Ádám Múzeum Évkönyve 4-5 (1973-1974): 77-116.
61 Daniel H. Williams, “Monarchianism and Photinus of Sirmium as the Persistent Heretical Face of the
Fourth Century,” HThR 99, no. 2 (2006): 187-206.
11
The personalities mentioned above played key-roles in the evolution of the

Christological and Trinitarian crisis of the fourth century. Throughout the 340s and
350s AD several synods held at Sirmium attempted to settle the doctrinal divergences
of the West (351, 357, 358, 359 AD). Orchestrated mostly by Homoeans (second-
generation Arians), and seeking ways to reach a compromise solution, they were met
with the stout opposition of the Nicenes.62 The disturbed waters of Pannonian
Christianity started to calm only in 376, when Ambrose of Milan managed, with the
tacit support of Gratian, to install a Nicene bishop, Anemius, at Sirmium.63 This
doctrinal complexity represented yet another challenge for the local communities in
their quest for self-definition.
The fall of the limes in the later fourth century and the successive invasions
starting with the fifth century left their mark on Pannonian Christians, too. We find
them seeking refuge in other parts of the empire, 64 taking the relics of their martyrs
along. Their cult resurfaced in Italy (Aquileia, Ravenna, even Rome), Gaul, or Greece
(Thessalonike), and many of them were progressively naturalised to their new
homeland.
It should also be noted that Roman Pannonia was throughout its history a
cosmopolitan region, with high demographic dynamics. Its inhabitants belonged to
various cultural, ethnic and religious backgrounds.65 In such conditions, the pagan
presence was a serious challenge for a Church already struggling with internal
disputes. Moreover, the proximity of the court, of imperial bureaucracy, of army
troops drawn from various regions of the empire, must have contributed to this
diversity with a steady flow of newcomers and their dependants.
As outlined above, Pannonian Christianity faced a series of threats to its
internal cohesion, from the pagan presence through the doctrinal quest to converts
who chose Christianity out of interest rather than conviction. It is in this context that
Pannonian hagiography took shape, as the only substantial literary expression of
Pannonian Christianity. In the chapters that follow, I shall show how these threats
were indirectly reflected in hagiographic narratives. I shall also comment on the
strategies used by Pannonian hagiographers in their attempt to offer solutions or, at
least, incline their audiences to certain directions / dispositions. Such strategies
62 Hanson, The Search, 325-329, 343-347, 357-370; Ayres, Nicaea, 134-140, 152; Thomas Graumann,
“Theologische Discussion und Entscheidung auf Synoden: Verfahrensformen und -erwartungen,” in Die
Synoden im Trinitarischen Streit: Über die Etablierung eines synodalen Verfahrens und die Probleme seiner
Anwendung im 4. und 5. Jahrhundert, ed. Uta Heil and Annette von Stockhausen, TU 177 (Berlin and
Boston, MA: De Gruyter, 2017), 56-66; and Uta Heil, “Was wir glauben und was wir wissen: Zur Bilanz
des trinitarischen Streits durch die Homöer,” in Heil and Von Stockhausen, Die Synoden, 208-217.
63 Hanson, The Search, 592, 595. On Ambrose’s role in the ordination of Anemius, see Paulinus of Milan,
Vita Ambrosii 11 (ed. Pellegrino, 64.1-66.14).

64 An analysis on the problems they created for the bishop of Aquileia, Chromatius, can be found in Rajko
Bratož, “La Chiesa aquileiese e l’Illirico Occidentale al tempo di Cromazio,” in Chromatius of Aquileia and
His Age: Proceedings of the International Conference Held in Aquileia, 22-24 May 2008, ed. Pier Franco
Beatrice and Alessio Peršič, IPM 57 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2011), 103-143.
65 Péter Kovács, “Christianity and the Greek Language in Pannonia,” ActaAntHung 43 (2003): 113-120.
12
include advice on proper Christian conduct, heated anti-pagan polemics, allusions to

doctrinal tenets, imagining the bishop as guarantee for the right faith and internal
cohesion of the community. For now, however, I proceed to introduce these sources.
Subject to Galerius during the Great Persecution, the provinces of Pannonia

distinguished themselves by the martyrdom of many Christian men and women. The
Martyrologium Hieronymianum, the standard source for the cult of the martyrs in Late
Antiquity, appears very well informed on Pannonian martyrs. Several dozen had been
inscribed in its lists, out of which hagiographic critique granted authenticity to the
following entries:
date name place of

death / cult
23 February Syneros (Serenus) Sirmium

26 March Montanus, presbyter in Singidunum Sirmium
and his wife Maxima
6 April Irenaeus, bishop Sirmium
9 April Demetrius, deacon Sirmium
Fortunatus and Donatus, deacons Sirmium
seven anonymous virgins Sirmium
28 April Eusebius, bishop Cibalae
Pollio, lector Cibalae
4 June Quirinus, bishop of Siscia Savaria
4 July Sabbatia Sirmium
15 July Agrippinus and Secundus Sirmium
14 August Ursicinus Sirmium
29 August Basilla Sirmium
8 November Four Crowned Martyrs Sirmium
25 December Anastasia Sirmium
The list of the Hieronymianum is visibly dominated by Sirmium in Pannonia

Secunda. Archaeological discoveries, however, confirm that martyr cults developed in
other towns, such as Sopianae (modern Pécs, Hungary), Mursa, Brigetio (modern
Komárom, Hungary) or Aquincum.66 More difficult is to ascertain the identity of the
martyrs venerated in these places. In the absence of epigraphic confirmation, they
remain, to date, unknown.
Some of the known martyrs received written hagiographic stories in the form of
ten passiones: These are:
66For an overview of the evidence related to the martyr-cult in Pannonia, see Rajko Bratož, “Verzeichnis
der Opfer der Christenverfolgungen in den Donau- und Balkanprovinzen,” in Diokletian und die
Tetrarchie: Aspekte einer Zeitenwende, ed. Alexander Demandt, Andreas Goltz and Heinrich Schlange-
Schöningen, Millenium-Studien zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends n. Chr. 1 (Berlin and
New York: De Gruyter, 2004), 212-225.
13
Passio Quirini (BHL 7035-7039)

Passio Irenaei Sirmiensis (BHL 4466; BHG 948-451)
Passio Pollionis (BHL 6869)
Passio Sereni (BHL 7595-7596)
Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis (BHL 2309)
Passio Quattuor Coronatorum (BHL 1966)
Passio Anastasiae (BHL 400-401)
Passio Erasmi (BHL 2578-2582)
Passio Demetrii (BHL 2122-2127)
Passio Ursicini (BHG 1861)
Especially the first five texts67 fit well in the overall hagiographic landscape of
Late Antiquity, sharing the specific features of the genre of passiones as presented
above. They denote similarities in structure, literary-theological universe, stock-
motifs (imitatio Christi, interpretations of martyrdom as providential event, sacrifice,
mission, guarantee of resurrection, etc.), both amongst each other and in relation to
other late antique passiones. In other words, they are typical hagiographic texts,
susceptible of conveying similar messages through similar textual-narrative
procedures and of influencing the formation of (a local) Christian identity. The
present volume examines in depth these five passiones.
***
The scholarly significance of this hagiographic corpus as reflecting the history
of Early Christianity in Pannonia was slow to emerge. The first hagiographic dossiers
and much-needed critical editions appeared only at the very end of the twentieth
century. In 1999, François Dolbeau published the edition of the Latin Passio Irenaei
(the Greek has no critical edition).68 Paolo Chiesa’s critical edition of the Passio Quirini
appeared only in 2013.69 More recently, I ventured to present the dossiers of Pollio
67 Research on the second half is complicated by the intricate history of relic translations and the new
traditions these brought to life. For example, the relics of Demetrius were transferred to Thessalonike,
where the local piety, forgetting the Pannonian origin of the saint, imagined him another tradition.
Posterity remembers Demetrius as the famous soldier-martyr of Thessalonike, and it is precisely in the
latter role that he is celebrated in the passio. Anastasia, the Four Crowned Martyrs or Ursicinus suffered
the same fate: The relics of Anastasia and the Four Crowned were deposed in Rome, whereas Ursicinus’
relics found a resting place in Ravenna. In all these cases, souvenirs of the saints’ Pannonian origins can
be traced in their passiones; but the passiones themselves record the last station in their appropriation by
the places where their relics rested or their cult flourished. See Péter Tóth, “Sirmian Martyrs in Exile:
Pannonian Case-Studies and a Re-Evaluation of the St. Demetrius Problem,” ByZ 103 (2010): 145-170;
Efthymios Rizos, “Martyrs from the North-Western Balkans in the Byzantine Ecclesiastical Tradition:
Patterns and Mechanisms of Cult Transfer,” in Grenzübergänge: Spätrömisch, frühchristlich,
frühbyzantinisch als Kategorien der historisch-archäologischen Forschung an der mittleren Donau – Late
Roman, Early Christian, Early Byzantine as Categories in Historical-Archaeological Research on the Middle
Danube, ed. Ivan Bugarski et al., Forschungen zu Spätantike und Mittelalter 4 (Remshalden: Verlag
Bernhard Albert Grenier, 2016), 195-213.
68 François Dolbeau, “Le dossier hagiographique d’Irenée, évêque de Sirmium,” AnTard 7 (1999): 205-
214.
69 Paolo Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” in Le Passioni dei martiri Aquileiesi e Istriani, ed. Emanuela Colombi, vol.
2/1, Fonti per la Storia della Chiesa in Friuli – Istituto Pio Paschini. Serie medievale 14 (Rome: Istituto
Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2013), 501-583.
14
(2012) and Syneros (2020).70 Prior to the publication of these editions, scholarship
relied on textual versions of poor quality. With the notable exception of the Passio
Irenaei and, to a certain extent, of the Passio Pollionis, even the most recent studies
were based on seventeenth and eighteenth century editions published by the
Bollandists and by Thierry Ruinart.71
One example suffices to show how these editions can lead to inaccurate
research results. The Passio Sereni published in the ActaSS styles the martyr
“monachus,” whereas another version, published by Ruinart presents a longer text in
which the martyr is simply “Graecus ciuis.” Scholars held that the two editions
correspond to two distinct recensions, and then debated much on the relationship
between the two, on one hand, and their relation to other martyrological sources on
Syneros, on the other hand. The analysis of the passio’s textual transmission,
however, revealed that it was transmitted in a single recension. The printed editions
represent in fact two shortened versions (independently of one another) of this same
recension. Moreover, “monachus” is a late interpolation, inserted in the text under the
influence of medieval martyrological traditions. Plainly stated, Serenus monachus is
the invention of medieval martyrologists.72
These textual shortcomings naturally affected research results. The majority of
scholarly works dealing with Pannonian hagiography strived to assess the historical
relevance of the given text, be it for the history of the Great Persecution or for the
history of Late Roman Pannonia. The few general (critical) overviews posit wider
theories confirmed / demonstrated starting from the texts.
When Albert Dufourq discussed the Pannonian passiones, it was to illustrate his
theory of a fifth – sixth century revision programme of existing hagiographic texts.73
Similarly, Rudolf Egger’s presentation of Pannonian hagiography supported his view
that the Passio Hermagorae had a Pannonian model.74 The hagiographic outline of the
history of the Great Persecution was treated by Svetozar Ritig, Jacques Zeiller and
Mirja Jarak.75 Ultimately, scholars hold fast to the idea that Pannonian hagiography
offers reliable information on the history of the Great Persecution because there are
70 Hajnalka Tamas, “Passio Pollionis (BHL 6869): Introduction, Critical Text, and Notes,” SE 51 (2012): 9-
34; Hajnalka Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier of Syneros (Serenus) of Sirmium, Gardener and Martyr
(BHL 7595-7596),” SE 59 (2020): 83-115.
71 The Bollandist editions are contained in the afferent volumes of the ActaSS. For Ruinart, see Acta
primorum martyrum sincera et selecta, ed. Theodoricus Ruinart (Ratisbonae: G. Iosephi Manz, 1859).
72 For a detailed discussion, see Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 87-91.
73 Albert Dufourq, Etude sur les Gesta martyrum Romains, vol. 2, BEFAR 83 (Paris: Albert Fontemoing,
1907).
74 Rudolf Egger, Der heilige Hermagoras: Eine kritische Untersuchung (Klagenfurt: Verlag Ferd. Kleinmayr,
1948).
75 Svetozar Ritig, “Martirologij srijemsko-pannonske metropolije,” Bogoslovska Smotra 2, no. 4 (1911):
353-371; Jacques Zeiller, Les origines chrétiennes dans les provinces Danubiennes de l’Empire Romain
(Paris: De Boccard, 1918), 68-104; Mirja Jarak, “Martyres Pannoniae: The Chronological Position of the
Pannonian Martyrs in the Course of Diocletian’s Persecution,” in Westillyricum und Nordostitalien in der
spätrömischen Zeit, ed. Rajko Bratož, Situla 34 (Ljubljana: Narodni Muzej Slovenije, 1996): 263-287;
Jarak, “The History,” 158-172.
15
few other sources for this period of Christian history in Roman Pannonia. We simply
do not know anything of the early fourth century events other than what these texts
tell us. At a critical examination, however, the value of their information is greatly
diminished, as we shall see in each chapter.76 It took until the last decade for the first
critical historical evaluations to appear in the works of Rajko Bratož, Péter Kovács
and Levente Nagy.77 These were the first attempts to properly contextualize the
surviving Pannonian passiones. Nagy’s work deserves further attention as a study that
tries to highlight the relevance of Pannonian hagiography for the socio-cultural
history of late Roman Pannonia. His more accurate assessment is limited, though, by
the textual versions he used.
Apart from these more encompassing studies, a handful of articles focus on
particular texts. Henrik Hildebrandt briefly addressed the Passio Irenaei and the
Passio Quattuor Coronatorum.78 Manlio Simonetti wrote literary-critical studies on the
Passio Quirini, the Passio Irenaei and the Passio Pollionis, in which he attempted to
show that all these texts are patchworks of hagiographic stock-motifs. He also argued
that their extant versions are Latin translations of (now lost) Greek originals.79 Cecilia
Roncaioli attempted to gather and analyze the sources referring to the translation of
Quirinus’ relics to Rome, offering thus a good starting-point for the hagiographic
76 The historical core is certainly present. As I mentioned in the introductory remarks above, the
martyr’s name, the date, place, and manner of his / her martyrdom must have been too fresh in the
collective memory to be tampered with. Yet, through the focus on this aspect, scholarship on Pannonian
hagiography exaggerated its historical reliability, trying to extract more historical information than the
passiones themselves could deliver.
77 Rajko Bratož, “Die diokletianische Christenverfolgung in den Donau- und Balkanprovinzen,” in
Demandt, Goltz and Schlange-Schöningen, Diokletian, 115-140; Bratož, “Verzeichnis,” 209-251; Petrus
Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae antiquae in aetate Tetrarcharum I (A. D. 285-305), Fontes Pannoniae Antiquae
6 (Budapest: Pytheas, 2011); Levente Nagy, Pannóniai városok, mártírok, ereklyék: Négy
szenvedéstörténet helyszínei nyomán – Cities, Martyrs and Relics in Pannonia: Discovering the Topography
in Four Pannonian Passion Stories, Thesaurus Historiae Ecclesiasticae in Universitate Quinqueecclesiensi
1 (Pécs: Pécsi Történettudományért Kulturális Egyesület, 2012); Hajnalka Tamas, “Eloquia divina populis
legere: Bible, Apologetics and Asceticism in the Passio Pollionis,” in Christian Martyrdom in Late Antiquity
(300-450 AD): History and Discourse, Tradition and Religious Identity, ed. Peter Gemeinhardt and Johan
Leemans, AKG 116 (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 2012), 179-198; Hajnalka Tamas, “Scio unum
Deum vivum et verum, qui est trinus et unus Deus: The Relevance of Creedal Elements in the Passio Donati,
Venusti et Hermogenis,” in Studia Patristica: Papers Presented at the Sixteenth International Conference on
Patristic Studies held in Oxford 2011, vol. 63/11: Biblica; Philosophica, Theologica, Ethica, ed. Markus
Vinzent (Leuven, Paris and Walpole, MA: Peeters 2013), 243-257; Levente Nagy, “Ascetic Christianity in
Pannonian Martyr Stories?,” in Pagans and Christians in the Late Roman Empire: New Evidence, New
Approaches (4th-8th Centuries), ed. Marianne Sághy and Edward M. Schoolman, CEU Medievalia
(Budapest: CEU Press, 2017), 97-104.
78 Henrik Hildebrandt, “Early Christianity in Roman Pannonia – Facts among Fiction?,” in Studia
Patristica: Papers Presented at the Fourteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies held in Oxford
2003, vol. 39: Historica, Biblica, Ascetica et Hagiographica, ed. Frances M. Young, Mark J. Edwards and
Paul M. Parvis (Leuven, Paris and Dudley, MA: Peeters, 2006), 59-64.
79 Manlio Simonetti, Studi agiografici (Rome: A. Signorelli, 1955), 55-79. Some of Simonetti’s conclusions
remain valid, despite inclinations to hypercriticism. Yet, his methodological focus on literary criticism
alone led to insufficient allowances for the context of the analysed texts or the peculiarities of the
hagiographic genre, aspects that greatly nuance research results on Pannonian hagiography. That a
narrative is made up of circulating motifs in no way diminishes its value.
16
dossier of the Siscian bishop.80 Finally, perhaps the best contribution in this field was
authored by Danny Praet, who applied the principles of literary and narratological
analysis to the Passio Sereni.81 Unfortunately, Praet too had to cope with the absence
of a critical edition. Yet, most of his observations are valid, with the proviso that they
do not exhaust the literary-narratological interpretive potential of the Passio Sereni.
Against this backdrop, the research presented here has a double aim. On one
hand, I offer state-of-the-art hagiographic dossiers for all the martyrs studied
(Quirinus, Irenaeus, Pollio, Syneros, Donatus and companions). These dossiers
comprehensively document late antique and early medieval sources attesting the cult
of said martyrs, from martyrological notes through archaeological finds and data
retrieved from itineraries to mentions in literary works. As noted, Rajko Bratož, Mirja
Jarak, Levente Nagy, Péter Kovács have made efforts to elaborate a survey of the
sources related to the cult of Pannonian martyrs. Yet the dossiers presented here
exceed these in detail. Bratož’ survey is brief, adducing quick catalogues of sources to
support a hypothesis. Jarak’s article, although well documented, does not delve in a
critical discussion of the sources. She is interested rather in demonstrating the
historical reliability of Pannonian martyr-narratives. Nagy chose only a few passiones,
and he focused more on the historical-archaeological aspects. Kovács, in turn,
separated the martyrological, the literary, and the epigraphic sources in three lists,
understating the discussion of the first. What I propose here is a critical discussion of
all the extant data about each martyr and their cult. Such discussion is liable to bring
clarity to the (still) chaotic array of sources. It has the added benefit that it facilitates
process of dating and contextualising the given passio. The resulting hagiographic
dossiers can also be viewed as research tools in their own right.
On the other hand, I strive to do justice to the socio-cultural and literary-
theological potential inherent in the five selected passiones. As writings composed for
the use of a specific (local) Christian community, they tell us about the beliefs,
problems, lifestyle of that community. Thus, these hagiographic narratives document
the history and the religious, social and cultural world-view of the period in which
their extant form was composed, and even beyond. Through their liturgical usage in
the celebration of the martyr’s cult, they played an important role in the formation of
Christian collective memory. Their imaginative universe was more appealing to the
common believer. They had etiological and formative functions, presenting in the
person of the martyr exempla to be imitated. As told therein, the lives, the beliefs and
the behaviour of the martyrs became standards against which individual and
communal Christian identities were measured.
80 Cecilia Roncaioli, “S. Quirino di Siscia e la sua traslazione a Roma: Analisi e critica delle fonti,” Quaderni
dell’Istituto di Lingua e Letteratura Latina 2-3 (1980-1981): 215-249.
81 Danny Praet, “Susanna, the Fathers and the Passio Sereni (BHL 7595-6): Sexual Morals, Intertextuality
and Early Christian Self-Definition,” ZAC 14, no. 3 (2010): 556-580.
17
2. DELIMITATION OF CONTENTS
As shown in the previous section, Pannonia-related hagiography is much richer

than the five narratives covered in the chapters of this book. I must, then, explain why
I limited my study to this material only.
Several criteria concurred in selecting the hagiographies analysed here.
Firstly, I focus only on the Latin passiones of a relatively early date. Thus, later
(sixth century) as well as Greek passiones fall outside the scope of my study. Such are
the Passio Quattuor Coronatorum, the Greek version of the Passio Irenaei, the Greek
Passio Ursicini, but also the late Passio Demetrii. Being a borderline province, passed
back and forth between the Eastern and Western halves of the Roman empire,
Pannonia used both Greek and Latin. Nonetheless, when one looks at the Christian
epigraphic production in Late Antiquity, the percentage of Latin inscriptions,
especially the inscriptions related to the martyr-cult, is overwhelming, with barely a
few Greek counterparts.82 Thus, in the second half of the fourth century and in early
fifth century – the period which concerns this study –, Latin was most likely the
language of Christians in Pannonia.83
Secondly, these hagiographies focus on members of Pannonian Christian
communities. Four of the five passiones describe the martyrdom of local clergymen
(Passio Quirini, Passio Irenaei, Passio Pollionis and Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis). The Passio Sereni is the only one dedicated to a layperson, but here too
it clearly states that Syneros was indeed a member of the Sirmian community. Related
to this second criterion is the necessity to have, for each martyr, a demonstrable cult
(place of cult) in Pannonia itself. This is very important for my research question:
Since the passiones were read during the liturgies associated to the martyr-cult, the
activities and practices related to the cult were the primary means of transmitting the
message of the passio and, implicitly, of enabling its identity-formative functions.
Archaeological finds confirm the cult in three of the five cases (vestiges of martyria,
inscriptions). Where this is not possible (Quirinus, Donatus and companions), I
considered that indications of the late antique martyrologies suffice to prove that
their cult had indeed been observed: According to the Martyrologium Hieronymianum,
Quirinus, although bishop of Siscia, was celebrated in Savaria; and Donatus, in
Sirmium.
Thirdly, the five hagiographies were demonstrably composed in Pannonia itself
(Passio Quirini, Passio Irenaei, Passio Pollionis, Passio Sereni) or directly linked, at
textual level, to Pannonian hagiographic production (Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis, textually dependent on Passio Pollionis). The Passio Anastasiae,
82 The Greek inscriptions have been collected by Péter Kovács, ed., Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum
Pannonicarum, 3rd ed., Hungarian Polis Studies – PAN 15 (Debrecen and Budapest: Verano, 2007).
83
One has to admit, however, that the Latin spoken then and there presented certain Greek influences.
18
composed in Rome (albeit closer in date to the hagiographies studied here), 84 and the
late and legendary Passio Erasmi were not included because they do not respect this
criterion. Since I was intent on tracing, to the extent it was possible, the formation of a
local identity, it seemed more interesting to follow the efforts of local hagiographers
to form and, where necessary, to correct the self-perception of their fellow Christians.
This gives us an insight into the daily agenda of both the redactors of the passiones
and those who were at the receiving end of their discourse.85
Two further reasons prompted me to include in this group the Passio Donati,
Venusti et Hermogenis. This text offers an insight into the reception of the
hagiography of Pollio. Moreover, if my assessment on the circumstances in which it
had been written (fifth century Aquileia) is correct, the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis reacts, by invoking the example of Pannonian martyrs, to doctrinal and
pastoral problems generated by the presence of heterodox immigrants from
Pannonia and Illyricum. In that sense, it offers a good opportunity to observe
Pannonian Christian identity after the settlement of barbarians in the province.
As for the other four hagiographies (Passio Quirini, Passio Irenaei, Passio
Pollionis and Passio Sereni), one has the feeling one unfolds a veritable, almost
intentional, hagiographic production. The contours of this identity-formative project
are shaped by the different aspects prioritised by each text.86
3. STRUCTURE
This book contains five chapters, corresponding to the five hagiographies

selected for analysis. Each chapter is structured in three parts: The first presents the
hagiographic dossier of the given saint / group of saints. The second introduces the
respective hagiography (passio), offering a preliminary analysis, followed by the Latin
text and English translation. The third and final section proceeds to an in-depth
analysis of the given passio, which approaches the text from the perspective of
different methodologies.
The hagiographic dossier constitutes the primary means by which one can
ascertain that a given martyr had been honoured with a cult. It also indicates the
popularity of that cult at a given time (in this case, Late Antiquity), and in a certain
geographic area. Since the hagiographic dossier is a specific research tool, it seems
opportune to clarify its elements in the remainder of this section.
84 Paola F. Moretti, ed., La Passio Anastasiae: Introduzione, testo critico, traduzione, Studi e Testi
Tardoantichi 3 (Rome: Herder, 2006).
85 The so-called “target-audience.”
86 This conscious effort was sensed also by Hildebrandt, “Early Christianity,” 59, who suggested that the
Passio Irenaei might have been part of a hagiographic collection. Late antique Pannonian hagiography
does have a certain intentionality and functionality of its own, but not one that could be traced back to a
single model-text.
19
I. The hagiographic dossier represents the collection and critical evaluation of

all extant sources that help the scholar in reconstructing the hagiographic
“coordinates” of a martyr:87 Name, place and date of martyrdom, deposition and
translation of the relics.
The most extensively used sources in this category are the so-called
“martyrologies,” especially the late antique ones (Breviarium Syriacum,
Martyrologium Hieronymianum, Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum). Welcome
attestations can be derived also from archaeological and epigraphic finds or from
medieval itineraries composed for pilgrims. These sources will appear in every
chapter and bear great weight in the discussion of the martyrs’ cult.
1. Martyrologies, late antique and medieval, are lists presenting the

anniversaries of saints arranged in the order of the calendar (by month and day). The
fundamental condition for inclusion is that the martyrs have an acknowledged,
annually celebrated cult.88 Martyrologies contain notes on martyrs and confessors,
canonized saints of the Church (bishops, ascetics, patrons, etc.), but also anniversaries
related to the ordination of bishops, dedication of sanctuaries or the deposition and
translation of relics. The notes themselves may vary in length and content: Indicating
the name and place of veneration is indispensable.89 But the martyrologist could
write a more detailed note, even a full-fledged eulogy that summarised the saint’s life,
the place and manner of his/her death, the persecutors to whom he / she fell victim,
etc..90
The oldest extant martyrology is the Martyrologium Syriacum. In its extant
form, it is an early fifth century Syriac excerpt of a much larger and much older Greek
original. It contains a calendar, a list of Occidental and Oriental martyrs (whose feasts
are listed, on occasion, on different dates for different locations), and a separate list
with members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. The Greek original must have been
composed c.a. 360 AD in Nicomedia.91
The oldest Latin martyrology, at the same time the most complex from text-
historical point of view, is the Martyrologium Hieronymianum. Of universal
aspirations, this martyrology sought to reunite local calendars, martyrologies, lists of
saints, episcopal fasti, etc., from the entire Roman world. It is based on the African
calendar, the Roman traditions and the oriental, Greek, martyrology that served as
87 The method of hagiographic critique focusing on “hagiographic coordinates” (“coordonnés

hagiographiques”) was first elaborated by Hippolyte Delehaye, Cinq leçons sur la méthode
hagiographique (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1934).
88 Henri Quentin, Les martyrologes historiques du Moyen Age: Etude sur la formation du Martyrologe
Romain, 2nd ed. (Paris: Librairie Victor Lecoffre, 1908), 1; Jacques Dubois, Les martyrologes du Moyen Age
Latin, Typologie des sources du Moyen Age occidental 26 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1978), 13.
89 Jacques Dubois and Jean-Loup Lemaître, Sources et méthodes de l’hagiographie médievale (Paris: Cerf,
1993), 103.
90 Aigrain, L’hagiographie, 11.
91 Aigrain, L’hagiographie, 23-25.
20
model for the Martyrologium Syriacum. Its original probably goes back to fifth century
Aquileia. In the sixth century it was completely revised and expanded in the region of
Auxerre, on which occasion a group of additional notes on Gallic saints was added.92
The Hieronymianum soon became the standard “universal” martyrology,
meaning that it was continuously copied, excerpted, augmented well into the Middle
Ages (up to the tenth century).93 Its editors discerned two main families: The first is
extant in one manuscript, copied in England in mid-sixth century, later preserved in
the monastery of Echternach (codex Epternacensis). The representative manuscript of
the second family is preserved in Bern (codex Bernensis). It was copied for a
monastery near Metz in the course of the eighth century. A group apart in the second
family, the “sub-family of Fontenelle,” is represented by a manuscript held at the
library of Wissembourg (codex Wissenburgensis).94 It seems that almost each copyist
had troubles reading the abbreviations of the previous versions, for the martyrology
is characterized by frequent misspellings, distortions, changes of date, transformation
of topographic names into personal names, gender confusions, etc.95 My discussion of
Pannonian martyrs abundantly illustrates these aspects. For this reason, it is
important, when using the martyrology, to cite and compare the variants of all three
principal manuscripts: the Bernensis, which is the version adopted by the critical
editors of the Hieronymianum; the Epternacensis; and the Wissenburgensis.
There are two standard critical editions of the Hieronymianum, both published
in the ActaSS. The first was elaborated by Giovanni Battista de Rossi and Louis
Duchesne,96 the second by Henri Quentin.97 I used the first edition, and respected the
abbreviation style of the editors when citing its variants (Bern., Eptern., Wissen.). The
only comprehensive commentary trying to sort out the chaos of the Hieronymianum
belongs to Hippolyte Delehaye. 98 The Bollandist scholar showcased his vast
experience in evaluating hagiographic texts and traditions, and created a masterpiece
of hagiographic critique still relevant today, although recent, more informed research
corrected some of his assumptions.99
92 Dubois and Lemaître, Sources, 106-107.

93 See the inventory of manuscripts in Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad fidem codicum, adiectis
prolegomenis, ed. Ioh. Bapt. De Rossi et Ludov. Duchesne, ActaSS Novembris, vol. 2/1 (Brussels: Apud
Socios Bollandianos, 1894), VII-XXXVIII.
94 Dubois and Lemaître, Sources, 107; Aigrain, L’hagiographie, 33-43.
96 Martyrologium Hieronymianum (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne).
97 Hippolyte Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus in martyrologium Hieronymianum ad recensionem
Henrici Quentin O.S.B., ActaSS Novembris, vol. 2/2 (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1931).
98 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus.
99 A relevant example is the critique of Cecilia Roncaioli on Delehaye’s affirmations concerning the
Roman cult of saint Quirinus. Cf. chapter I.1.3 below, and Roncaioli, “S. Quirino,” 226-227.
21
The Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum100 represents for the Greek world what

the Hieronymianum represents for the Latin world. Similarly to the Hieronymianum,
the Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum is a collection of eulogies. As the expression of
the official cult of saints in the Byzantine world, the synaxary is based on a variety of
calendars and liturgical texts referring to the celebration of saints.101 It too is extant in
various recensions, ranging from the tenth to the thirteenth century, each incomplete,
and each to be corrected according to others.102 Repetitions, displacements of dates,
name confusions characterise this martyrology too.103
In the Latin West, the work of martyrologists did not stop with copying the
Hieronymianum. A series of so-called “historical martyrologies” emerged from the
eighth century onwards. In contrast to the Hieronymianum, their compilers sought
not just to note names and places, but to give more detailed accounts of the saints’
personal history.
In the first half of the eighth century, Venerable Bede laid the foundations for
later “historical” martyrologies. The Pannonian martyrs made their debut with Bede’s
continuator, the anonymous martyrologist of Lyon, who wrote at the end of the
eighth century.104 Among his sources we find the Hieronymianum in a recension close
to Eptern., acta and passiones, etc. This martyrology is extant in one manuscript,
dated to the first half of the ninth century.105
Still in the early ninth century, Florus of Lyon completed the lacunae of the
anonymous martyrology with data retrieved from literary sources. He wrote two
versions of his martyrology, the first in the first quarter of the ninth century, the
second between 825 and 840 AD.106 Florus’ martyrology is extant in several
manuscripts, which showcase Florus’ later interventions.107 Both recensions contain
the same amount of notes on Pannonian martyrs.108
In the second half of the ninth century, Ado, archbishop of Vienne, also tried his
hand at writing a martyrology. His work was published in three stages: The first two
belong to Ado with certainty, and were completed before 865. The last might be the
work of Ado, but it is also possible that one of his close continuators took over the
project.109 Since the first recension is no longer extant, Ado’s martyrology is known in
100 Synaxarium ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae e codice Sirmondiano, nunc Berolinensi, adiectis synaxariis
selectis, ed. Hippolyte Delehaye, ActaSS Novembris, Propylaeum (Brussels: Apud Socios Bollandianos,
1902).
101 Aigrain, L’hagiographie, 72-73. Delehaye, prolegomena to Synaxarium, LIX-LXXVI.
102 For the manuscripts containing the synaxary, see Delehaye, prolegomena to Synaxarium, VI-LX.
104 Dubois and Lemaître, Sources, 111, are of the opinion that it was composed before 806.
105 Aigrain, L’hagiographie, 56; Quentin, Les martyrologes, 131-221.
106 Dubois and Lemaître, Sources, 111-112.
108 A comparative edition of the martyrologies of Beda Venerabilis, Anonymus Lugdunensis and Florus
can be consulted in Jacques Dubois and Geneviève Renaud, eds., Edition pratique des martyrologes de
Bède, de l’Anonyme Lyonnais et de Florus (Paris: CNRS, 1976).
109 Quentin, Les martyrologes, 465-681.
22
two recensions.110 Ado added several names to Florus’ martyrology. In composing his
eulogies, he used also passionaria, collections of martyr-narratives and lives of
saints.111
The last grand medieval martyrologist is the late ninth-century Usuard, a monk
at Saint-Germain-des-Prés. At the request of Charles the Bald to organize the
solemnities of saints, Usuard intervened on the first recension of Ado at several
levels: He shortened the too long summaries and introduced ca. 370 new entries
based largely on the Hieronymianum, leaving no empty days.112 Usuard’s text was re-
copied several times, even in printed form. Its popularity was so large that the
Martyrologium Romanum113 adopted it as a starting point.
2. A second category of sources which lend information on the medieval cult of

Pannonian martyrs, this time beyond the confines of Pannonia, is formed by medieval
Roman itineraries. Concieved as pilgrim-guides of the eternal city, itineraries
catalogue the tombs of notable martyrs across Roman cemeteries, within and outside
the city walls, in topographic succession. Pannonian martyrs, notably Pollio and
Quirinus, feature in four such itineraries: Notula oleorum; De locis sanctis martyrum
quae sunt foris civitatis Romae, Notitia ecclesiarum urbis Romae, and Itinerarium
Malmesburiense.
The first three date from the seventh century. The Itinerarium Malmesburiense
is known only through a twelfth century copy, but its original goes back to a much
earlier period.114 The most precious document in this category remains the itinerary
of Salzburg, Notitia ecclesiarum urbis Romae. As the title suggests, it is a minute
description of the Christian sanctuaries in Rome. Whereas the other itineraries
mention the cemeteries and enumerate the saints buried there, the Notitia
ecclesiarum structures its material with additional topographic indications (starting
with intra-mural cemeteries), in the most complete way known to date.115 For this
reason, I cite first the Notitia ecclesiarum when presenting notes on Pannonian
martyrs, and refer to the other itineraries only if they contain relevant variants.
3. Needless to say, the sources presented above do not suffice to reconstruct the
hagiographic dossier, especially when their information is chaotic at worst,
conflicting at best. In this sense, artefacts pertaining to material culture verify well
110 See their description in Jacques Dubois and Geneviève Renaud, eds., Le martyrologe d’Adon: Ses deux
familles, ses tois recensions (Paris: CNRS, 1984), II-XXXII.
112 Aigrain, L’hagiographie, 62-65. Edition in Le martyrologe d’Usuard: Texte et commentaire, ed. Jacques
Dubois, SHG 40 (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1965).

113 Edition in Martyrologium Romanum, ed. Cuthbert Johnson and Anthony Ward, BEL.S 97 (Rome: CLV,
1998).
114 Giovanni Battista De Rossi, La Roma sotterranea cristiana, vol. 2 (Rome: Salviucci, 1877), 178-185.
115 Pasquale Testini, Archeologia cristiana: Nozioni generali dalle origini alla fine del sec. VI; propedeutica
– topografia cimiteriale; epigrafia – edifici di culto (Rome: Editori Pontifici, 1958), 27.
23
the martyrological and literary allusions to late antique martyr cults in Pannonia.
These can be remnants of monumental architecture, reliquaries, or inscriptions. The
latter are of special interest, since they attest with certainty that a builing had indeed
been consecrated to a given martyr. This is the case of Irenaeus and Syneros. Where
epigraphic finds do not elucidate the dedication, correspondences between existing
architectural vestiges and indications in the passio can point to a cultic centre.
Excavations brought to light an architectural complex that coincides with the place
where Pollio was martyred according to the passio: This probably was a locus of
Pollio’s cult.
II. Each hagiographic dossier is followed by the text of the passio and an English
translation. I reproduce here the text established in the latest critical editions,
accompanied by an apparatus of Scriptural references and of hagiographic and
literary parallels. The English translations are either entirely mine, or adaptations of
existing translations (e.g., for the Passio Irenaei). The reader will also find a list of past
editions and translations in modern languages.
III. The final section of each chapter deals with the interpretation of the
passiones, in line with the second major goal of the present book. The studies that
complement the hagiographic dossiers seek to show how the repertoire of
hagiographic themes, topoi, and strategies influenced the formation of a Christian
identity in its local clothing. I use a contextual-comparative approach, literary,
theological, and audience-oriented analysis to identify the background, the aims, and
the implications of these hagiographic writings for the local and wider Christian
dynamics. This endeavour is likely to reveal the social and devotional diversity of
Pannonian communities, alongside pressing issues which marked the later fourth
century from a pastoral perspective. Some of the topics I discuss refer to mechanisms
of coping with mass conversions, reinventing the martyr-discourse, defining what a
Christian should believe and do (orthodoxy and orthopraxis, respectively).
24
Map of Pannonia in the late Roman period (after Migotti, 1997)

∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙∙ Borders in the time of Traian
--∙--∙--∙--∙--∙--∙Borders in the time of Diocletian
25
4. CHRONOLOGY OF PANNONIAN HISTORY IN LATE ANTIQUITY
343 council of Serdica: Photinus appointed bishop of Sirmium

345 – 347 unsuccessful attempts to excommunicate Photinus
351 the first council of Sirmium: Photinus deposed; Germinius
elected bishop of Sirmium
357 the second council of Sirmium
358 the third council of Sirmium
359 the “Dated” creed of Sirmium
374 the Quadi breach the limes on the Danube
375 Valentinian I dies while waging war against the Quadi
376 Gratian stops at Sirmium while marching to meet Valens;
the battle of Adrianople against the Goths is a disaster;
the limes on the Lower Danube is open to barbarians (Goths,
Huns, Alans)
378 Anemius is elected bishop of Sirmium
Alatheus attacks Pannonia; barbarian groups are settled in
Valeria and Pannonia Secunda
381 these groups are re-settled in Pannonia Savia
397 Alaric, magister militum per Illyricum, settles in Pannonia
401-2 Alaric’s first invasion in Italy
405-6 Radagaisus’ Goths raid Northern Italy
409-10 Alaric’s second invasion of Italy and the sack of Rome
26
CHAPTER I
Quirinus of Siscia
(BHL 7035-7039)
1. HAGIOGRAPHIC DOSSIER
Quirinus, bishop of Siscia (modern Sisak, Croatia), with the focal point of his
cult in Savaria (today Szombathely, Hungary) is perhaps the most famous Pannonian
martyr. From late antique and medieval martyrologies we learn that his feast-day was
the 4th of June; the year of his martyrdom remains uncertain. His relics were
translated to Aquileia, and perhaps (partially?) to Rome in the basilica of San
Sebastiano on the Via Appia. Literary sources attest his popularity in Late Antiquity:
His martyrdom is celebrated by Jerome, Prudentius, Venantius Fortunatus, and
Gregory of Tours. Quirinus’ late antique prestige is exceptionally confirmed by the
complex relation between the extant Passio Quirini and Jerome’s note and Prudentius’
poem, respectively. This corelation sets the passio on more solid ground than the rest
of Pannonian hagiography.
Yet, any attempt to establish the elements of Quirinus’ dossier must face several
challenges. For instance, hagiographic traditions surrounding Quirinus’ martyrdom
introduce three towns which could, arguably, dispute the role of cultic centres: Siscia,
Savaria and Scarbantia. What role did these towns play in the events of Quirinus’
martyrdom and in his cult? When were the relics translated from Pannonia to Italy?1
Discrepancies between data retrieved, on one hand, from the Passio Quirini and from
literary sources, on the other hand, from martyrological, historiographic and
archaeological sources account for most of the intricacies of the dossier. In the
introduction to the critical edition of the Passio Quirini, Paolo Chiesa overviewed
comprehensively these sources and questions.2 In the following pages, I shall present
each of them and offer some variations on Chiesa’s conclusions.
1 Both questions have been treated extensively with a critical eye by Roncaioli, “S. Quirino,” 215-249.
2 Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 505-536.
Chapter I. Quirinus of Siscia (BHL 7035-7039)
1.1. Passio Quirini
In this section I discuss the Passio Quirini as a documentary source relevant to

the hagiographic dossier. In this sense, it is opportune to summarise the text from the
viewpoint of the information it contributes. First, however, it should be mentioned
that Paolo Chiesa identified two extant redactions of the Passio Quirini: an older
“recensio Romana,” and a “recensio Aquileiensis” that contains several changes with
respect to the archetype. I shall present their characteristic features in the following
sub-chapter (I.2). Here I note only aspects of their relationship which bear on
elements of the hagiographic dossier.
The introduction carefully delineates the framework of the persecution: We are
told that Quirinus’ arrest, trial and martyrdom were a consequence of Diocletian’s
edicts ordering the closure of Christian churches and the compliance of the Christian
clergy with traditional Roman religion, lest they be tortured and executed. It was
under this edict that the praeses or the iuridicus Maximus ordered the arrest of
Quirinus, bishop of Siscia. Quirinus was caught while fleeing the city and brought in
for questioning. A vivid dialogue ensued, in which Maximus’ questions offered as
many incentives for Quirinus to develop his beliefs and theological views. Maximus
tried to persuade Quirinus to offer sacrifice in various ways: He pleaded, offered
reward in money and honour, he threatened, had Quirinus tortured and imprisoned –
but nothing prevailed. On the contrary, while imprisoned, Quirinus managed to
convert and even baptise Marcellus, the prison ward. Three days later, seeing that he
could not induce the bishop to renounce Christ, Maximus sent him to Amantius, the
governor (“praeses”) of Pannonia Prima, to be tried again and sentenced. Amantius’s
own attempt in Savaria to set right the “folly” of the bishop was met with the same
obstinate refusal. Therefore, the governor decided to make Quirinus’ sentence an
exemplary one, which would terrify all Christians: The bishop was to die by drowning
with a millstone tied to his neck. Miraculously, however, Quirinus remained afloat,
which prompted him to further exhort and encourage the onlookers. Only after he
prayed to be granted martyrdom did Quirinus drown. The similarities of this passage
with notes on Quirinus’ martyrdom in ancient literary sources warrant its quotation
in full:
[Amantius] iussit sancto Dei sacerdoti uel famulo molam ad collum ligari, et in
fluuii Sabari undas demergi. Cumque de ponte praecipitatus fuisset in fluuium et
diutissime supernataret, cum spectantibus collocutus est ne suo terrerentur
exemplo, uix orans ut mergeretur obtinuit.3
Significant is that the Aquileian recension omits the name of the river, which
the Roman recension indicates as “fluuium Sabari(s).” The Roman recension has a
3 Pass. Quir., rec. Romana, VII.2.
28
longer conclusion: It states that Quirinus’ body was found afloat at a short distance,
and the place marked by a chapel. His body was buried in the basilica near the
Scarbantian gate. These indications, which place Quirinus’ martyrdom in Savaria, are
absent from the Aquileian recension. It seems that the latter contains, in this case, the
older reading.4 At any rate, scholarship debates whether Quirinus’ martyrdom took
place in Savaria.
Moreover, certain manuscripts of the Roman recension contain two further
annotations (“addictiones”) concerning the fate of Quirinus’ relics. The first marks
their translation to Rome, to the San Sebastiano catacombs on the Via Appia (in the
mausoleum called Platonia). It states that the pious Christians of Scarbantia took the
relics with them when they were fleeing from barbarian incursions in Pannonia. The
second records the translation to Santa Maria in Trastevere by pope Innocent II. Both
annotations serve to delineate the centres where Quirinus’ cult flourished:
Facta autem incursione barbarorum in partes Pannoniae, populus christianus de

Scarabetensi urbe Romam fugiens, sanctum corpus beati Quirini episcopi et
martyris auferentes secum duxerunt. Quem uia Appia miliario tertio sepelierunt
in basilica apostolorum, ubi corpora principum apostolorum aliquando iacuerunt
[id est Petri et Pauli], ubi et sanctus Sebastianus martyr requiescit, in loco qui
dicitur Catacumbas, aedificantes nomini eius dignam ecclesiam, ubi praestantur
beneficia eius usque in hodiernum diem.5
Ibique uenerabile corpus eius diu latuit. Sed Spiritu Sancto disponente, qui non
patitur sanctorum suorum gloriam occultari, tempore Innocentii II papae
ecclesiae Sanctae Mariae Transtiberim fundentis oleum fundatoris, quando
eadem ecclesia fabricabatur, eodem Spiritu Sancto inspirante, consilio et
mandato eiusdem pontificis ac totius Romanae Ecclesiae, clerici Sanctae Mariae
cum magna reuerentia leuauerunt pretiosissimum corpus gloriosissimi Quirini
episcopi et martyris de eodem loco. Quod cum timore Dei detulerunt in
praedictam ecclesiam Sanctae Mariae Transtiberim ac cum hymnis et
orationibus in maiori altari eiusdem ecclesiae recondiderunt. Vbi praestantur
beneficia eius usque in hodiernum diem.6
From this account, we can deduce the following:

Firstly, while Siscia was the episcopal see of Quirinus, one recension of the
Passio Quirini considered that he was martyred at Savaria. The Aquileian recension
does not indicate the place of martyrdom. Moreover, the note on Quirinus’ death
differs stylistically from rest of the passio: As Chiesa observed, its fast-paced,
elegantly worded presentation sets it apart from the slow and laborious narration in
the body of the text, especially in the dialogical parts.7 The note also forsakes the
geographical coherence from the trial section, which provided minute and accurate
topographic indications.
4 Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 522.

5 Pass. Quir., rec. Romana, VIII.1-2.
6 Vatican, BAV, Vat.lat. 1191, f. 3r, cited in the apparatus criticus of Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 573. This is
the only copy to contain the second addictio.

29
It is entirely possible that the note on Quirinus’ death was penned later and
attached to the narration of the trials. At least, in the form attested by the Roman
recension, it seeks to reconcile other, conflicting, late antique sources: Jerome’s
Chronicon and the Martyrologium Hieronymianum: The first mentions Quirinus only
as bishop of Siscia; the latter gives Savaria as the place of Quirinus’ martyrdom.8 As
Chiesa stated, the note on Quirinus’ death complies with genre expectations, “un
protocollo agiografico abituale” which requires that the place of execution, the
manner of death, as well as information on subsequent burial and cult be indicated. A
scribe altogether unfamiliar with Pannonian topography could have made creative
use of the locations mentioned in the trial section: Savaria and Scarbantia. 9
Nonetheless, from the Passio Quirini as a whole it transpires that at least three
Pannonian communities had a claim on connections with the martyr: Siscia, where he
had been bishop, Savaria, where he was brought to court a second time, and
Scarbantia, one of the stations during his journey in Pannonia Prima. If the locus
natalis is difficult to discern, a cult dedicated to Quirinus in all these locations can be
safely presumed. This diffuse cult could stand at the origin of the conflicting
indications in late antique sources.
Secondly, the Passio Quirini renders quite faithfully the course of the
persecution unleashed by Diocletian. It mentions both Galerius and Diocletian as
augusti, suggesting that Quirinus must have died at the latest in 305 AD.
Thirdly, a specifically Roman tradition commemorates the deposition of
Quirinus’ relics in Savaria, and their translation to Rome. Interestingly, however, the
agents of this translation are the inhabitants of Scarbantia, and not Savaria. The
annotations represent three successive layers: The note on the burial probably
served as reference for whoever composed the first translation note. This person
mistook the “Scarbantian gate” to refer to the town of Scarbantia. He thus assumed
that Quirinus’ relics rested originally in Scarbantia and, by extension, that the
inhabitants of Scarbantia were the ones who salvaged Quirinus’ relics. The earliest
witness of the note dates from the ninth century, but the tradition might be older,
since it may contain a marginal gloss, “id est Petri et Pauli,” transferred into the main
text in the course of copying.10 In any case, this geographic confusion – which
proceeds from the Passio Quirini rather than from historical fact – diminishes the
value of this note in ascertaining the historicity of Quirinus’ Roman translation.
Once the tradition of the Roman translation took hold, the relics deposed in the
catacombs on Via Appia were attributed to Quirinus of Siscia. The compiler of the
second translation note, attested only in Vat.lat. 1191, took it for granted. This
witness is connected to the basilica Santa Maria in Trastevere, where Quirinus’ cult
8 Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 517-523. For further discussion of these sources, see below.
10 Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 512, 552.
30
flourished for some time. Such a connection explains the prominent position given to
the Passio Quirini and the care to explain how the relics ended up in that church.11
1.2. Literary Sources
As we have seen from the Passio Quirini, hagiographic tradition connected the
martyrdom of Quirinus with Savaria.12 It is unclear whether Savaria was actually
Quirinus’ locus natalis or just a centre where his cult had taken root in Late Antiquity.
Yet, the link with Savaria exists, and it explains some of the popularity Quirinus
acquired in ancient literary sources.
Savaria was the birthplace of Martin of Tours. Curiosity about the origins of this
prominent Christian personality must have led to interest in Quirinus and his cult,
too. As a result Quirinus is by far the best documented Pannonian martyr in ancient
literature: Jerome singled him out in his Chronicon; Prudentius’ seventh hymn in the
Peristephanon is dedicated to him; Venantius Fortunatus and Gregory of Tours also
mention his martyrdom.
Chronologically speaking, we hear of Quirinus first from Jerome’s Chronicon.

Jerome indicates the year 308 AD as the date of martyrdom:
ad ann. 308: Quirinus episcopus Siscianus gloriose pro Christo interficitur: nam,
manuali mola ad collum ligata, e ponte praecipitatus in flumen, diutissime
supernatauit et cum spectantibus collocutus, ne sui terrerentur exemplo,
uix orans ut mergeretur, obtinuit.13
Jerome’s eulogy coincides almost literally with the conclusion of the Passio
Quirini. Regardless if it was Jerome who used the passio for his note or the other way
around (the redactor of the Passio embedded Jerome’s eulogy in his text), the date of
the Chronicon, 380 AD, represents a reference point in dating this hagiographic text.
As I just mentioned, the eulogy is of special interest also because this is the only
Pannonian martyr referenced in the Chronicon. We may infer two possibilities: Either
Jerome, a native of Stridon, on the border between Pannonia and Dalmatia, felt a
particular connection to this martyr; or – more likely – he must have been, by then,
exceptionally popular across the entire Pannonia.
The association with Martin of Tours is again relevant. Jerome’s attachment to
Quirinus may have been born not in Pannonia, but in Aquileia, where he pursued
studies for a number of years. In Aquileia Jerome joined an ascetic circle supervised
by Valerianus, the local bishop.14 A fellow participant in this circle was Chromatius,
the successor of Valerianus in the episcopal see of Aquileia. Apart from good mutual
11 Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 503n4.

12 Pass. Quir. V-VII.
13 Jerome, Chronicon ad ann. 308 (ed. Helm, 47).
14 Cf. Egger, Der heilige Hermagoras, 20.
31
relations, Valerianus created a “monasterium” for the ascetic-minded youth of

Aquileia taking as cue Martin’s ascetic project in Tours. Some of the attention must
have transferred to Quirinus as well, as a distinguished martyr venerated in Martin’s
birthplace.
The intense relations between Aquileia and Pannonian towns along the Amber
Road (Savaria, Scarbantia) could also have facilitated the import of Quirinus’ cult.
Aquileia was the last station in Italy before the road entered Pannonia. Although by
the fourth century the Amber Road had lost its trade function, it remained
nonetheless the main land route that connected Italy to the Baltic Sea, via Pannonia
Prima. It can be easily imagined that through these contacts the fame of Quirinus
reached Aquileia well before his relics arrived there.
Approximately two decades later, this time in Rome, Prudentius composed a

hymn in honour of this Pannonian martyr – hymn VII in his Peristephanon.
Prudentius’ poem revolves around the last moments of Quirinus’ life: the death
penalty, the bishop’s miraculous floating, his encouragements to the crowd, prayer,
and death. Of course, all this is presented in characteristic Prudentian style, with
legendary embellishments and rich references to Scripture. For instance, Prudentius
inserted in Quirinus’ last prayer allusions to Scriptural miracles: Peter walking on
water, the Jordan reversing its course.
Insignem meritis uirum Summo pontis ab ardui

Quirinum, placitum Deo, Sanctae plebis Episcopus
Vrbis moenia Sisciae, In praeceps fluuio datur,
Concessum sibi Martyrem, Suspensum laqueo gerens
Complexu patrio fouent. Ingentis lapidem molae.
Hic sub Galerio Duce, Deiectum, placidissimo

Qui tunc Illyricos sinus Amnis uortice suscipit
Urgebat ditionibus Nec mergi patitur sibi,
Fertur Catholicam fidem Miris uasta natatibus
Illustrasse per exitum. Saxi pondera sustinens.
Non illum gladii rigor, Spectant eminus e solo
Non incendia, non ferae Doctorem prauidi greges:
Crudeli interitu necant: Nam Christi populus frequens
Sed lymphis fluuialibus Riparum sinuamina
Gurges dum rapit, abluit. Stipato agmine sepserat.
Nil refert, uitreo aequore, Sed Quirinus ut eminens
An de flumine sanguinis Os circumtulit; heu! suo
Tingat passio Martyrem: Exemplo trepidos uidet.
Aeque gloria prouenit, Nil ipse proprii memor
Fluctu quolibet uuida. Inter stagna periculi:
32
Confirmat pia pectora, Iordanem quoque nouimus

Verbis mirificis rogans, Totis uorticibus uagum,
Ne quem talia terreant; Dum fertur rapido impetu,
Neu constans titubet fides, Ad fontem refluis retro
Aut poenam putet emori. Confugisse meatibus.
Dicentem fluitantibus Haec miracula sunt tuae

Amnis terga uehunt uadis; Virtutis, Domine, ut modo
Nec substrata profunditas Suspendat, leve praenatans
Saxoque, et laqueo, et uiro, Summo gurgite fluminis,
Audet sponte dehiscere. Cum collo scopulum traham.
Sensit Martyr Episcopus, Iam plenus titulus tui est

Iam partam sibi praeripi Iam uis prodita nominis,
Palmam mortis et exitus, Qua gentilis hebet stupor,
Ascensumque negarier Absoluas, precor, optime,
Aeterni ad solium Patris. Huius nunc animae moras.
Jesu cunctipotens, ait, Quid possis, probat amnicus,

Haudquaquam tibi gloria Qui uectat silicem, liquor.
Haec est insolita aut noua, Hoc iam quod superest, cedo,
Calcare et fremitum maris, Quo nil est pretiosius,
Prona et flumina sistere. Pro te, Christe Deus, mori.
Scimus discipulum Petrum, Orantem, simul halitus,

Cum uestigia tingeret Et uox deserit et calor:
Mortali trepidus pede, Scandit spiritus ardua:
Dextrae subsidio tuae Fit pondus graue saxeum;
Subiecisse salum solo. Corpus suscipiunt aquae.
The hymn 15 contains no new information with respect to Jerome’s Chronicon.

Prudentius is not aware of a possible translation of Quirinus’ relics to Rome.
Moreover, he indicates that the relics rested in Siscia: “Quirinum … urbis moenia
Sisciae … complexu patrio fouent.” Neither does he relate details of the court trial, a
fact that sets apart Peristephanon VII from other poems in the collection.16 It seems
Prudentius knew of Quirinus’ martyrdom only through indirect sources: either
Jerome’s eulogy, or from an unknown martyrological that served as model for Jerome
as well.17 The poet obviously took Siscia as Quirinus’ locus natalis, and not just as the
see where he had been bishop, probably because his source did not contain
references to the place where the martyrdom took place. Jerome, too, simply
mentions the martyrdom of “Quirinus, episcopus Siscianus,” without further
indications of place.
15 Prudentius, Peristephanon VII (ed. Cunningham, 321-324).

16 Cf. Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 521.
17 Anne-Marie Palmer, Prudentius on the Martyrs, OCM (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1989), 237: Prudentius
depends on Jerome; Roncaioli, “S. Quirino,” 218: Jerome, Prudentius, and Gregory of Tours transmit
essentially the same information, which must have been common knowledge at the time; Chiesa, “Passio
Quirini,” 521: both Jerome and Prudentius depend on a fourth-century martyrology that circulated in
Christian intellectual circles.
33
Peristephanon VII is exceptional on another account: Whereas Prudentius

usually ends his poems with a personal appeal,18 the hymn to Quirinus ends quite
abruptly, without any personal touch. Clearly, Prudentius was not seeking Quirinus’
intercessions. What prompted Prudentius to include him into a collection of poems
almost exclusively dedicated to Spanish or Roman martyrs?19
Caecilia Roncaioli suggested that Prudentius was well informed on the cult of
Quirinus, since he had served as corrector (the equivalent of governor) appointed for
Savia. His residence, therefore, must have been Siscia.20 This attractive conjecture
cannot be proved with certainty.21 Prudentius did travel widely in the Eastern parts
of the Roman Empire in the entouraje of Theodosius, but this provides no satisfying
explanation either. By all accounts, he should have had first-hand knowledge of the
hagiographic traditions relative to Quirinus. Why, then, did he rely solely on Jerome?
Prudentius wrote his Peristephanon around 405-406 AD, after a sojourn to
Rome. I believe this is an important factor in explaining why he chose to dedicate a
hymn to Quirinus. Granted, Prudentius was unaware of a possible relic translation;
but the fame of Quirinus might have well reached Rome by the time he visited the
eternal city. Jerome himself, who, as we have seen, felt a special attachment to
Quirinus, might have endeavoured to propagate his cult when residing in Rome (in
the 380s AD). If Chiesa is right in presupposing an existing martyrological note as the
common model for both Jerome and Prudentius, we ought to locate it also in Rome.
The eternal city is the common link between the two authors. At any rate, a
connection between Quirinus of Siscia and the city of Rome must have existed already
in late fourth century.
A slightly altered account was penned by Gregory of Tours. In a lengthy

description he lends even more stylistic embellishment to the effects of Quirinus’
miraculous floating:
Eo tempore Quirinus Sisciensis ecclesiae sacerdos gloriosum pro Christi nomine

martyrium tulit, quem, ligatum ad collum molare saxo, in fluminis gurgite sevitia
inpulit paganorum. Igitur cum cecidisset in gurgite diu super aquas diuina
uirtute ferebatur, nec sorbebant aquae, quem pondus criminis non praemebat.
Quod factum admirans multitudo populi circumstantes dispecto furore
gentilium, ad liberandum properant sacerdotem. Haec ille cernens, non passus
est se a martyrio subtrahi, sed erectis ad caelum oculis ait: “Iesu domine, qui
gloriosus resedis ad dexteram Patris, ne patiaris me ab hoc stadio remoueri, sed
suscipiens animam meam, coniungere me tuis martyribus in requiae sempiterna
18 Bernard M. Peebles, The Poet Prudentius (New York: MacMullen, 1951), 88.
19 Apart from Quirinus, the Peristephanon sings the praise of two other martyrs who do not belong to the
Hispano-Italian tradition: Romanus of Antioch, and Cyprian of Carthage. The cult of the latter was
popular in Rome, which explains his presence amongst Prudentius’ chosen martyrs.
20 Roncaioli, “S. Quirino,” 222; Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 519.
21 Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 94.
34
dignare.” Et his dictis reddidit spiritum. Cuius corpus a Christianis susceptum

uenerabiliter sepulturae mandatum est.22
Gregory’s Historia Francorum focuses in general on Gallic martyrs.23 In this

case, too, Quirinus constitutes an exceptional presence, explained by his connection
to Martin of Tours through Savaria. From a data perspective, this note adds little to
the information transmitted by Jerome and Prudentius. However, certain details
concur with the Passio Quirini against the two authors. Most importantly, the
reference to the discovery of the relics and their “honourable” burial alludes probably
to their deposition – Gregory, however, fails to mention where, making it impossible
to identify which deposition he describes. But Gregory did know the Passio Quirini,24
specifically the Aquileian recension, as its rendering of the final threat uttered by
Amantius demonstrates:
(…) eris in exemplum omnibus christianis ut formam tuae mortis qui uiuere
cupiunt expauescant. Deinde cum lapide molari dimergendus in gurgitem
praecipitaberis.25
The structure “in gurgite” corresponds with Gregory’s “cecidisset in gurgite.”

The second phrase of this passage (“Deinde ... praecipitaberis”) does not occur in the
recensio Romana. Gregory’s silence on the place where Quirinus suffered martyrdom
and his dissolute reference to the deposition of relics similarly points to the Aquileian
recension. It follows that by the seventh century, the hagiography of Quirinus had
already crystallised in different recensions.
Finally, Venantius Fortunatus also recalled the martyrdom of the Siscian bishop
in his poem on virginity. This work is greatly influenced by Prudentius, which is why,
we may presume, Venantius mentioned Quirinus:
Africa Cyprianum dat, Siscia clara Quirinum.26
1.3. Ancient and Medieval Martyrologies
Of late antique martyrologies, only the Martyrologium Hieronymianum

mentions Quirinus. His cult developed exclusively in the Latin West. The
Hieronymianum inscribed Quirinus’s name several times in the list of martyrs
celebrated on the 4th of June:
22 Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum 1.35 (ed. Krusch and Levison, 26.11-21).
23 The observation of Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 95.
25 Pass. Quir., rec. Aquileiensis, VI.4-VII.1 (ed. Chiesa, 579).
26 Venantius Fortunatus, Carmina 8.3 (ed. Leo, 185.153).
35
ad 4 iun.: Niuiduno ciuitate … Quirini … Quirini episcopi …

In Sabaria ciuitate Pannoniae Quirini27
In the first note, Quirinus is included twice in a group of Pannonian martyrs

from Noviodunum. In some manuscripts the first “Quirinus” is altered to the feminine
“Quirina.” Only the second Quirinus from Noviodunum is designated as a bishop. The
second note places Quirinus’ martyrdom in Savaria, but does not mention the
episcopal office. This complicated list ends with another entry relative to Savaria (the
martyrdom of Rutulus and his two companions).
Amongst the manuscripts variants, codex Bernensis received attention as
potentially mentioning Quirinus’ Roman deposition. In this copy, the part relative to
the locus natalis of Quirinus (Savaria) is followed by detailed topographic indications
in Rome, and a group of martyrs whose Roman veneration is debated:
ad 4. iun.: In Sabaria ciuitate Pannoniae Quirini Romae in cimiterio catacumbas Via

Appia miliario IIII sanctorum Picti Daciani Aricii diaconi.28
Other copies of the Hieronymianum mention here only Rome and the names of
the three martyrs (Picti, Daciani, Aricii, with several phonetic variants). Hippolyte
Delehaye corroborated this entry with epigraphic sources and indications in medieval
itineraries, which led him firmly establish Quirinus’ cult in Rome. An inscription and
medieval itineraries attest the deposition of relics belonging to a martyr named
Quirinus in the Platonia, on the Via Appia. I shall present these sources in the next
sections.29 Significant at this point is that these indicate the deposition at the third
mile, and not at the fourth, as the Bernensis. Delehaye ascribed this discrepancy to
the frequent mistakes that occurred in the transmission history of the Martyrologium
Hieronymianum. He also deemed that, since the Roman cult of three saints mentioned
in the codex Bernensis cannot be certified, their presence in the Hieronymianum is the
result of yet another contamination. However, Delehaye also noted that Quirinus’
placement in Rome occurs on the same date as his dies natalis. This coincidence could
challenge the hypothesis that the Bernensis refers to the deposition of Quirinus’ relics
in Rome.30
Delehaye’s opinion became authoritative for those scholars who considere that
the relics deposed in the Platonia are those of Quirinus, bishop of Siscia. 31 However,
27 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 4. iun. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 75): Eptern. in Ninive… Quirinae
… Cyrini episcopi … In Saba ciuitate Pannoniae Quirini; Wissenb. Nividuno ciuitate … Quirini … Cyrini
episcopi … In Sabaria ciuitate Quirini; Rich. Et in Saracia ciuitate Pannoniarum Cyrini episcopi.
28 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 4. iun. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 75).
29 See. below, sections I.1.4, I.1.5.
30 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 303n26.
31 Zeiller, Les origines, 70-71; Antonio Ferrua, “Dalla Pannonia a Roma: Storia della fine del IV secolo,”
CivCatt 88, no. 4 (1937): 129-140; Antonio Ferrua, Epigrammata Damasiana, SSAC 2 (Rome: Pontificio
Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1942), 236; Roberto Valentini and Giuseppe Zucchetti, eds., Codice
topografico della città di Roma, FSI 88 (Rome: Tipografia del Senato, 1949), 44-45, 85, 111, 148; Agostino
36
others have debated this identification. Cecilia Roncaioli pointed out a series of
textual discordances that challenge such interpretation.32
Roncaioli highlighted that the list of the Hieronymianum, in spite of its
ambiguities, is a well structured enumeration, in which indications of place precede
the names of the celebrated saints. If the structure “Romae … miliario IIII” is reported
to Quirinus, the last three names (Picti, Daciani, Aricii) would exceptionally remain
hanging (without an allocated place).33 With regard to these names, Roncaioli drew
partially on Delehaye’s explanations,34 and considered that the passage reiterates,
with many corruptions, the celebration of Laurentinus and Pergentinus on the 3 rd of
June. She interpreted Aricii as referring to Arezzo, and Daciani as being originally
diaconi, Laurentinus’ ecclesiastical office. Laurentinus’ name would have been
omitted from the list. Roncaioli also considered Expergenti to stand for Pergentini,
referring to the saint associated in Arrezzo to Laurentinus.
As for the topographic indications in Rome, Roncaioli proposed that they
resulted from an erroneous association of two homonymous martyrs in one branch of
the martyrological tradition, in a much corrupted list. Based on coincidence of name,
Quirinus of Siscia was associated with the Roman martyr Quirinus buried in the
Platonia. Aware of the celebration of Quirinus in Rome, the compiler / copyist of
codex Bernensis inserted the toponym Romae at first in the margins of the codex,
from where it was later transferred into the list itself and completed with detailed
reference to the burial site on Via Appia.35
Roncaioli extended her conclusions in a broader analysis of sources in order to
demonstrate that Quirinus’ relics had never been taken to Rome. 36 She considered
that the source of the martyrological entries was the Passio Quirini, given that they
placed Quirinus in Savaria and not Siscia.37 In turn, the confusion with the Roman
Quirinus propagated in the Hieronymianum led to the inclusion in the Passio Quirini of
an addendum relative to the translation of Quirinus’ relics to Rome.
This view is unsatisfactory on two accounts. Firstly, martyrologies usually cite
the locus natalis of a martyr – so it is natural that the Hieronymianum mentions
Savaria, where Quirinus had been martyred, and not Siscia, his episcopal see.
Secondly, the translation of Quirinus’ relics to Rome is echoed elsewhere in the
Amore, “Quirino,” BSS 8 (1968): 1333; J. Oswald, “Quirinus,” LThK 82 (1963): 948; “Saint Quirin évêque et
martyr,” Vie des saints et des bienheureux 6 (1941): 66.
32 Roncaioli, “S. Quirino,” 225-227. Against the Roman translation stand, apart from Roncaioli, Renate
Pillinger, “Quirinus,” LThK 83 (1999): 777; Ada Gonzato, Massimiliano Poncina and Maria Veronese, eds.,
Passioni e atti dei martiri – Vittorino di Petovio, Opere, vol. 2, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiae Aquileiensis
(Città Nuova: Società per la conservazione della Basilica di Aquileia, 2002), 151; Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,”
527, who follows Roncaioli.
33 Roncaioli, “S. Quirino,” 227.
34 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 303.
36 Cf. below.
37 Roncaioli, “S. Quirino,” 225-7.
37
Hieronymianum. In the following note from the 30th of April, Quirinus and Via Appia
appear again in close proximity:
ad 30. apr.: Romae in cimiterio Pretextati, Via Appia depositio Quirini martyris38
The martyr commemorated here is the Roman tribune Quirinus, whose relics
had been deposed in the cemetery of Praetextatus. Nonetheless, some manuscripts,
other than the Bernensis, consider him a bishop.39 This time, the confusion is
reversed: The military tribune is confused with the Siscian bishop. The leap would be
easily made if there was some knowledge that a bishop-martyr named Quirinus had
been buried on the Via Appia.40
Roncaioli also traced with minute attention the genesis of medieval

martyrological eulogies referring to Quirinus of Siscia.41 As with other Pannonian
martyrs, the first to mention Quirinus is the Anonymus Lugdunensis. Thus:
ad 4. iun.: Apud Illyricum, ciuitate Siscia, sancti Quirini episcopi: qui persecutione
Maximiani, pro fide Christi, ligato ad manum molari saxo, in flumen
praecipitatus est; et cum circumstantibus diu collocutus ne eius terrerentur
exemplo, uix precibus ut mergeretur obtinuit.42
The wording and style suggest that the Anonymus Lugdunensis took his cue
from Jerome’s Chronicon.43 This explains also why he placed Quirinus in Siscia instead
of citing the locus natalis, Savaria. In another significant discrepancy with the Passio
Quirini, the anonymous martyrologist considered that the millstone had been tied to
Quirinus’ hands instead of his neck. This view was propagated throughout
subsequent medieval tradition.
Florus cited integrally this eulogy and introduced the Roman translation:
ad 4. iun.: Apud Illyricum (...). Huius reliquiae translatae sunt Romam et positae in
Catacumbas.44
It remains unclear which source Florus used for the translation of the relics:
was it the additional note at the end of the Passio Quirini45 or the Hieronymianum?46
Both are possible, although, as Roncaioli mentioned, it seems strange that Florus, had
he used the Passio as source, failed to change the locus natalis into Savaria. Florus is
38 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 30 apr. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 52).

39 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 30 apr. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 52): Eptern. Romae Quirini
episcopi; Wissenb. Romae depositio Quirini episcopi; Rich. Romae depositio Quirini episcopi.
42 Dubois and Renaud, Edition pratique, 102.
43 Roncaioli, “S. Quirino,” 228; Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 525. See also Quentin, Les martyrologes, 183.
45 Quentin, Les martyrologes, 274.
38
not unfamiliar with the reinterpretation of topographic indications in the

Hieronymianum. The ambiguity of the latter’s list on the 4th of June, which, as we have
seen, fostered the association of Quirinus with the cemetery ad Catacumbas,
presented Florus another opportunity to elaborate on.47
Ado presents us with a slightly revised version of Florus’ note. Notably, he
omitted references to the millstone tied to Quirinus’ hand. In the second recension of
his work, Ado added a note on Prudentius, which he borrowed from the martyrology
of Usuard:
ad 4. iun.: Apud Illyricum, ciuitate Siscia, natale sancti Quirini episcopi, qui persecutione
Maximiani, pro fide Christi (ut Prudentius scribit) et cum circumstantibus diu
collocutus ne eius terrerentur exemplo, uix precibus ut mergeretur obtinuit.
Huius reliquiae translatae sunt Romam et positas in Catacumbas.48
Neither Usuard, nor Prudentius are the source of this eulogy, which adapts
previous ones.49 The addition “ut Prudentius scribit” was inserted, indeed, after
Usuard. The latter must have been aware of Peristephanon VII, since he mentions it
directly. But Usuard composed his eulogy based exclusively on previous
martyrologies / the Chronicon of Jerome.50 Usuard, like Ado, eliminated the reference
to the persecution, but kept the millstone from Florus’ martyrology. Yet, more
importantly, Usuard omitted Florus’ note on the relic translation:
ad 4. iun.: Apud Illyricum, ciuitate Siscia, natalis beati Quirini episcopi, qui pro fide
Christi, ut Prudentius scribit, ligato ad manum molari saxo, in flumen
praecipitatus, et cum circumstantibus diu conlocutus, ne eius terrerentur
exemplo, uix precibus ut mergeretur obtinuit.51
Finally, the Martyrologium Romanum emended the medieval martyrological

tradition developed from the Anonymus Lugdunensis up to Usuard in light of a re-
reading of both Jerome and Prudentius:
ad 4. iun: Sisciae, in Illyrico, Sancti Quirini Episcopi, qui, sub Galerio Praeside, pro fide
Christi (ut Prudentius scribit), molari saxo ad collum ligato, in flumen
praecipitatus est; sed, lapide supernatante, cum circumstantes Christianos, ne
eius terrerentur supplicio neue titubarent in fide, diu fuisset hortatus, ipse, ut
martyrii gloriam assequeretur, precibus a Deo, ut mergeretur, obtinuit.52
Concluding, it seems that medieval martyrologists circulated chiefly Jerome’s

note from the Chronicon. The Hieronymianum had been consulted, on occasion, as we
have seen with Florus and the note concerning the relic transfer to Rome, but the

48 Dubois and Renaud, Le martyrologe d’Adon, 184.
49 See also the note of the editors in Dubois and Renaud, Le martyrologe d’Adon, 184.
51 Dubois, Le martyrologe d’Usuard, 241.
52 Johnson and Ward, Martyrologium Romanum, 135.
39
principal source remains Jerome. Their awareness of the Passio Quirini was limited. It
was only with the first modern attempt to critically systematize the traditions on the
martyrs, the Martyrologium Romanum, that the various ancient sources had been
given equal ground. Yet, in this case too, the Passio Quirini was not counted among
these sources.
1.4. Medieval Itineraries
In early medieval Rome, four itineraries mention the tomb of a martyr Quirinus
in the cemetery ad Catacumbas, on the Via Appia: Notula oleorum; De locis sanctis
martyrum quae sunt foris civitatis Romae, Notitia ecclesiarum urbis Romae, and
Itinerarium Malmesburiense. The list of the Notitia ecclesiarum contains the most
elaborate note on Quirinus:
Postea peruenies uia Appia ad sanctum Sebastianum martyrem, cuius corpus

iacet in inferiore loco, et ibi sunt sepulcra apostolorum Petri et Pauli, in quibus
XL annorum requiescebant, et in occidentali parte ecclesiae per gradus discendis
ubi sanctus Cyrinus papa et martir pausat; (…)53
The details of the Notitia ecclesiarum can be translated to refer to “Quirinus

bishop and martyr,” since for the Roman itineraries, papa (the bishop of Rome stricto
sensu) can designate a bishop. Unfortunately, other itineraries either cite simply the
name, Quirinus / Cyrinus, or at best add the qualification martyr, with no further
indications of office.54 Thus, the Notitia ecclesiarum has an exceptional status.
Itineraries, unfortunately, are of little help in clarifying the identity of the Quirinus
whose relics rested in Rome.
1.5. Archaeological and Epigraphic Sources
First and foremost, it should be mentioned that archaeological excavations

conducted in Savaria confirm the topography of the Passio Quirini. They brought to
light the remains of the amphitheatre and the bridge across the river Sibaris /
Perint.55 Moreover, small finds discovered near the gate to Scarbantia may be
Christian.56 The finds consist of a helmet mount decorated with a Christogram; and
53 Testini, Archeologia, 52.

54 Notula oleorum: “(…) Sci Quirini (...);” De locis sanctis martyrum: “Et iuxta eandem uiam ecclesia est
Sancti Sebastiani martyris ubi ipse dormit, ubi sunt et sepulturae Apostolorum in quibus XL annis
quieuerunt; ibi quoque et Cyrinus martyr est sepultus;” Itinerarium Malmesburiense: “Ibi requiescunt
sanctus Sebastianus et Quirinus, et olim requieuerunt ibi apostolorum corpora.” See Testini, Archeologia,
52-53.
55 Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 84-90, with extensive discussion on previous hypotheses.
56 Edith B. Thomas, “Zur Quirinus- und Martinfrage in Sabaria: Frühchristliche Kontinuität im
westpannonischen Raum,” Burgenländische Heimatblätter 43 (1981): 7-13; Dorottya Gáspár, Christianity
40
the hanger of a lamp decorated with a staurogram. They were discovered in two
neighbouring insulae situated on Kőszegi street, the site where archaeologists believe
the city gate to Scarbantia once stood.57 Especially the peculiar shape of the helmet
mount, of which there is only one parallel in Pannonia Prima, but which occurs more
frequently in Savia, enables the dating to the second half of the fourth century.
The helmet mount, made of silver, has long been considered a fibula belonging
to the liturgical habit of Early Christian clergy.58 On these grounds, scholars ventured
the hypothesis that the insula where the mount was discovered housed the church
where the martyr’s relics had been deposed according to the passio. Further research
demonstrated with absolute certainty that this type of artefact belongs to a helmet.
The weight of the argument then fell on the lamp hanger – a find too minute to
conjecture the existence of a basilica. 59 The lamp hanger and helmet mount suggest,
nonetheless, that Christians did reside near the Scarbantian gate, lending credence to
the idea that the the cult of Quirinus was celebrated in Savaria.
Branka Migotti proposed that Quirinus enjoyed a cult in Siscia, too.60 To date,
however, this theory has no archaeological proof. Chiesa suggested that no particular
community claimed Quirinus as exclusive saint.61 This observation might explain why
his cult is so diffuse in Pannonia (hagiographic traditions mention Siscia, Savaria,
Scarbantia), but also why it left so few material vestiges.
Outside Pannonia, the cult of Quirinus appears more focused, notably in the
region of Aquileia. An oval silver reliquary from Aquileia, now preserved in Grado,
depicts the Cantii (Cantius, Cantianus, and Cantianilla, Aquileian martyrs), Quirinus,
and the Roman martyr Latinus on one of its sides. On the other side are portraits of
Christ surrounded by Peter and Paul; on the lid, flanked by two sheep, is a crux
gemmata from which the four rivers of Paradise flow. The martyr portraits can be
identified based on an inscription that runs around the upper part of the reliquary
(above the portraits), and which follows their sequence:
san(c)tus cantius san(ctus) (can)tianus sancta cantianilla san(c)tus quirinus

san(c)tus latinu|s. 62
The reliquiary is dated to the turn of the sixth century. 63 Another inscription
running below the portraits identifies the donors as Laurentius, Ioannes (both uiri
spectabiles) and Niceforus, and suggests the reliquary was an ex-voto offering.64
in Roman Pannonia: An Evaluation of Early Christian Finds and Sites from Hungary, BAR International
Series 1010 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002), 114-118.
57 Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 93.
58 Ottó Sosztarics, “Urchristliche Kleidungsnagel aus Savaria,” Specimina Nova 12 (1996): 311-312.
59 See also Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 515n29.
60 Migotti, Evidence, 22.
62 ILCV 1910.
63 Galit Noga-Banai, The Trophies of the Martyrs: An Art-Historical Study of Early Christian Silver
Reliquaries, Oxford Studies in Byzantium (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 95-120, based on an
41
In all likelihood, it contains relics “safeguarded” from Aquileia when the see of
the Aquileian episcopacy was transferred to Grado.65 It can be considered proof that
Quirinus’ cult was indeed celebrated at Aquileia. Significant is also the association
with the apostles Peter and Paul, which appears in the addendum of the Passio Quirini
relative to the Roman translation (burial in the “basilica apostolorum”).
Since Aquileia was one of the main escape stations of Pannonians en route to
the inner parts of Italy, but also given its strong ties with establishments in Pannonia
Prima, it is entirely possible that Quirinus’ relics had been taken there sometime at
the end of the fourth or in the course of the fifth century. The medieval Chronicon
Gradense mentions that relics of a certain Quirinus were transferred from Aquileia to
Grado:
Cumque idem uenerabilis patriarcha [= Paulus] ad destructam Aquileiensium

ciuitatem cum populi multitudine ire disponeret, diuina reuelatione sibi innotuit
qualiter ciues Aquileie seuissimam Longobardorum rabiem in Gradense castrum
fugientes beatissima corpora sanctorum Quirini, Ilari et Taciani et ceterorum
secum aspostauerunt. Hac itaque reuelatione non parum illarescens et
translationem eorum scripsit et natalicii diem constituit celebrari...66
According to this source, the Christian community of Aquileia must have been
in possession of Quirinus’ relics before the Lombard invasion in the sixth century. The
treatment of Late Antiquity in the Chronicon Gradense must be treated with caution,
just like other medieval chronicles from the Aquileian region.67 On balance, however,
a cult dedicated to Quirinus at Aquileia cannot be denied.
Turning to the problematic Platonia in Rome: Quirinus’ possible translation

there has been inferred from a (quite fragmentary) inscription in one of the frescoes
on the walls of the Platonia. The text confirms the indications of the Hieronymianum:
[- - - - -] deuotam / quae tibi, martyr, ego rependo munera laudis. / hoc opus est
nostrum, haec omnis cura laboris, / ut dignam meritis [habeas sedemque
decoram]. / haec populis c[unctis constabit] gloria facti, / haec, Quirine, tuas
[laudes celebrando] probabi.68
extensive comparative analysis with late antique iconographic representations in Aquileia and Ravenna.
Gonzato, Poncina and Veronese, Passioni, 171, date it to the sixth century; Bratož, “La Chiesa,” considers
it a fifth-century reliquary. See also Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 90; Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 528; Erik
Thunø, “Reliquaries and the Cult of Relics in Late Antiquity,” in The Routledge Handbook of Early
Christian Art, ed. Robin M. Jensen and Mark D. Ellison (London and New York: Routledge, 2018), 156,
158.
64 Thunø, “Reliquaries,” 158; Cynthia Hahn, Strange Beauty: The Making and Meaning of Reliquaries, 400 –
circa 1204 (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2012), 63.
65 Gonzato, Poncina and Veronese, Passioni, 171.
66 Chronicon Gradense (ed. Monticolo, 1:41.9-23), cited in Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 147.
67 Cf. Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 528 and n65.
68 ICUR 5.13276 = ILCV 1.1777. See also Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 100n326. I cited the reading of Ernst
Diehl, ed., Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae veteres, vol. 1 (Berlin: Weidmann, 1925), 327. A slightly
altered reading is given by Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 161: [---] devotam / quae tibi martyr ego rependo
42
This inscription is an epigram composed in Damasian style.69 Scholarship

advanced conflicting opinions on its dating. Some believe it to be a genuine epigram
composed by pope Damasus as part of his grand project to adorn the Roman
catacombs.70 Others, however, postpone its composition to the early or mid-fifth
century. They argue that, although the style is similar, the execution of the letters is
different from other inscriptions commissioned by Damasus.71 The incision in stucco
would be a singular occurrence amongst Damasian epigrams.72
Immediately below the inscription, the fresco depicts Christ flanked by two
men, one older and one younger, each above one loculus of tomb 13. The older man is
Quirinus. The reliquary below his portrait contains the bones and cranium of an old
man,73 consequent with Quirinus’ advanced age in the Passio Quirini.
The Platonia itself is a mausoleum of unusual shape, consisting of eleven
arcosolia arranged in a circular structure, built by pope Liberius (352-366 AD) to
house the relics of the apostles Peter and Paul. 74 After these had been transferred to
the Vatican, ownership of the chapel was transferred to the families of high urban
officials from Pannonia and Istria: Rufius Viventius Gallus, praefectus Urbis, native of
Siscia75 and Simplicius, vicarius Urbi, native of Emona.76 The mausoleum also contains
the tombs of the virgin Maximilla and her deaconess mother, Nunita. Both were from
Pannonia, and had a close friendship with Lucceia, the daughter of Viventius.77
Another tomb carries the name Flavia Viventia, “ex prouincia Pannonia.”78
Antonio Ferrua believed that this influx of Pannonian natives buried in the
Platonia was due to the presence of the relics of Quirinus of Siscia. Consequently, he
established the date of the translation sometime between 378 and 389 AD.79 If these
munera laudis / hoc opus est nostrum haec omnia cura laboris / ut dignam meritis [habeas sedemque
decoram] / haec populis c[unctic constabit] gloria facti / haec, Quirine, tuas [laudes crebrendo] probabit.
69 Anton De Waal, Die Apostelgruft ad Catacumbas an der Via Appia: Eine historisch-archaeologische
Untersuchung auf Grund der neusten Ausgrabungen, RQ.S 3 (Freiburg: Herder’sche Verlagshandlung,
1894), 97-105; G. Kaster, “Quirinus (Cirinus) von Siscia (Sisseck),” LCI 8 (1976): 242.
70 Roncaioli, “S. Quirino,” 222 and 241n42. Roncaioli has, however, good reasons to accept the earlier
date, since it constitutes proof against identifying the Quirinus buried in the Platonia with the bishop of
Siscia.
71 E.g., Antonio Ferrua, Epigrammata, 236; Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 161.
72 Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 104. This inscription is not included in the collection of epigrammata
published by Antonio Ferrua and Carlo Carletti, eds., Damasus und die römischen Martyrer (Vatican:
Pontificia Commissione di Archeologia Sacra, 1986).
73 De Waal, Die Apostelgruft, 114-116; Kaster, “Quirinus,” 242.
74 Although Antonio Ferrua, La basilica e la catacomba di S. Sebastiano, Catacombe di Roma e d’Italia 3
(Vatican: Pontificia commisione di archeologia sacra, 1990), 78-80, and Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 527,
believe the tradition relative to the deposition of the apostles’ relics to be of later date. Ferrua thinks it
post-dates the translation of Quirinus’ relics. Chiesa observed that the tradition of the apostolic
deposition is formulated in terms similar to the note in the Passio Quirini, and is attested with certainty
only after the eighth century.
75 PLRE, 1:972, s.v. “Viventius” (PPO Galliarum 368-371 AD and PVR 365-367 AD).
76 PLRE, 1:844, s.v. “Flavius Simplicius 7” (vicarius urbis Romae 374-375 AD).
77 Roncaioli, “S. Quirino,” 223-224; Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 100.
79 Ferrua, “Dalla Pannonia,” 129-140.
43
relics were indeed those of the Siscian bishop, the reverse is also possible: That the
Pannonian ownership of the mausoleum prompted their deposition in the Platonia. In
this case, the Pannonian burials in the Platonia represent the terminus post quem for
the hypothetical transfer of relics.80
1.6. Concluding Observations on the Elements of the Hagiographic

Dossier: Place and Date of Martyrdom; Translation of Relics
The sources discussed above raised a series of challenges with respect to

Quirinus’ place and date of martyrdom, as well as with respect to the translation of
his relics. In the following, I shall address each aspect separately.
As we have seen, ancient sources ascribe Quirinus’ martyrdom to two places:
Siscia (Jerome and Prudentius) and Savaria (the Martyrologium Hieronymianum and
the Roman recension of the Passio Quirini). Judging by the manner of death
(drowning), the logical choice should fall on Siscia, since the waters of the Sava,
flowing nearby, are much deeper than the shallow Perint.81 Still, there is no reason to
suppose that the Passio Quirini conflated the hagiographies of two distinct martyrs,
one celebrated at Siscia, one in Savaria. Savaria in the Hieronymianum might simply
refer to a place of cult. The passio’s Roman recension capitalises on earlier
information relative to Quirinus’ death. Given how diffuse Quirinus’ cult was in
Pannonia, it is more likely that the exact place of his martyrdom remained unknown –
or that doubts persisted in this respect. The Savarian cult of Quirinus of Siscia,
however, cannot be dismissed, as it played a significant role in the popularity
acquired by the martyr.
Concerning the date of Quirinus’ martyrdom, we can only approximate. The
only secure reference point is the Diocletianic persecution. Jerome gives the year 308
AD. As stated, the prologue of the Passio Quirini implies that both Galerius and
Diocletian were acting as augusti; it also suggests that all persecuting edicts were in
effect when Quirinus was arrested. Taken together, these clues indicate rather the
date 304-305 AD – but this depends, of course, on whether one is prepared to grant
historical accuracy to the prologue.
The cult of Quirinus spread at a relatively early date, first in Pannonia, then to
other regions. Initially it developed independently from the translation of relics and
even from a narrative tradition. Quirinus’ fame reached Aquileia by the end of the
fourth century and even Rome, where Prudentius presumably encountered it. At the
time, all that was known about him was the manner of his death, that he had been the
bishop of Siscia, and the day when his martyrdom was commemorated. Noteworthy
80 Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 104, also favoured a later translation, certainly after 405, when Prudentius
wrote his hymn.
81 Thus Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 522-523. A bridge across the Sava is also the site where Irenaeus of
Sirmium was martyred. See chapter II below.
44
here is that on the reliquary from Grado Quirinus is depicted as a young man.
Somewhat later the Passio Quirini attempted to sort out the array of confusing
factors.82
Quirinus’ relics eventually found their way to Aquileia, probably in the course
of the fifth century – certainly before its close, as the Grado reliquary certifies. They
might have been (partially) transferred to Rome as well. Quirinus’ cult was
popularised there by high-ranking persons with connections to Pannonia. In these
milieus the Passio Quirini also took hold. That the additional note of the passio
contains only the Roman translation and deposition should not puzzle: As Roncaioli
rightly showed, it is specific to the Roman manuscript branch and it represents a
ninth-century attempt to explain how Quirinus’ relics ended up in Rome,83 without
dwelling necessarily on the route they crossed.
82 Cf. Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 517: “È possibile ... ricostruire una vicenda in cui trovino riscontro tutte e
quattro informazioni riportate da queste due fonti: l’episcopato a Siscia, la morte a Sabaria, la data del
martirio al 4 giugno, l’esecuzione per annegamento. Questa vicenda è appunto quella narata dalla
Passio.” Chiesa refers here to the notes in the Chronicon and the Hieronymianum.
45
2. PASSIO QUIRINI
2.1. Redactions
Before proceeding to an analysis of the Passio Quirini, it is imperative to

address the issue of the redactional integrity of the text. The addictio suggests at least
two redactional layers: sometime in the ninth century, a Roman scribe deemed it
necessary to add a note concerning the translations of Quirinus’ relics. Another
problematic passage from a redactorial point of view is the conclusion, borrowed
almost literally from Jerome.
Could the conclusion not be another editorial addition? According to all
indications, the passio had been composed in Savaria. Albeit a provincial capital
situated on the commercial artery of the Amber Road, it is hard to imagine in Savaria
an intense circulation of books. It might well be that somebody worked Jerome’s note
into the text of the passio at a later date.
In his extensive analysis of this text’s transmission history, Paolo Chiesa
identified two extant redactions, which he named recensio Romana and recensio
Aquileiensis. Chiesa concluded that the passio is a stratified text, composed of three
distinct elements: the prologue (chapter I), the trial section (chapters II-VI), and the
section on Quirinus’ death (chapter VII.1-2).84 The trial section represents the core.
The prologue and the death note were added later, the first to contextualise the
narrated events, the second to fulfil hagiographic requirements – notably to indicate
the place, date, and manner of death; the fate of the relics; and the beginnings of the
cult. Initially based on Jerome’s Chronicon, the death note was in time modified either
to incorporate a martyrological eulogy that contained the same information as the
Hieronymianum or to give a rationale for Quirinus’ cult in Savaria: What better way to
explain its rise than to consider that the martyr had died there, especially since there
was a trial to substantiate this claim. Discrepancies in the trial section between the
court hearing at Siscia and the one in Savaria prompted Chiesa to posit two redactors.
In particular, he noted that Quirinus’ replies at Siscia are introduced by “respondere;”
whereas those in Savaria, by “dicere.” 85 To this we may add different registers of
addressing Maximus and Amantius, respectively. At Siscia, Quirinus confronts the
iuridicus Maximus with vehement polemics. At times he adopts a despising attitude.
With the praeses Amantius, in turn, he is very respectful, he even follows the
customary protocol of address (e.g., VI.4: “potestas tua,” “legibus uestris”). However,
the difference in rank between the two officials – and the corresponding gravity of the
respective trials – may account for these incongruences. No other, more explicit,

46
pointers, substantiate the corroboration of two distinct trial accounts written by

different authors.
Chiesa also noted two other redactional interventions: at I.1 and V.2, marginal
glosses made their way into the body of the extant recensions:
I.1, rec. Aquil.: cum mundi istius princeps diabolus

V.2: Cumque deductus fuisset beatus Quirinus ad Primam Pannoniam et per
singulas ciuitates uinctus catenis ad praesidis Amantii iudicium traheretur
[siquidem ad ripam Danubii ad singulas ciuitates]
The gloss “cum mundi istius princeps” qualified the term “diabolus”. Chiesa saw
in this a solid argument to prove that the Aquileian recension of the prologue is the
authentic one.86 The second gloss, “siquidem ad ripam Danubii” originally explained
“singulas ciuitates,” which the gloss itself reiterates. This need to clarify geographical
coordinates is uncharacteristic for the trial section. The topography here is rendered
with precision. The gloss must have been inserted into the main text in Carolingian or
post-Carolingian times, when “ad ripas Danubii” is attested in reference to
Pannonia.87
Chiesa edited the two recensions separately. He considered that retracing them
to a single archetype would be forcefully reductive and would lead to arbitrary
editorial choices. He nonetheless ascertained that the two derive from a common
archetype. The recensio Aquileiensis revised this archetype into a more elegant
rendering. Characteristic to the recensio Romana, in turn, are the references to
Quirinus’ death in Savaria, his burial and the fate of his relics. The Aquileian recension
mentions that Amantius sentenced Quirinus to be cast into the (unnamed!) river with
a millstone tied to his neck, that he was thrown off a bridge, floated, conversed with
onlookers, and drowned only after having asked for his death in prayer. The Roman
recension adds to this a host of details on the place of his martyrdom (Savaria); the
inuentio and depositio of his relics in Savaria, in a basilica at the Scarbantian gate; the
translation of his relics to Rome by refugees from Scarbantia; their deposition in the
catacombs of San Sebastiano; the translation to Santa Maria in Trastevere. 88
In Chiesa’s view, therefore, the Aquileian recension, although being the product
of a “riscrittura profunda e innovativa,”89 has the advantage from the point of view of
structure. From a textual perspective, however, priority must be given to the Roman
recension – with the caveat that certain passages of the archetype are rendered more
faithfully in the Aquileian recension.
Unsurprisingly, the most apparent discrepancies between the two recensions
appear in the prologue and the death note. These also contain passages where the
86 Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,”534.

88 Pass. Quir. VII.1-VIII.2.
47
reading of the recensio Aquileiensis reflects the archetype, and the recensio Romana
transmits various degrees of corruption.
Chiesa demonstrated that the prologue is the bone of contention between the
two recensions. Many significant variants in the two prologues cannot be reduced to
mere literary re-writing. In this instance, the prologue of the Aquileian recension is
neatly superior from a textual point of view:
rec. Romana rec. Aquileiensis
I. Cum mundi istius principes ad I. Cum mundi istius princeps diabolus ad

cruciandas sanctorum animas diabolus cribrandas sanctorum animas
commouisset et ubique Domini accepisset potestatem et ubique Domini
ecclesias diuersis persecutionum ecclesias diuersis persecutionum
tempestatibus uentilaret, suscitatis tempestatibus uentilaret, suscitatis
regum amicis per quos amplius in regno amicis suis per quos amplius
aduersus Dei populum proelia aduersum Dei populum proelia
commoueret agebat quotidie suae commoueret, augebat quotidie suae
incrementa saeuitiae. incrementa saeuitiae:
2. Prementibus itaque Maximiani 2. per orientem itaque Maximiani
imperatoris legibus, christianus imperatoris legibus christianorum
infestabatur exercitus; per Illyricum uero infestabatur exercitus, per Illyricum uero
Diocletianus sacrilegis praeceptis Diocletiani sacrilegis praeceptis
in Christi populum hostiliter saeuiebat, in Christi populo hostiliter saeuiebat,
addito tyrannidi suae alio Maximiano in edito tyrannidis suae alio Maximiano in
regno participe, qui et suam rabiem et regno principe, qui suam rabiem et
Diocletiani per omnem Illyricum ostenderet. Diocletiani imperatoris per omnem
3. Fere tamen Illyricum ostenderet feritatem. 3. Ad
omnes prouinciarum iudices omnes autem prouincias idem iudices
nefandorum principum sacrilegos apices nefandorum principum sacrilegi apices
mittebant, ut in templa daemonum mittebant, ut in templum daemonum
immolare cogerent christianos; Christi cogerent immolare christianos,
ecclesiae claudebantur, Christi sacerdotes ecclesias clauderent, Christi sacerdotes
et ministri ut parerent et ministros compellerent ut parerent
legibus publicis et confiterentur iussionibus publicis et confiterentur
deos esse; quibus si thura deos esse quibus thura accendere
nollent accendere, iubebantur, qui si contemnerent,
suppliciis diuersis et mortibus suppliciis diuersis et mortibus
subiacerent. subiacerent.
The Italian scholar observed that the prologue in the Aquileian recension has a
well-defined theological agenda that emphasises the agency of the devil and the
purifying dimension of the persecution (“ad cribrandas sanctorum animas”).90 In
addition, “mundi istius princeps diabolus” in the Aquileian recension seems to be a
gloss at origin, being the more logical option against the reference to “mundi istius
principes” being influenced by the devil. Other text-critical aspects confirm that the
reading of the Aquileiensis is closer to the archetype: At I.1 “cribrandas” is superior to
“cruciandas;” “commouisset” in the Roman recension doubles suspiciously the
90 Pass. Quir., rec. Aquil. I.1 (ed. Chiesa, 574).
48
“commoueret” a few sentences later; at I.2/3 the Roman recension changed

“feritatem” in “fere tamen.”91
For reasons obvious by now, one must assume that the archetype did not
contain the indications from the final chapters of the Roman recension. It is likely that
the passage on Quirinus’ death in the archetype was phrased in terms similar to
Jerome’s note in the Chronicon. Both recensions of the Passio Quirini agree
substantially with it, albeit containing variations of different degrees, as the following
comparison shows:92
rec. Romana rec. Aquileiensis Chronicon ad a. 308
VI.5. Amantius praeses dixit: VI.5. Amantius praeses dixit:

“Diu te ad oboedientiam “Diu te ad oboedientiam
regalium praeceptorum regalium praeceptorum
inclinare uoluimus; sed inclinare uoluimus; sed
quia rigor mentis quoniam rigor mentis tuae Quirinus episcopus
domari non potuit, eris in domari non potuit, eris in Siscianus gloriose pro
exemplum omnium exemplum omnibus Christo interficitur:
christianorum, ut formam christianis, ut formam
tuae mortis qui uiuere tuae mortis qui uiuere
cupiunt expauescant.” cupiunt expauescant.
VII. Tunc inter ceteras quas VII.1. Deinde cum lapide

pertulit passiones iussit molari dimergendus in
sancto Dei sacerdoti uel gurgitem praecipitaberis.”
famulo molam ad collum nam, manuali mola ad
ligari, et in fluuii Sabari collum ligata,
undas demergi.
2. Cumque de ponte 2. Cumque de ponte
praecipitatus fuisset in praecipitatus e ponte praecipitatus in
fluuium et in flumine flumen, diutissime
diutissime supernataret, cum diutissime supernataret, cum supernatauit et cum
spectantibus collocutus est exspectantibus collocutus spectantibus collocutus,
ne suo terrerentur ne sui terrerentur ne sui terrerentur
exemplo, uix orans ut exemplo, mox orans ut exemplo, uix orans ut
mergeretur obtinuit. mergeretur obtinuit. mergeretur, obtinuit.
Tunc beatus Quirinus
episcopus dixit: “Gratias tibi
ago, Domine Iesu Christe,
quia hodie spectaculum
factus sum angelis et
hominibus et confessio mea
tenetur apud Deum.”
3. Cuius corpus non longe
ab eodem loco ubi
demersum fuerat inuentum
est, ubi etiam et locus

92 A comparative table focused on the text of the Chronicon can be found in Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 518.
49
orationis habetur. 4. Sed

ipsum sanctum corpus in
basilicam ad
Scarabetensem portam est
depositum, ubi maior est
pro meritis eius frequentia
procedendi.
5. Passus est autem beatus 5. Martyrizatus est autem
Quirinus episcopus Siscianus beatus Quirinus episcopus
martyr Christi sub die pridie sub die pridie
Nonarum Iuniarum, et Nonarum Iunii,
coronatus est a Domino regnante Domino nostro
nostro Iesu Christo, cui est Iesu Christo, cui est
honor et gloria et potestas in honor et gloria in
saecula saeculorum. Amen. saecula saeculorum. Amen.
VIII. Facta autem incursione...
Evidently, the redactors of both recensions handled innovatively the

information at hand. The recensio Aquileiensis presented the sentence as part of the
dialogue with Amantius, not as a third-party narration as in the recensio Romana and
the Chronicon. In addition, it changed or added certain expressions to raise the
literary elegance of the text (as we have seen, this is characteristic to the entire
Aquileian recension), and added, rather anachronistically, Quirinus’ last words:
Quirinus’ final prayer is pronounced after he was granted his death wish.
The recensio Romana, in turn, singularly introduced the name of the river in
which Quirinus was cast. Neither the Aquileian recension, nor Jerome mention this,
suggesting that it was absent from the archetype. Faced with the unknown location,
the redactor must have sought it in the trial section, and supposed it was the river
that crossed Savaria. The information on the inuentio and the deposition of Quirinus’
relics contained in the Roman recension should be, thus, treated with caution. The
redactor was clearly not familiar with Pannonian topography. Rather than stating
facts, he reworked information from the trial section.93 This being said, the trial
section could nonetheless suggest a cult dedicated to Quirinus both at Siscia and in
Savaria, and quite possibly even in Scarbantia. This brings us to the complicated
problem of ascertaining the historical reliability of the Passio Quirini.
93An additional, albeit rather circumstantial, argument in favour of considering these indications as later
additions to the archetype could be that none of the Pannonian hagiographic narratives examined here
mention the inuentio and depositio of the relics of the respective martyrs.
50
2.2. Historical Reliability; Date and Place of Composition
Aside from the section on Quirinus’ burial and Roman translation, discussed
above, a number of aspects concur to form a composite image on the historical
reliability of this hagiographic text.
Of little import for a discussion on this subject are the legendary elements
contained in the Passio Quirini, such as the conversion of the prison ward, or the
falling of the chains on Quirinus’ hands and feet when he received alms from the
Christian women. These can be seen as signs of the transformation in which the
hagiographic genre engaged starting with the later fourth century. As Chiesa
suggested, since they occur “on the margins” of Quirinus’ trial, they might have been
added to a core originally narrating the trial itself. The sober tone and realistic
presentation, like the juridical terminology and procedure described throughout the
text, constitute weightier arguments for the archaicity of the passio.94
The prologue describes in a peculiar way the edicts of persecution. It states that
the emperors ordered Christians to sacrifice to the gods, churches to be closed, senior
and minor clergy to be subject to the laws of the state, and to offer the compulsory
sacrifice.95 This description enumerates the general tenets of Diocletian’s four edicts
somewhat haphazardly. It is clear that the redactor’s focus rested on the clergy. Here,
too, we can identify parallels with other Pannonian hagiographies, notably the Passio
Irenaei and the Passio Pollionis. The latter begins with a list of clergy martyred in
Sirmium.96 It is less certain whether this congruence means that the persecution in
Pannonia targeted specifically the clergy and only to a lesser degree the general
Christian population or the focus on the clergy stems rather from the choice of local
hagiographers. The prominent role attributed to Galerius inclines the balance to the
former: The Passio Quirini specifically states that Galerius (Maximianus in the
narrative) orchestrated the violent implementation of the edicts in Illyricum, adding
his own rage to Diocletian’s savagery. 97 And we know that after the issue of the first
edict, Galerius insisted to enforce the death penalty on the clergy who refused to offer
sacrifice.
94 On a discussion of these elements, see Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 513-516.

95 Pass. Quir. I.3. Here the wording of the Aquileian recension refers to the edicts themselves, whereas
the Roman recension presents rather the consequences of these edicts. The passage in the Aquileian
version might be a re-writing, yet, since Chiesa finds the prologue of this version more reliable, I cite the
variant of the recensio Aquileiensis (ed. Chiesa, 574): “Ad omnes autem prouincias idem iudices
nefandorum principum sacrilegi apices mittebant, ut in templum daemonum cogerent immolare
christianos; ecclesias clauderent, Christi sacerdotes et ministros compellerent ut parerent iussionibus
publicis et confiterentur deos esse quibus thura accendere iubebantur; qui si contemnerent, suppliciis
diuersis et mortibus subiacerent.”
96 Pass. Poll. I.
97 Pass. Quir. I.2. In spite of differences, this is evident in both recensions.
51
Both persecuting officials, the iuridicus Maximus and the praeses Amantius are
in all likelihood fictitious characters. 98 Chiesa’s text-critical analysis clarified that the
magistrate in Siscia, Maximus, was originally given the title iuridicus (judge or lower
magistrate), which the Roman recension changed into praeses.99 That we should not
see Maximus as a governor goes to great lengths in dismissing the conflict of
jurisdiction that would otherwise puzzle in this case (why would a governor send a
prisoner to the governor of another province to receive the capital sentence?). The
difference in rank between the two officials is emphasized by the different registers
of address during the two hearings. That the text names Pannonia Prima as a
province suggests that the redactor had in mind a later fourth-century administrative
organisation. In turn, the fact that there was no higher official in residence at Siscia
implies a political-administrative situation in which Pannonia Savia was “ruled” from
Pannonia Prima. This situation is conceivable after 381 AD, when Savia was ceded to
barbarian foederati.
Consequently, it can be stated that the Passio Quirini is immersed in the context
of later fourth-century Western Pannonia, offering reliable information on this period
and context. The redactor was so knowledgeable in terms of topography and political-
administrative situation that his Pannonian identity cannot be denied. His audience,
likewise, must have been local. 100 It is conceivable that Quirinus’ hagiography
emerged from his cult at Siscia and in Savaria, 101 possibly supported by (oral?)
traditions on his respective trials. The redactor of the Passio Quirini then harmonised
these traditions into a double trial taking his cue from older, more authentic martyr-
narratives, as well as the administrative outlook of his time.
Taken together, the information provided by Jerome, Prudentius, and the text
itself suggests that the Passio Quirini was written after 380 AD, by a Western
Pannonian hagiographer. The landmark of 380 AD, the date when Jerome completed
his Chronicon, fits well with the dissolution of Roman higher administration in Savia.
A terminus ante quem can be established to the sixth century: By that time, Gregory of
Tours had the opportunity to consult the Passio Quirini. The provincial distinctions,
which in the fifth century became obsolete, point to the fact that the passio had been
written in late fourth – early fifth century.102 Written for a Pannonian audience, the
Passio Quirini must have had initially a limited circulation, confined most probably to
Pannonia. In 405 AD Prudentius had no knowledge of it; the Grado reliquary still
depicted Quirinus as a young person at the turn of the sixth century, although the
98 PLRE, 1:50, s.v. “Amantius,” and 1:580, s.v. “Maximus 5,” have been included among the praesides of
Pannonia exclusively on the basis of the Passio Quirini, with the specification that the source is doubtful.
As seen, the redactor of the Passio Quirini envisaged Maximus as a lower magistrate rather than a
governor.
100 Cf. Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 514-515.
101 Cf. Mócsy, Pannonia, 351: The Passio Quirini was written to serve Quirinus’ cult in Savaria.
102 See Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 515-516.
52
passio emphasises his venerable age. 103 The text then spread in Italy, the foreign
context prompting a series of glosses that were eventually incorporated. It split in
two redactions, one of which was supplemented with notes on the translation of
Quirinus’ relics.
2.3. Published Editions and Translations
The Passio Quirini was first edited in 1695 in the Acta Sanctorum, based on a
sixteenth-century edition corroborated with the twelfth-century Vat.lat. 1191. This
edition was republished in later collections, and, in recent times, translated in several
modern languages (Italian, French, Hungarian). In 2013, Paolo Chiesa published a
state-of-the-art critical edition and an Italian translation of the Roman recension:
Acta [S. Quirini episcopy, martyr Sisciae in Pannonia], ed. Daniel Papebrochius ActaSS Iunii, vol.
1 (Antwerp: Henricus Thieullier, 1695), 381-383.
Acta martyrum sincera et selecta, ed. Theodoricus Ruinart (Ratisbonae: G. Iosephi Manz,
1859), 522-524.
Paolo Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” in Le passioni dei martiri aquileiesi e istriani, ed. by Emanuela
Colombi, vol. 2/1, Fonti per la Storia della Chiesa in Friuli – Istituto Pio Paschini. Serie
medievale 14 (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2013), 562-583.
Passioni e atti dei martiri – Vittorino di Petovio, Opere, ed. and trans. Ada Gonzato,
Massimiliano Poncina and Maria Veronese, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiae Aquileiensis 2
(Città Nuova: Società per la conservazione della Basilica di Aquileia, 2002), 152-159.
Petrus Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae Antiquae in aetate Tetrarcharum I (A.D. 285-305), Fontes
Pannoniae Antiquae VI (Budapest: Pytheas, 2011), 82-88.
Levente Nagy, Pannóniai városok, mártírok, ereklyék: Négy szenvedéstörténet helyszínei
nyomán – Cities, Martyrs and Relics in Pannonia: Discovering the Topography in Four
Pannonian Passion Stories, Thesaurus Historiae Ecclesiasticae in Universitate
Quinqueecclesiensi 1 (Pécs: Pécsi Történettudományért Kulturális Egyesület, 2012),
72-76.
Below I included the text of the Roman recension as established by Chiesa. The
accompanying English translation is my own.
103 This, however, might be due to iconographic conventions and style.
53
Passio Quirini
- recensio Romana -
I. Cum mundi istius principes ad cruciandas sanctorum animas diabolus

commouisset et ubique Domini ecclesias diuersis persecutionum tempestatibus
uentilaret, suscitatis regum amicis per quos amplius aduersus Dei populum proelia
commoueret agebat quotidie suae incrementa saeuitiae. 2. Prementibus itaque
5 Maximiani imperatoris legibus, christianus infestabatur exercitus; per Illyricum uero
Diocletianus sacrilegis praeceptis in Christi populum hostiliter saeuiebat, addito
tyrannidi suae alio Maximiano in regno participe, qui et suam rabiem et Diocletiani
per omnem Illyricum ostenderet. 3. Fere tamen omnes prouinciarum iudices
nefandorum principum sacrilegos apices mittebant, ut in templa daemonum
10 immolare cogerent christianos; Christi ecclesiae claudebantur, Christi sacerdotes et
ministri ut parerent legibus publicis et confiterentur deos esse; quibus si thura
nollent accendere, suppliciis diuersis et mortibus subiacerent.
II. Inter multos autem qui Christi exercitum triumphabant, beatus Quirinus
episcopus Siscianus a Maximo praeside iussus est comprehendi. 2. Quem cum
15 studiose quaererent et beatus id sensisset episcopus, egressus est ciuitatem, et
fugiens comprehensus est et deductus. 3. Cumque a Maximo iudice interrogaretur
quo fugeret, Quirinus episcopus respondit: “Non fugiebam, sed iussum Domini mei
faciebam. Scriptum nobis est: Si uos persequentur in una ciuitate, fugite in aliam.”
4. Maximus praeses dixit: “Quis hoc praecepit?”
20 Quirinus episcopus respondit: “Christus, qui uerus est Deus.”
5. Maximus dixit: “Et nescis quia ubique te imperatorum praecepta poterant inuenire,
et hunc quem dicis Deum uerum comprehenso tibi subuenire non poterat, sicut et
modo fugiens comprehensus es et deductus?”
Quirinus episcopus respondit: “Semper nobiscum est, et ubi fuerimus Dominus quem
25 colimus subuenire potest. Et modo cum apprehensus essem mecum erat, et hic
mecum est confortans me, et ipse de meo ore tibi respondet.”
_________________
18 Mt 10:23 || 20 uerus – Deus: 1 Jn 5:20 || 26 Dt 31:6; Josh 1:9; Is 41:10, Ez 3:14; Phil
4:13; 2 Tm 4:17
1/3 cum – uentilaret: cf. Mart. Carpi 17 (ed. Musurillo, 24.12-17); Pass. Crispinae 1.7 (ed.
Musurillo, 304.8-10) || 8/9 fere – mittebant: cf. Pass. Felicis 1 (ed. Musurillo, 266.4-5) ||
15/18 egressus – aliam: cf. Mart. Polycarpi 5 (ed. Musurillo, 4.28-6.1); Mart. Agapis, Eirenis et
Chionis 1.3 (ed. Musurillo, 280.15-20); Pass. Sereni 1.2 || 26 mecum – respondet: cf. Mart.
Perpetuae 15.6 (ed. Musurillo, 122.30-124.1) || confortans: Pass. Iren. 4.3
54
The Martyrdom of Saint Quirinus, Bishop and Martyr
I. When the devil provoked the rulers of this world to torment the souls of the
saints and shook the churches of the Lord everywhere with various storms of
persecutions, having aroused the friends of the kings through whom he could move
larger battles against the people of God, he increased daily in his savagery. 2. The
Christian army was being impaired by the oppressive laws of emperor Maximianus;
in Illyricum Diocletian was raging as a foe against the people of Christ with
sacrilegious precepts, having added to his tyranny the other Maximianus, partaker in
the reign, who flaunted both his rage and that of Diocletian across the whole
Illyricum. 3. Almost every provincial magistrate enacted the sacrilegious edicts 104 of
these abominable emperors, to coerce Christians to sacrifice in the temples of
demons; Christ’s churches were closed, so that Christ’s priests and servants would
submit to the public laws105 and admit that gods exist; should they refuse burning
incense to the gods, they were to fall under various kinds of torture and death.
II. Amongst the many who triumphed in the army of Christ, the blessed
Quirinus, bishop of Siscia, was arrested by order of the magistrate106 Maximus. 2. As
they zealously searched for him and the blessed bishop had sensed this, he fled from
the city and, while on the run, he was arrested and brought before the judge. 3. And
when the judge Maximus inquired why he had run, bishop Quirinus answered: “I was
not running, but fulfilling the commandment of my Lord. It is written to us: If they
persecute you in one city, run to the other.”
4. Maximus the magistrate said: “Who commands that?”
Bishop Quirinus answered: “Christ, who is true God.”
5. Maximus said: “Do you not know that the orders of the emperors could have found
you anywhere and, once you were caught, the one you say true God could not have
helped you? Just as you were now caught trying to escape and you were brought
before me?”
Bishop Quirinus answered: “He is always with us, and, wherever we may be, the Lord
whom we worship can help us. For even as I was being arrested he was with me; and
he is here with me, comforting me; and he is himself answering you from my lips.”
104 “Apices” is used here in technical sense, of “rescript” (letters containing imperial legislation). See
ThesLL 2:227-228, s.v. “apex.”
105 Literally, “laws of the state.”
106 In the Roman recension Maximus holds the office of praeses. However, as seen above, this is an
innovation of the Roman recension. In the archetype Maximus had the office of iuridicus. The scope of the
more general “magistrate,” the term given here, encompasses both “governor” and “judge.”
55
6. Maximus dixit: “Multa loqueris, et loquendo magnorum regum instituta differs.

Lege ergo diuinos apices, et fac quod iussum est.”
7. Quirinus episcopus respondit: “Ego imperatorum tuorum iussionem non audio,
quia sacrilega est, et contra Dei praecepta iubet seruos Christi diis uestris immolare,
5 quibus ego non seruio quia nihil sunt. Deus autem meus, cui seruio, ipse est in celo et
in terra et in mari: ipse est et in omni loco, omnibus autem superior, quia intra se
continet omnia, quoniam per ipsum cuncta facta sunt et in ipso constant uniuersa.”
III. Maximus dixit: “Per nimium tempus utendo quasdam fabulas didicisti.
Ponuntur tibi thura, et disce deos esse quos nescis: non parum consecuturus es
10 munus intelligentiae, si praeceptis oboediens esse uolueris. Quod si ipse tibi non
suaseris ut deuotus appareas, cognosce te subiciendum diuersis iniuriis, etiam morte
horribili uitam tuam esse finiendam.”
2. Quirinus episcopus respondit: “Iniurias quas mihi minaris gloria est, et promissa
mors, si merear, uitam dabit aeternam. Propterea Deo meo deuotus esse cupio, non
15 regibus tuis: neque enim deos credo esse qui non sunt, et aris daemonum thura non
pono, quia scio aram esse Dei mei, in qua apta ei sacrificia boni odoris incendi.”
3. Maximus dixit: “Video quia te insania cogit ad mortem. Sacrifica diis.”
Quirinus episcopus respondit: “Non sacrifico daemoniis, quia scriptum est: Omnes dii
gentium daemonia, et: Qui sacrificant diis, eradicabuntur.”
20 4. Tunc Maximus praeses iussit eum fustibus caedi; cui et dixit: “Respice et agnosce
potentes esse deos quibus Romanorum seruit imperium. Propter quod consentiens
eris sacerdos magno deo Ioui; alioquin ad Amantii praesidis Primae Pannoniae
iudicium dirigeris, a quo dignam sententiam mortis excipias. Ergo a stultitia tua
reuersus acquiesce.”
25 5. Quirinus episcopus respondit: “Vere modo sacerdotio fungor, uere modo sacerdos
effectus sum, si me ipsum Deo uero sacrificium obtulero. Et hoc quod corpus meum
caesum est delector, nullum sentiens dolorem: ideoque offero me maioribus
suppliciis, ut me quibus praepositus fui in hac uita sequantur ad illam aeternam
uitam, ad quam per huiusmodi iter facile peruenitur.”
_________________
5/7 ipse – uniuersa: Col 1:16-17; cf. Acts 4:24; Ps 134:6 cum Ws 1:7 || 16 sacrificia – odoris:
Ecclus 45:20 || 18/19 Ps 95:5 cum Ex 22:20
2 fac – est: Pass. Iren. 4.8; Pass. Poll. IV.3; Pass. Petri Balsami 1 (ed. Ruinart, 526); cf. Acta
Cypriani 3.5 (ed. Musurillo, 172.12-13); cf. Ep. Phileae 9 (ed. Musurillo, 322.34-36) || 15 deos
– sunt: Acta Cypriani 1.2 (ed. Musurillo, 170.9) || 18/19 omnes – eradicabuntur: Pass. Iren.
2.1; Pass. Petri Balsami 1 (ed. Ruinart, 526); Pass. Phileae 1.1 (ed. Musurillo, 344.13-14) || 22
eris – Ioui: cf. Pass. Theodori (ed. Delehaye, 35), Vita Theodoti Ancyrensis 23 (ed. Franchi
de’Cavalieri, 75) || 26 me – obtulero: Mart. Polycarpi 14 (ed. Musurillo, 12.28-29); Mart.
Cononis 6.7 (ed. Musurillo, 192.9-10); Pass. Felicis 30 (ed. Musurillo, 270.6-7); Mart. Dasii 5.2
(ed. Musurillo, 274.32-34) || 27 nullum – dolorem: cf. Pass. Iren. 4.4 || 27/28 offero –
suppliciis: cf. Pass. Iren. 4.12
56
6. Maximus said: “You talk too much, and talking you delay fulfilling the decrees of
our great kings. Read, therefore, the divine edicts, and do what has been ordered.”
7. Bishop Quirinus answered: “I do not hear the order of your emperors, for it is
sacrilegious and orders against the commandments of God that the servants of Christ
sacrifice to your gods, whom I do not serve, because they are nothing. But my God,
whom I serve – he is in heaven and on the earth and in the sea: he is in every place,
yet is greater than all, for he contains all within himself, because all were made by
him, and in him exists everything.”
III. Maximus said: “Idling for too long, you learned some stories. You are given
incense, now learn that the gods you [claim you] don’t know of do exist: you would
achieve a great degree of intelligence if you were willing to obey the precepts. But if
you cannot bring yourself to show devotion, rest assured that you shall be put under
various tortures, and even your life should end in horrible death.”
2. Bishop Quirinus answered: “The tortures with which you threaten me are my glory,
and the promised death, should I be found worthy, will grant me eternal life.
Therefore, I wish to be devout to my God, not to your kings: nor do I believe there are
gods who do not exist, and I do not offer incense on the altars of demons, for I know
the real altar is that of my God, on which I lit suitable sacrifices of fragrance.”
3. Maximus said: “I see that madness prompts you to death. Offer sacrifice to the
gods!”
Bishop Quirinus answered: “I do not offer sacrifice to demons, for it is written: All the
gods of the nations are demons, and: Those who sacrifice to the gods shall be
extinguished.”
4. Then Maximus the judge ordered he be whipped; and he said to him: “Recant and
acknowledge that the gods whom the empire of the Romans serves are powerful. If
you consent to this, you shall be the priest of the great god Iupiter. 107 Otherwise, you
shall be directed to the tribunal of Amantius, the governor of Pannonia Prima, from
whom you shall receive the appropriate death penalty. Therefore turn from your
stupidity, submit!”
5. Bishop Quirinus answered: “Indeed, I truly fulfil [my duties related to] priesthood,
indeed, I truly become a priest if I offer myself as a sacrifice to the true God. And I
rejoice in that my body is beaten, not feeling any pain: For this reason, I offer myself
to greater tortures, so that those whom I led in this life may follow me to that eternal
life which can be easily attained through such path.”
107On the promise of pagan sacerdotal dignities in exchange for offering sacrifice, see Johan Leemans,
“Hagiography and Historical-Critical Analysis: The Earliest Layer of the Dossier of Theodore the Recruit
(BHG 1760 and 1761),” in Martyrdom and Persecution in Late Antique Christianity: Festschrift Boudewijn
Dehandschutter, ed. Johan Leemans, BETL 241 (Leuven, Paris, and Walpole, MA: Peeters, 2010), 155.
57
IV. Maximus praeses dixit: “Claudatur in carcere et grauetur catenis, donec

sobrius efficiatur.”
Quirinus episcopus respondit: “Non expauesco carcerem, credens Dominum meum
mecum esse in carcere, qui semper est cum suis cultoribus.”
5 2. Cumque ligatus fuisset, recluditur in carcerem Quirinus episcopus, et mittens se in
orationem dixit: “Gratias tibi ago, Domine, quia propter te haec mihi illatae sunt
contumeliae; et rogo ut qui in hoc carcere detinentur sentiant me cultorem ueri Dei
esse, et credant quia non est alius deus nisi tu.”
3. Media autem nocte apparuit splendor magnus in carcere. Quem cum uidisset
10 Marcellus custos personarum aperuit carcerem et prostrauit se ad pedes beati Quirini
episcopi dicens cum lacrimis: “Ora pro me, domine, quia credo non esse alium deum
nisi quem tu colis.” 4. Multa autem hortatus est eum beatus episcopus, et consignauit
eum in nomine Domini nostri Iesu Christi.
V. Post triduum autem Maximus Quirinum episcopum iussit ad Amantium
15 praesidem ad Primam Pannoniam deduci, ut pro contumacia quam in leges
imperatorum exhibuerat ultimam sententiam sustineret. 2. Cumque deductus fuisset
beatus Quirinus ad Primam Pannoniam et per singulas ciuitates uinctus catenis ad
praesidis Amantii iudicium traheretur [siquidem ad ripam Danubii ad singulas
ciuitates], Amantio eodem die reuertente de ciuitate Scarabetensi, offertur ei beatus
20 Quirinus episcopus. Quem praeses ad urbem Sabariensem ad audiendum censuit
repedari. 3. Tunc ingredientes ad sanctum Quirinum episcopum christianae mulieres
cibum potumque obtulerunt ei; quarum fidem intuens beatus episcopus, dum ea quae
offerunt benedicit, cathenae quibus ligatae manus eius et pedes fuerant ceciderunt. 4.
Accepta igitur esca, regressis mulieribus, hi qui eum custodiebant Sabariam
25 deduxerunt. Quem praeses Amantius per officium suum offerri sibi iussit in theatrum.
5. Qui cum oblatus fuisset, Amantius praeses dixit: “Requiro a te si ea quae in Siscia
apud iuredicum Maximum gesta monstrantur uera sunt.”
Quirinus episcopus respondit: “Apud Sisciam uerum Deum confessus sum. Ipsum
semper colui, ipsum corde teneo: nec me ab eodem, qui unus Deus et uerus est, homo
30 poterit separare.”
6. Amantius praeses dixit: “Aetatem tuam dolemus iaculari uerberibus; tamen sensum
tuum optamus emendare sermonibus et praemio promissae uitae corrigere, ut
reliquum senectutis tuae tempus iuxta legum imperialium sanctionem diis seruiens
perfruaris.” 7. Beatus Quirinus episcopus dixit: “Quid de aetate dubitas, quam fides
35 inuiolata reddere potest omnibus suppliciis fortiorem? Nec tormentis frangitur mea
_________________
9 media nocte: cf. Pass. Iren. 4.1 || 25 offerri sibi: cf. Pass. Poll. II.3; Acta Cypriani 3.2 (ed.
Musurillo, 172.6)
58
IV. The judge Maximus said: “Let him be cast in prison and locked in chains
until he sobers up!”
Bishop Quirinus answered: “I do not fear prison, believing that my Lord is with me in
prison, he who is always with his worshipers.”2. After he had been chained, bishop
Quirinus was locked up in prison. And he fell in prayer and said: “I thank you, Lord,
that these tribulations are inflicted upon me on your account. And I pray that those
who are held in this prison realise I am a worshiper of the true God, and believe that
there is no other God than you.”
3. Now in the middle of the night a great light appeared in the prison. When
Marcellus, the prison ward, saw this, he opened the cell door and cast himself at the
feet of the blessed bishop Quirinus, saying with tears: “Pray for me, my lord, for I
believe there is no other God than the one you worship.” 4. And the blessed bishop
gave him many encouragements, and marked him in the name of our Lord Jesus
Christ.
V. After a space of three days, Maximus ordered that bishop Quirinus be
brought to Amantius, the governor, to Pannonia Prima, so that he may receive the
capital judgment for the defiance he showed agains the laws of the emperors. 2. The
blessed Quirinus was dispatched to Pannonia Prima, and he was being carried in
chains from town to town to the tribunal of the governor Amantius [even unto the
cities on the bank of the Danube]. Amantius returning on that very day from the town
of Scarbantia, the blessed bishop Quirinus was presented to him. The governor
decreed that he be brought to Savaria for hearing. 3. Then Christian women visited
saint Quirinus the bishop, and they brought him food and drink. Sensing their faith,
the blessed bishop Quirinus blessed their offerings, and the chains which bound his
hands and legs fell off. 4. When he took the food and the women went away, those
who kept guard on him took him to Savaria. The governor Amantius ordered he be
presented by the officer in the theatre. 5. After he was brought in, the governor
Amantius said: “I ask you if the acts taken in Siscia in the office of the judge Maximus
are true.”
Bishop Quirinus answered: “At Siscia I confessed the true God. Him I always
worshipped, him I hold in my heart: and no man can separate me from him who is the
one and true God.”
6. The governor Amantius said: “Delivering you to lashes grieves us on account of
your age. Thus, we choose to correct your attitude with words, and set it right by
granting you continued life,108 so that you may enjoy to the fullest the rest of your old
age by serving the gods in accordance with the dictates of imperial laws.” 7. The
blessed bishop Quirinus said: “Why do you hesitate on account of my age, which an
uninjured faith can render stronger than any torture? Torments shall not
108In the sense that Quirinus would be absolved from the incumbing death penalty if he performed the
required sacrifice.
59
confessio, nec uitae praesentis delectatione corrigitur, nec timore mortis, quamuis
acerbae, mentis meae soliditas perturbatur.”
VI. Amantius praeses dixit: “Cur instans es ad mortem, ut diis et Romano
imperio appareas indeuotus et contra humanum morem uitam tibi eligas
5 denegandam? 2. Dum hii qui euadere mortem cupiunt negando quae gesserunt
tormenta deludunt, tu autem dicis uitae tuae dulcedinem odiosam, et festinus curris
ad mortem, imperatoribus contradicis. Propter quod adhuc te hortamur ut uiuas, et
uitam tuam redimas, et cultorem te legibus Romanis exhibeas.” 3. Quirinus episcopus
dixit: “Allocutio ista si forte flectat animos pueriles, qui longiori uitae suspirant, ego
10 autem didici a Deo meo ut debeam ad illam uitam peruenire quae post mortem mortis
intercessione non clauditur; et ideo ad temporalis huius uitae terminum fidelis
accedo. 4. Non enim similis sum noxiorum, sicut potestas tua loquitur: illi enim, dum
uiuere cupiunt, negando Deum uere moriuntur, ego autem ad aeternitatem uitae
confitendo peruenio; nec uestris legibus acquiesco, quia Christi Dei mei legitima, quae
15 fidelibus praedicaui, custodio.”
5. Amantius praeses dixit: “Diu te ad oboedientiam regalium praeceptorum inclinare
uoluimus; sed quia rigor mentis domari non potuit, eris in exemplum omnium
christianorum, ut formam tuae mortis qui uiuere cupiunt expauescant.”
VII. Tunc inter ceteras quas pertulit passiones iussit sancto Dei sacerdoti uel
20 famulo molam ad collum ligari, et in fluuii Sabari undas demergi. 2. Cumque de ponte
praecipitatus fuisset in fluuium et diutissime supernataret, cum spectantibus
collocutus est ne suo terrerentur exemplo, uix orans ut mergeretur obtinuit. 3. Cuius
corpus non longe ab eodem loco ubi demersum fuerat inuentum est, ubi etiam et
locus orationis habetur. 4. Sed ipsum sanctum corpus in basilicam ad Scarabetensem
25 portam est depositum, ubi maior est pro meritis eius frequentia procedendi. 5. Passus
est autem beatus Quirinus episcopus Siscianus martyr Christi sub die pridie Nonarum
Iuniarum, et coronatus est a Domino nostro Iesu Christo, cui est honor et gloria et
potestas in saecula saeculorum. Amen.
VIII. Facta autem incursione barbarorum in partes Pannoniae, populus
30 christianus de Scarabetensi urbe Romam fugiens, sanctum corpus beati Quirini
episcopi et martyris auferentes secum duxerunt. 2. Quem uia Appia miliario tertio
sepelierunt in basilica apostolorum, ubi corpora principum apostolorum aliquando
iacuerunt [id est Petri et Pauli], ubi et sanctus Sebastianus martyr requiescit, in loco
qui dicitur Catacumbas, aedificantes nomini eius dignam ecclesiam, ubi praestantur
35 beneficia eius usque in hodiernum diem.
________________
14/15 legitima – custodio: Pass. Fructuosi 6.3 (ed. Musurillo, 162.18-21) || 16 regalium
praeceptorum: Pass. Iren. 4.11; Pass. Iuli 3 (ed. Musurillo, 264.4)
60
break my confession, nor shall it be altered for the enjoyments of this life, nor shall
fear of death, as harsh as it may be, disturb the determination of my mind.”
VI. The governor Amantius said: “Why do you hasten to death with the purpose
of appearing disloyal to the Roman empire? And why do you choose, against human
habit, to deny your life? 2. Whilst those who wish to evade death escape torture by
denying what they had done, you say instead that the sweetness of your life is hateful,
and you run swiftly to death, gainsaying the emperors. Because of this we urge you
again to live, and save your life, and show yourself to be an observer of the Roman
laws.”
3. Bishop Quirinus said: “This speech might bend perhaps childish souls, who aspire
to a longer life. I, however, was taught by my God that I ought to achieve that life
which, after death, does not end by the intervention of death. And therefore I
approach the end of this life with faith. 4. For I am not like the wrongdoers, as your
excellence says: For, although these wish to live, by denying God they in fact die. I, on
the other hand, am approaching the eternal life with my confession; and I do not
submit to your laws, because I keep the laws of Christ, my God, which I preached to
the faithful.”
5. The governor Amantius said: “Long have we tried to incline you to obeying the
royal precepts; but because the obstinacy of your mind could not be tamed, you shall
be made an example for all Christians, that the way you die may scare those who wish
to live.”
VII. Then, among other sufferings the holy priest and servant of God was
sentenced to endure, [Amantius] ordered that a millstone be tied to his neck, and he
be drowned in the waves of the river Sibaris. 2. When he was cast from the bridge
into the river and was floating for a long time, he conversed with the onlookers,
urging them not to be overcome by his example. At length, after he prayed to be
allowed to submerge, he obtained death. 3. His body was found a short distance from
where he had drowned, where there is also a place of prayer.109 4. But the holy body
itself was laid to rest in a church near the Scarbantian gate, more frequented on
account of his intercession. 5. Now the blessed Quirinus, bishop of Siscia, martyr of
Christ, suffered on the fourth of June, and was crowned by our Lord Jesus Christ, to
whom honour and glory and power forever and ever. Amen.
VIII. But when barbarians raided across Pannonia, and Christians fled from the
town of Scarbantia to Rome, they lifted the holy relics of the blessed bishop and
martyr Quirinus and took it with them. 2. They buried it at the third milestone on the
Via Appia, in the church of the apostles, where the relics of the princes of the apostles
[that is, Peter and Paul] once rested, where saint Sebastianus also rests – in the place
called Catacombs. They built there a church worthy of his name, in which his gifts are
offered even unto this day.
109 Signifying most probably an oratorium.
61
3. MARTYRDOM AND EPISCOPAL AUTHORITY: A COMMENTARY ON THE PASSIO QUIRINI
The first part of this chapter was dedicated to a historical-textual evaluation of

the Passio Quirini. The following pages seek to highlight its literary-theological
contribution, to observe the theology of martyrdom reflected in the text and its
message to the target-audience (late fourth – early fifth-century Pannonians) and the
broader late antique audience. In order to render this presentation efficient, I shall
provide a summary of the Passio, focusing on theological-literary aspects.
A lengthy prologue spells out the aim of the persecution: to coerce the Christian
clergy to sacrifice under threat of torture and execution.110 Here, as mentioned, we
find significant differences between the two recensions of the passio. Where the
recensio Romana focusses on the agency of imperial authorities (emperors and
provincial magistrates) instigated by the devil, the older prologue of the recensio
Aquileiensis emphasises the devil as the orchestrator of the persecution. Ultimately,
the aim of the persecution is to test the resolve – in martyrial language, the
steadfastness – of Christians.111 Thus, the scene on which the martyrdom of Quirinus
unfurls is that of a cosmic struggle between the devil and his minions on one hand,
and the Christian saints, on the other, with a salvific dimension. And surely, the
martyrdom of Quirinus is narrated as a series of tests punctured by agonistic
language.
In chapter II, the attention shifts to Quirinus, bishop of Siscia. Strong agonistic
language depicts him from the first line as one of the soldiers of Christ, who brought
about the triumphant victory of the Christian army: “inter multos autem qui Christi
exercitum triumphabant.”112 This comment, however, stands in apparent
contradiction with the following episode. We are told that, sensing his imminent
arrest, Quirinus first attempted to flee – a vain hope of escape, as he was soon
captured. During the interrogation, Quirinus motivated his conduct with a reference
to Mt 10:23: If they persecute you in one city, flee to the other.113
110 Although the passio mentions the closing of churches and the general sacrifice required of all
Christians, the focus clearly rests on clergy.
111 Pass. Quir. I.1: “ad cribrandas sanctorum animas accepisset potestatem.”
112 Pass. Quir. II.1.
113 Pass. Quir. II.2-3.
62
3.1. Flight from Persecution
Flight from persecution as an accepted action might be strange at first sight in a

hagiographic text. After all, martyrs became famous precisely for the intransigence
they showed in assuming publicly their Christian identity. Despite this fact, an entire
stream of hagiographic narratives tells us of martyrs who went into hiding before
their arrest. To mention but a few illustrious examples: Polycarp retreats to a country
estate at the advice of his entourage; it is there that he receives a revelation of his
impending martyrdom.114 The acts of Agape, Chione and Eirene stress that the three
women sought refuge in the mountains, complying with God’s commandment.115 In
another hagiographic narrative analysed in this work, Passio Sereni, the protagonist
survived the worst of the persecution by going into hiding.116
But perhaps the most famous example of a martyr who successfully fled a
persecution was Cyprian, the bishop of Carthage. Cyprian subsequently went at great
lengths to present his flight as a legitimate course of action, as did other Early
Christian theologians such as Clement, Origen, Athanasius, or Lactantius.117 Mt 10:23
took centre stage in their argumentation. The general line of thought is that flight
from persecution is an acceptable alternative to martyrdom, as long as it is done for
the sake of others, and as long as the refugee, if discovered, ends up doing the right
thing – that is, confessing to be a Christian.
It must be mentioned that the theme of flight from persecution does not stand
alone in the Passio Quirini; instead, it represents the first element of a theology of
martyrdom which stresses strict conformity to the Lord’s commandments in every
aspect of life, martyrdom included. This becomes especially visible in the dialogue
between Quirinus and the magistrate Maximus, in Siscia. The hearing has an almost
catechetical undertone. At Maximus’ remark, that Christ is not a true god, because he
was unable to assist the bishop in his flight, Quirinus retorts that the Lord always
assists Christians, even in their tribulations. Christ was present both when Quirinus
attempted to escape and when he was caught. He is present even at the hearing. In
fact, it is Christ who speaks through Quirinus.118 Beyond assurances of divine
assistance and favour, this retort also formulates the martyr’s conformity to Christ,
namely that Quirinus is a perfect imitator Christi. This aspect is another stock-motif
which the Passio Quirini shares with other martyr-texts, such as the Martyrdom of
Perpetua and Felicitas.119
114 Mart. Polycarpi 5 (ed. Musurillo, 4.28-6.1).

115 Mart. Agapis, Eirenis et Chionis 1.3 (ed. Musurillo, 280.15-20).
116 Pass. Sereni 1.2. Cf. below, section IV.3.2.
117 See Leemans, “The Idea of Flight,” 901-910; Nicholson, “Flight from Persecution,” 48-63.
119 Mart. Perpetuae 15.6 (ed. Musurillo, 122.30-124.1).
63
In terms of his episcopal vocation, Quirinus presents himself in this episode as

an authoritative interpreter of Scriptures, as an authoritative spokesperson for Christ
and for the Christian community in general. Important to note is that this authority
places him, in the eye of the redactor, on equal ground with the persecuting
magistrate: Quirinus is polemicizing, even theologizing with Maximus, but not in a
traditional apologetic form. Rather, he is boldly, even insolently defying the
iuridicus.120 The rest of the Passio Quirini will develop in this spirit. Quirinus’ every
word is meant to serve as an example for Christians.
3.2. The Exemplary Bishop
When asked to sacrifice to the pagan gods, Quirinus refuses, invoking Ex 22:20,
Who sacrifices to the gods and not to God, shall be utterly destroyed.121 We encounter
this reference in Pannonian hagiographies, but also in other texts, being one of the
preferred Scriptural legitimations for the martyrs’ refusal to offer sacrifice to pagan
gods.122 Quirinus, too, is encouraged by this word to remain steadfast in the faith, a
fact that will grant him the eternal life. Maximus then promises to make him a flamen
in exchange for offering sacrifice. The bishop retorts with a complex answer: “Indeed,
I truly fulfil my duties related to priesthood, indeed, I truly become a priest if I offer
myself as a sacrifice to the true God.”123 Earlier he claimed: “I know the real altar is
that of my God, on which I lit suitable sacrifices of fragrance.”124 Quirinus considers
martyrdom as the ultimate offering to God. In that he does not differ from other
martyrs, who also viewed themselves as a sacrifice offered to the true God. 125
Quirinus, however, construes his sacrificial self-perception around his
ecclesiastical office. The key-term here is “sacerdos.”126 Certainly, the reader /
audience of the Passio Quirini might have interpreted these statements as yet another
element of the imitatio Christi. By giving himself up for Christ’s sake, Quirinus
imitates the true priest, Christ, who gave himself up for our sake. However, in the
background of these statements stands the ministerial symbolism and function of
Christ’s sacrifice as mediated and transmitted through the “sacerdos” and ultimately
through the bishop. In this sense, Quirinus becomes indeed a mediator between
Christians and God. Martyrdom is, for him, the accomplishment of his episcopal
vocation. By refusing a pagan priesthood, he achieves true priesthood, since he

121 Pass. Quir. III.3.
122 For references, see above the apparatus ad loc.
125 E.g., Mart. Dasii 5.2 (ed. Musurillo, 274.32-34); Pass. Felicis 30 (ed. Musurillo, 270.6-7); Mart. Cononis
6.7 (ed. Musurillo, 192.9-10). On martyrdom as sacrifice, see Moss, The Other Christs, 83-87.
126 On this, see Hajnalka Tamas, “Martyrdom and Episcopal Authority: The Bishop-Martyr in Pannonian
Hagiography,” in Tradition and Transformation: Dissent and Consent in the Mediterranean. Proceedings of
the 3rd CEMS International Graduate Conference, ed. Mihail Mitrea (Kiel: Solivagus, 2016), 86-87.
64
becomes a sacrifice to God. Quirinus’ self-awareness is noteworthy. Even if he does

not express it, the text suggests clearly that from the moment the bishop declared
publicly his faith, he has “set fire”127 to the sacrifice he would eventually become: He
has engaged definitively on the path to martyrdom.
Moreover, Quirinus asks for harsher tortures, so that his flock might witness
through what an easy path one can reach eternal life. This is another stock-motif that
we encounter in hagiographic texts. A ready example is the Passio Irenaei, where
Irenaeus asks the praeses to fulfil his threats and subject him to more torture. 128
Martyrdom as example for other Christians is a commonplace of hagiographic
literature. If initially it was meant to prepare Christians for the ever looming prospect
of persecution and martyrdom, in Late Antiquity the function of this stock-motif
changed to present the martyr as the embodiment of genuine Christian spirituality: A
spirituality focused on salvation and eternal life, instead of “temporal” benefits.
At this point in the narrative, the exhausted Maximus orders that Quirinus be
thrown into prison. While there, the bishop baptizes the prison ward, Marcellus. After
some time, he is sent to Savaria, to the governor (“praeses”) Amantius. The governor
is to pronounce the capital punishment. On the way, Quirinus receives alms from
some Christian women, which he blesses when the chains binding his hands and feet
fall. This gesture, like the act of baptising Marcellus, conveys the meaning that
Quirinus is a fully dedicated bishop, who gives precedence to his flock and his
episcopal responsibilities even under duress. The episode is of great import in
completing the model of the authoritative bishop that transpires from the Passio
Quirini. It is nothing less than the contemporaries of this hagiography would have
demanded. As Roberts stated about the expectations of late antique communities
from their bishops, “[t]he office of bishop finds model and legitimation in those of its
number who during the time of the persecutions continued to lead, instruct and
preach to the very end.”129
In Savaria too, Quirinus shows the same stubbornness: His old age should not
be an impediment in suffering torture, because faith strengthens him.130 He will not
submit to temporal laws, because he wishes to remain constant to the laws of God,
which he had taught.131 In this portrait, the bishop is not only a teacher by word, but
also a teacher by deed. He guarantees the correctness of the doctrine and ethos
taught (orthodoxy and orthopraxis). Interesting is the phrase “Christi Dei mei
legitima,” by which the bishop clearly states that the only law he is willing to
acknowledge is the Christian code. His radically rebellious attitude sets him against
127 Pass. Quir. III.2: “incendi.”

128 Pass. Iren. 4.12: “Multifarias minas tuas et tormenta plurima expectabam (…). Vnde hoc facias oro ut
cognoscas quemadmodum Christiani propter fidem quae est in Deo mortem contemnere consueuerunt.”
129 Michael Roberts, Poetry and the Cult of the Martyrs: The Liber Peristephanon of Prudentius (Ann
Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 1993), 112.

130 Pass. Quir. V.7.
131 Pass. Quir. VI.4.
65
all secular authority: Quirinus rejects imperial legislation altogether, considering it

sacrilegious in its entirety.132 If another Pannonian hagiography, the Passio Pollionis,
makes allowances for a modicum of just rule,133 in the Passio Quirini this is not the
case. The hearing can be pictured almost as a clash between two co-equal authorities,
but on different bases: the authority of imperial legislation on one hand, and the
authoritative commandments of God on the other hand.
Finally, faced with this radical constancy, the governor sentences Quirinus to
die by drowning. Even then, Quirinus’ primary concern is for those who are present at
his execution: They must be strengthened in faith, encouraged to remain constant,
not to be overcome by his death. 134 Hardly surprising, since teaching the Christian
tenets is one of the dominant features in Quirinus’ portrait. All in all, we can also read
this text as a handbook of episcopal conduct, in times of peace as well as persecution,
both in relation to the Chrisitan community and in relation to adverse secular
authorities. Spiritual leader of his community and of the Christian universe at large,
the bishop is also their public spokesperson in word and deed. This is explicitated in
the Passio Irenaei, but the Passio Quirini leads in the same direction.135 Singled thus
out, the bishop’s martyrdom vouches for the entire community. Far beyond being
merely emblematic, it is also representative for each member of the Church.
3.3. The Bishop and the Christian Community
This solidarity between the bishop and the Church has deep roots in
hagiographic literature. A parallel is found already in the Martyrdom of Polycarp,
where we are told that
[j]ust as the Lord did, he [= Polycarp] too waited that he might be delivered up,
that we might become his imitators (…) For it is a mark of true and solid love to
desire not only one’s own salvation, but also that of all the brothers. 136
That such solidary and protective attitude towards the community was
expected of a bishop, especially of a martyr-bishop, is well-exemplified in Prudentius’
Peristephanon VII and in other hymns of the same collection. As Roberts termed it, “A
bishop-martyr continues his protection of his city even after death. At the same time,
the special access to heaven he then enjoys makes him an effective intercessor for
Christians everywhere. (…) Martyrdom generalizes the bishops’ power and makes it
available to the entire Christian community.”137 In view of this, Quirinus may have
132 Cf. Tamas, “Martyrdom,” 85-86.

133 Pass. Poll. III.9: “regibus iusta praecipientibus oboedire.”
134 Pass. Quir. VII.2.
135 Pass. Iren. 5.4: “productus de ecclesia tua catholica.”
136 Mart. Polycarpi 1 (ed. Musurillo, 3.11-15).
137 Roberts, Poetry, 113.
66
been adopted as the spiritual father of the community in Savaria, especially if it was
understood that Christians of Savaria were present when he was being martyred.
These words offer us one of the reasons behind the martyr’s death: an earnest
desire to imitate Christ and, by doing so, to become the model imitated by others. In
his very first reply, Quirinus stresses that Christ speaks through him. The image
suggests a perfect harmony between Christ and the bishop. In Quirinus, Christ
resumes his deeds for the salvation of mankind, bringing the sacrificial metaphor to
its full bearing. The passages referred to above from the Passio Irenaei and the
Martyrium Polycarpi already hint at this perception. A closer parallel can be found in
the prayer of Felix, another bishop-martyr:
Deus, gratias tibi, quinquaginta et sex annos habeo in hoc saeculo, uirginitatem
custodiui, euangelia seruaui, fidem et ueritatem predicaui. Domine Deus caeli et
terrae, Iesu Christe, tibi ceruicem meam ad uictimam flecto, qui permanes in
aeternum. 138
However, the Passio Quirini exceeds this view of the sacrifice as merely
imitating Christ’s sacrifice. Instead, the sacrificial theme presents the bishop as the
successor of Christ the true Priest, as continuing that mediation between God and
man which had been restored by Christ. Following the bishop, one follows practically
Christ, since the bishop is the perfect imitator of Christ. Thus, the Passio Quirini is not
only a handbook of episcopal conduct, but also an advocate of a rather strict episcopal
authority, an essential tenet in the tumultuous doctrinal debates of Late Antiquity.
138 Pass. Felicis 30 (Musurillo 271.5-8).
67
CHAPTER II
Irenaeus of Sirmium
(BHL 4466)
Irenaeus, bishop of Sirmium, is perhaps the most famous Pannonian martyr. His
cult was celebrated both in the Eastern and the Western parts of the Roman empire.
He is the only martyr from the region whose Passio is extant in a Latin (BHL 4466)
and a Greek version (BHG2 948-951). It seems both versions were composed at a
relatively early date. The Passio Irenaei had a longstanding reputation as an authentic
document, which led to its inclusion in authoritative collections of hagiographic text-
editions and translations1 – the only narrative of the corpus studied here to be
granted this privilege.
Throughout the Middle Ages, Irenaeus’s popularity exceeded by far that of
other Pannonian martyrs. According to the list catalogued by François Dolbeau, who
elaborated the first critical edition of the Latin Passio Irenaei, the text is extant in
more than 40 manuscripts.2 The Greek passio, in turn, survived in five manuscripts,
corresponding to three recensions in which the identity of the martyr was
progressively transformed (BHG 948, 949, and 951, respectively). In addition, the
hagiography of Irenaeus of Sirmium was translated / excerpted in Church Slavonic,
Armenian, Georgian, and Ethiopian.3 The association of Irenaeus of Sirmium, viz.
confusion, with saint Irenaeus of Lyon, which must have occurred relatively early and
might be explained by the identity of name, undoubtedly played an important role in
the history of this martyr’s cult.
Whether the Christian community of Sirmium had indeed, at the beginning of
the fourth century, a bishop named Irenaeus, is impossible to determine. Since no
1 See below a list of editions and translations (section II.2.4).

2 Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 208-209.
3 BHBS 508; BHO 537. On the relationship between the Latin and the three Greek recensions of the
passio, see Aleksandra Smirnov-Brkić and Ifigenija Draganić, “Latin and Greek Recensions of the Passion
of St. Irenaeus of Sirmium,” in Constantine, Sirmium, and Early Christianity (International Symposium
Proceedings), ed. Nenad Lemajić (Sremska Mitrovica: Institute for Protection of Cultural Monuments
Sremska Mitrovica, 2014), 25-45. On the hagiography of Irenaeus in medieval East, see the doctoral
dissertation of Marijana Vuković, Martyr Memories: The Afterlife of the Martyrdom of Irenaeus of Sirmium
between East and West in Medieval Hagiographical Collections (Eighth – Eleventh Centuries) (unpublished
doctoral dissertation, CEU, Budapest, 2015); Marijana Vuković, “Martyrdom of Irenaeus of Sirmium in
the 10th-Century Codex Suprasliensis,” Старобългарска литература 47 (2013): 60-73; Boris
Stojkovski, “The Life of Saint Irenaeus of Sirmium in the Ethiopian Synaxarium,” in Lemajić, Constantine,
66-72.
Chapter II. Irenaeus of Sirmium (BHL 4466)
authentic episcopal list survived, one can at best surmise that the memory of the
bishop and martyr Irenaeus, attested in liturgical and archaeological sources, refers
indeed to a historical person. This is the assumption modern scholars made in their
tentative reconstructions of Sirmium’s episcopal fasti.4
1.1. Late Antique Martyrological Sources
When examining late antique martyrologies, we find that Irenaeus is better

documented in the Greek ones than in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, the
quintessential martyrology for the Latin speaking world. This is somewhat puzzling,
considering that the martyrdom of Irenaeus “made career” in Latin: As mentioned
above, the several dozen manuscripts conserve a relatively homogeneous recension,
compared to the small number of Greek manuscripts. These, in turn, have
considerable internal differences. Moreover, the source of the Hieronymianum’s
eulogy is demonstrably the Greek martyrology from which the Martyrologium
Syriacum was excerpted.
The oldest extant martyrology to mention the celebration of Irenaeus is the
early fifth-century Martyrologium Syriacum:
ad 6. apr.: Ἐν Σιρμίῳ τῇ πόλει Εἰρηναῖος ἐπίσκοπος, καὶ ἐν Νικομηδεία Κυριακή5
The Martyrologium Hieronymianum contains essentially the same note, albeit

corrupted in places. This suggests it must derive from the common Greek model of
the two martyrologies. The textual transmission of the Hieronymianum’s eulogy for
this date is complicated, with traceable contaminations in place-names, and
corruptions in the martyr’s name.6 The text, on one hand as established by De Rossi
and Duchesne, and on the other hand as reconstructed by Delehaye reads:
ad 6. apr.: Nicomedia Firmi Berenei ep[iscop]i… Quiriaci (Duchesne and De Rossi)

Sirmi Herenei episcopi (Delehaye)7
4 Among the scholars who sought to reconstruct the Sirmian episcopal list – to the extent sources allow –,
see Zeiller, Les origines, 143-147; Noël Duval, “Sirmium, ‘ville impériale’ ou ‘capitale’?” in XXVI corso di
cultura sull’arte Ravennate e Bizantina: Ravenna, 6/18 maggio 1979 (Ravenna: Edizioni del Girasole,
1979), 81; Петар Милошевић, Археологија и историа Сирмијума (Novi Sad: Matica Srpska, 2001),
203; Miroslava Mirković, Sirmium: istorija rimskog grada od I do kraja VI veka (Sremska Mitrovica and
Belgrade: Blago Sirmijuma and Filozofski Fakultet, 2006), 117-118.
5 De Rossi and Duchesne, Martyrologium Hieronymianum, LV. The Syriac original (in the edition of Nau)
is cited with an English translation by Sergey Minov, “Record E01468,” The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity
Database, http://csla.history.ox.ac.uk/record.php?recid=E01468 (accessed on 01.03.2021).
6 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 6 apr. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 40): Eptern. nicom[ediae] sirmi
herenei ep[iscop]i… kyriaci; Rich. Syrmia herenei ep[iscop]i; Wissenb. In nicomedia firmi herenei
ep[iscop]i… quiriaci; S. bereni; C. henei; L. hermei.
7 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 6 apr. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 40); Delehaye, Commentarius
perpetuus, 177.
70
The Hieronymianum not only corrupted the name of the place, Sirmium, but
transformed it into a proper name, considering Firmi or Sirmi a martyr. Once Sirmium
was eliminated as the place of cult, all martyrs, not just Kyriakos, were attributed to
Nicomedia. In other branches of the textual transmission, too, the name Irenaeus
varies from the more faithful rendering Herenei to Hermei or Bereni.
In his commentary on the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, Delehaye thought to
have recognised another entry commemorating the bishop of Sirmium. In the first of
the Hieronymianum’s three main manuscript families the note is included on the 22nd
of August (Bern.); in the other two, the date is the 23rd of August. The entry reads as
follows:
ad 23. aug. [Eptern.]: Sirti Marcialis Ηermogerati Habundi Innocenti Mirendini…8
Delehaye conjectured that instead of Sirti one should read Sirmi, and that
Irenaeus’ name was dropped on account of the confusion with the Roman Irenaeus,
who is also remembered on this date, under the form Mirendini.9 The latter form, in
turn, resulted from the contamination of Irenaei with Minervini, another name
inscribed in the martyrology on the 22nd /23rd of August.10 In sum, Delehaye suggests
that the Hieronymianum originally commemorated Irenaeus of Sirmium also on the
23rd of August. However, since the martyr’s feast-day in the Latin medieval world was
established to the 6th of April, the note on the 23rd of August lost importance and
consequently suffered various contaminations and corruptions. The saint’s name,
now considered a repetition, was soon dropped, and the place, Sirmium, was
transformed into a personal name, thereby creating a new martyr.
Delehaye’s chief argument to posit Irenaeus’ celebration on the 23rd of August is
his commemoration on this date in the Greek Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum.11
This Greek eulogy is much more accurate and more detailed, summarizing concisely
the story of Irenaeus’ martyrdom:
ad 23. aug.: Καὶ ἄθλησις τοῦ ἁγίου ἱερομάρτυρος Εἰρηναίου ἐπισκόπου Σιρμίου. Οὗτος ὁ
ἅγιος ἦν έπὶ τῆς βασιλείας Διοκλητιανοῦ· καὶ κρατηθεὶς ἀπὸ τοῦ Σιρμίου
ἤχθη εἰς Παννονίαν καὶ παρέστη Πρόβῳ τῷ ἡγεμόνι, ὁμολογῶν καὶ
κηρύττων τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν τὸν ἀληθινὸν Θεὸν πίστιν. Διὸ κατακλείεται
φρουρᾷ· καὶ ἐξαχθεὶς μαστίζεται, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα λαβὼν τὴν ἀπόφασιν ξίφει
τὴν κεφαλὴν τμηθεὶς ἐν τῷ ποταμῷ ῥίπτεται Σάῳ· καὶ οὕτως ἐτελειώθη
αὐτοῦ ἡ μαρτυρία.12
8 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 23 aug. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 109): Bern. [ad 22 aug.] Sixti;
Wissenb. xisti… merendini; M. xysti; V. sixti; C. mierendini. I quoted Eptern. and gave Bern. as a variant
because this version shows best the corruption, and Delehaye made his observations on this version.
11 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 459n22. Cf. the Armenian synaxary of Gregory VII, where Irenaeus
is celebrated on the 23rd of August.

12 Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum ad 23. aug. (ed. Delehaye, 917.3-12). “And the contest of the most
holy martyr saint Irenaeus, bishop of Sirmium. He became saint during the reign of Diocletian. Arrested,
71
One should also add that in the Greek versions of the Passio Irenaei, the date of
his martyrdom alternates between the 22nd and the 23rd of August. Irenaeus’
celebration in the Greek synaxaries on the 23rd of August can be explained by
association with the more famous Irenaeus of Lyon, whose feast-day fell precisely on
this date (in the synaxaries, the bishop of Lyon is commemorated immediately after
Irenaeus of Sirmium).13 This displacement must have occurred in the tenth-eleventh
century, as several Greek calendars of the eleventh century celebrate the martyred
bishop of Sirmium both on the 26th of March (in Marijana Vuković’s words, a
transitional phase) and on the 23rd of August.14
Finally, scholars believe that the Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum
commemorates Irenaeus on another date, the 29th of April:
ad 29. apr.: Καὶ [ἄθλησις] τοῦ ἁγίου μάρτυρος Ἑρμαίου τοῦ ἐν τῷ Σιρμίῳ.15
Zeiller, and, following him, Hippolyte Delehaye advanced the thesis that the
form Ἑρμαίου should be read Εἰρηναίου.16 They explained the date in connection to
the Passio Pollionis, where Irenaeus is mentioned by name and the story of his
martyrdom concisely summarised.17 In the Latin West, Pollio’s feast-day fell on the
28th of April. The synaxarist, who either knew the Passio Pollionis or some tradition
concerning Pollio in which the two Pannonian saints were associated, may well have
inserted Irenaeus’ name on the following day, the 29th of April.
1.2. Medieval Liturgical Sources
Medieval liturgical sources offer even more variations on the date of Irenaeus’
celebration.
he was brought from Sirmium to Pannonia and was presented to the governor Probus, where he
confessed and proclaimed his faith in Christ, the true God. For this reason he was locked in prison;
brought out, he was flogged, and, after all these, he received the sentence to be thrown into the river
Sava after having been decapitated by sword. His martyrdom was thus accomplished.” (my translation).
The manuscript Paris, BnF 1587 (Delehaye’s siglum D) places Irenaeus’ eulogy on the 22nd of August, as
the result of a chronological slip. The eulogy is slightly revised, but it essentially transmits the same
content: “Οὗτος κατὰ τοὺς χρόνους Διοκλητιανοῦ ἐπίσκοπος ἦν Σιρμίου· διὰ δὲ τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν πίστιν
κατασχεθεὶς ἤχθη εἰς Παννονίαν καὶ παρέστη Πρόβῳ τῳ ἡγεμόνι· ὁμολογήσας οὖν τὴν εἰς Χριστὸν τὸν θεὸν
ἡμῶν πίστιν, κατακλείεται ἐν φρουρᾷ και ἐξαχθεὶς μαστίζεται· εἶτα δεξάμενος τὴν ἀπόφασιν, ἐτμήθη τὴν
κεφαλὴν καὶ ἐρρίφη εἰς τὸν Σάον οὕτω λεγόμενον ποταμόν.” See Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum ad 23
aug. (ed. Delehaye, 913-916, under “Synaxaria selecta”).
13 Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum ad 23 aug. (ed. Delehaye, 917.13-30).
14 Vuković, “Martyrdom,” 63.
15 Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum ad 29 apr. (ed. Delehaye, 640.3-4).
16 Zeiller, Les origines, 33; Hippolyte Delehaye, review of Les origines chrétiennes dans les provinces
danubiennes de l’Empire Romain, by Jacques Zeiller, AnBoll 38 (1920): 400. The occurrence is plausible,
since at least one witness of the Hieronymianum shows the same mistake. Cf. 70n3 above (ms. L: hermei).
17 See Pass. Poll. I.2 and chapter III below; see also section 2.2 of this chapter, on the relationship
between the Passio Pollionis and the Passio Irenaei.
72
The Eastern martyrological traditions placed Irenaeus’ martyrdom on the 23rd

of August, following the Greek date established in the tenth century.18 At the end of
the thirteenth century, the cult of Irenaeus is mentioned, alongside that of Irenaeus of
Lyon, in the Armenian synaxary compiled by the catholicos Gregory VII.19 Given,
however, its restrained usage and influence in geo-chronological terms, Irenaeus’ cult
did not spread among the Armenians. When the synaxary was compiled anew, it did
not contain a eulogy to either of the two Irenaei. 20
As for the Ethiopian synaxary, although the date remains the 23rd of August, it
seems to draw on earlier Greek menologia: The discrepancies in the eulogy of
Irenaeus in the Constantinopolitan and the Ethiopian synaxaries suggest that the
former could not have been the model of the latter. The Ethiopian synaxary omits the
name of the magistrate (Probus), but does refer to the dialogue between the
magistrate and Irenaeus, the ‘midnight’ interrogation, as well as Irenaeus’ final
prayer, which find their correspondents in the Passio Irenaei. I cite here the English
translation of Boris Stojkovski:
ad 23 aug.: On this day is also martyr Saint Irenaeus, bishop of Sorem. He was
imprisoned in the first hour of the night and taken before the court. The
judge said to him: “Make an offering to the gods!” Irenaeus said: “I do not
make offerings, because I fear the Lord.” The judge ordered to sink him into
the river. As he reached the other river bank, he took off his clothes and
prayed to the Lord to take his soul, to protect the people who lived in
Sirmium and to give peace to his churches, he added: “I believe in you my
Lord Jesus Christ, and I call upon you and pray unto you, (even) as I suffer!”
Immediately after that, he was thrown into the river and crowned. May his
blessing be with us forever and ever. Amen! 21
In the Latin West, the 25th of March became Irenaeus’ stable feast-day.22 This
date resulted from a chronological slip: At some point in tradition, VIII id. apr., that is,
the 6th of April, was mistakenly read as VIII kal. apr., that is, the 25th of March.23 The
confusion happened perhaps early on, since the 25th of March (or the ‘transitional’
26th of March) occurs both in the Western and Eastern medieval calendars.
Writing at the end of the eighth century, the Anonymus Lugdunensis is the first
Latin martyrologist to mention the commemoration of Irenaeus of Sirmium. The note
18 Cf. Vuković, “Martyrdom,” 61n6 (Greek, Armenian); Siraphie Der Nersessian, “Le synaxaire Arménien
de Grégoire VII d’Anazarbe,” AnBoll 68 (1950): 284 (Armenian); Stojkovski, “The Life,” 69 (Ethiopian).
19 Der Nersessian, “Le synaxaire Arménien,” 269n1.
20 Der Nersessian, “Le synaxaire Arménien,” 270.
21 Stojkovski, “The Life,” 70 (with original text at 69).
22 This is the date adopted by the editors of the Passio Irenaei in the ActaSS. See Godefridus Henschenius
and Daniel Papebrochius, “De S. Irenaeo episc. et martyre Syrmii in Pannonia,” ActaSS Martii, vol. 3
(Antwerpen: Iacobus Meursius, 1668), 555-557. Some of the manuscripts of the Passio Irenaei also
adopted the date of the 25th of March. For references, see Henschenius and Papebrochius, “De S.
Irenaeo,” 557nh, and the afferent lemmata in the critical apparatus of Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 213.
23 See Agostino Amore, “Ireneo,” BSS 7 (1966): 899; and A.P. Frutaz, “Eirenaios v. Sirmium,” LThK 32
(1959): 775.
73
of the Anonymus Lugdunensis was taken over verbatim by Florus, Ado,24 and
Usuard25 (with minor modifications, touching on the syntax). The Martyrologium
Romanum offers approximately the same content. Compare:
ad 25. mart.: Apud Syrmium, natale sancti Hirenei episcopi: qui tempore Maximiani
imperatoris, sub praeside Probo, primo tormentis acerrimis vexatus,
deinde, diebus plurimis in carcere cruciatus, novissime abscisso capite
consummatus est.26
ad 25. mart.: Sirmii passio sancti Irenaei, Episcopi et Martyris; qui, tempore Maximiani
Imperatoris, sub Praeside Probo, primum… etc.27
According to the archaeological evidence unearthed thus far, the surroundings

of Sirmium hosted two cultic centres dedicated to Irenaeus’ memory. The first is
located in the Eastern cemetery of Sirmium, on the road to Singidunum. It consists of
a cemeterial basilica, around which a Christinan burial nucleus developed. The site
was in use during the fourth and the fifth centuries, with a higher frequency of burials
in the second part of the fourth century. 28 The basilica, archaeologically explored
starting with 1976, is a rectangular building with a single nave facing East,29
measuring ca 25 x 14 m. To the east an apse and a liturgical annex (vestibule) were
added, which prolong the monument with ca 10 meters (total surface: 35 x 14 m). 30
The building was authenticated as the cemeterial basilica of Irenaeus on the basis of

25 Dubois, Le martyrologe d’Usuard, 200: “In Syrmio, passio beati Hirenei episcopi, tempore Maximiani
imperatoris, qui primo tormentis acerrimis vexatus, deinde diebus plurimis in carcere cruciatus,
novissime absciso capite consummatus est.”
28 The site is well researched. Among the more important works, see: Vladislav Popović, “A Survey of the
Topography and Urban Organization of Sirmium in the Late Empire,” in Sirmium: Archaeological
Investigations in Syrmian Pannonia, ed. Vladislav Popović, vol. 1 (Belgrade: The Archaeological Institute
of Beograd, 1971), 123; Miroslava Mirković, “Sirmium,” in The Autonomous Towns of Noricum and
Pannonia – Die autonomen Städte in Noricum und Pannonien, ed. Marjeta Šašel Kos and Peter Scherrer,
vol. 2: Pannonia II, Situla 42 (Ljubljana: Narodni Muzej Slovenije, 2004), 155; Мирослав Јеремић,
“Култне грађевне хришћанског Сирмијума,” in Sirmium – И на небу и на земљи: 1700 година од
страдања хришћанских мученика, 2nd ed. (Sremska Mitrovica: Благо Сирмијума, 2014), 58-62;
Miroslava Mirković, Sirmium: Its History from the First Century AD to 582 AD (Novi Sad and Sremska
Mitrovica: Center for Historical Research, University of Novi Sad and Historical Archive Srem, 2017),
129-130 and 211-214 (with focus on inscriptions). Topographic plan in Duval, “Sirmium,” 55; Miroslav
Jeremić, “Adolf Hytrek et les premières fouilles archéologiques à Sirmium,” Starinar 55 (2005): 127;
Јеремић, “Култне грађевне,” 53. See also Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 159; Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 51-
52; Ivana Popović, “Survey of Early Christianity in Sirmium / Sremska Mitrovica (fourth to fifth c. AD),”
in Bugarski et al., Grenzübergänge, 181-182.
29 Duval, “Sirmium,” 84, hesitated with regard to the number of naves due to the poor state of research
and the advanced state of destruction of the basilica.

30 Duval, “Sirmium,” 83-4; Mirković, Sirmium: istorija, 117.
74
an inscription discovered in 1976. Carved on a marble slab, the inscription was

retrieved from a double tomb located near the altar. It is preserved almost intact. The
text is surrounded on the sides by leaves and palm branches, and on the bottom by a
Christogram carved between a leaf and a palm branch. The motif of the Christogram
enables us to date it to the second half of the fourth century.31 The inscription was
dedicated by a certain Macedonius and his wife:
In basilica domini n/ostri Erenei (!) ac mem/oriam posuit Maced/onius una cum
m/atronam suam A / Ammete Evenati.32
The unusual names present on the inscription gave rise to various

interpretations in secondary literature. The wife of Macedonius was identified either
as *Ames of *Evenas; or, according to Kovács, *Mammes, daughter of *Zevenas. At any
rate, these unusual names suggest that the wife’s family came either from a Greek or a
Syrian background.33
Whether this inscription attests a case of inhumatio ad martyres or simply
privileged burial34 is open to question. Dolbeau doubted that the basilica had been
planned as a martyrium. According to him, the Passio Irenaei’s uncharacteristic
ending – with no word on the discovery of the martyr’s body – points to the fact that,
during the fourth and the fifth centuries, the Christian community of Sirmium could
not account for Irenaeus’ relics.35 Therefore, without any relics to depose, building a
martyrium in honor of Irenaeus seems unlikely.
During the Middle Ages, another cultic place dedicated to Irenaeus developed to
the West from the ancient city walls, at Mačvanska Mitrovica, on the left bank of the
river Sava. The site located a Christian cemetery, with a basilica at its core. In the
period 1966-1970, archaeologists unearthed four layers of construction on the site of
the basilica, the most recent going back to the thirteenth century. This last
construction alone provides epigraphic attestation for the dedication to Irenaeus of
31 Published most recently in Miroslava Mirković, “Hrišćanske nekropole i hrišćanski natpisi u

Sirmijumu,” Зборник Музеј Срема 10 (2016): 82-83; Mirković, Sirmium: Its History, 212 (transcription)
and 307 (image).
32 My reading as per the image in Mirković, “Hrišćanske nekropole,” 83. Various readings have been
advanced in scholarship: In basilica domini | nostri Erenei (!) ac mem|oriam posuit Maced|onius una cum
m|atronam (!) suam (!) {A}| Ammete Evenati (Mirković, “Hrišćanske nekropole,” 82); In basilica domini
n/ostri Erenei (!) (h)a(n)c (?) mem/oriam posuit Maced/onius una cum m/atronam suam <M>/ammete (!)
Zevenati (!) / (Christogram) (Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 159); In basilica domini n|ostri Erenei ad
mem|oriam posuit Maced|onius una cum m|atronam suam a| Amates Eventi (Милошевић, Археологија,
172).
33 The wife’s origin in the Syrian minority of Sirmium was suggested by Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 159,
followed by Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 52.

34 Jean-Pierre Sodini, “Les ‘tombes privilegiées’ dans l’Orient chrétien (à l’exception du diocèse
d’Egypte),” in L’Inhumation privilegiée du IVe au VIIIe siècle en Occident: Actes du colloque tenu à Créteil
les16 – 18 mars 1984, ed. Yvette Duval and Jean-Charles Picard (Paris: De Boccard, 1986), 233.
35 Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 208.
75
Sirmium. The remains of the earliest layer consist of an apsis measuring at its
opening 6.5 m, connected in ancient times to a basilica no longer visible today.36
Vladislav Popović proposed two hypotheses related to this complex: Either the
dedication to Irenaeus happened in the thirteenth century and for the latest
monument only; or all the four layers were built on the site of Irenaeus’ martyrdom. 37
The site is relatively close to where the western Roman bridge across the Sava once
stood, on the road leading to Dalmatia. 38 From ancient and medieval sources we know
that the bridge led to the late antique station ad Basante, the place where the river
Bosna (ancient Bacuntius / Basuntius) flows into the Sava. This agrees with the
information given by the Passio Irenaei, namely, that Irenaeus was executed on pons
Basentis (i.e., leading to the station ad Basante).39
However, in the absence of epigraphic confirmation that the earlier, late
antique, structures were dedicated to Irenaeus, a late antique cult in Mačvanska
Mitrovica remains a simple presumption. As Vuković showed, it is more likely that the
presence of Irenaeus in Eastern calendars was the factor that prompted the
establishment of the medieval cult in Mačvanska Mitrovica and not the other way
around (an existing cult having led to the inclusion in the calendar). 40
Given the unlikelihood of a relic transfer from the eastern necropolis to
Mačvanska Mitrovica, we are left with no information whatsoever on a translation
(perhaps even existence?) of Irenaeus’ relics. We may, thus, safely conclude with
Dolbeau that even in Late Antiquity Irenaeus’ cult had to cope with the absence of his
relics.
1.4. Concluding Remarks on the Hagiographic Dossier
From the above we may surmise that a cult dedicated to Irenaeus flourished in
the eastern cemetery of Sirmium during the second half of the fourth century.
Although a martyrial basilica was dedicated here to his memory, there is – to date –
no evidence of relics having been deposed therein. With the destruction of Sirmium
during the barbarian invasions of the fifth century, the cult was most likely
interrupted. It is possible, although uncertain, that the chapel built on the opposite
bank of the Sava, in today’s Mačvanska Mitrovica, served as a memorial of Irenaeus’
36 Vladislav Popović, “Continuité cultuelle et tradition littéraire dans l’église médiévale de Sirmium,” in
Sirmium: Recherches archéologiques en Syrmie, ed. Vladislav Popović, vol. XII (Belgrade: Institut
Archéologique de Beograd, 1980), I-IV, with plan on p. II; Duval, “Sirmium,” 84-85; Nagy, Pannóniai
városok, 55; Милошевић, Археологија, 174.
37 Popović, “Continuité,” II-IV. See also Duval, “Sirmium,” 85.
38 See the topographic plans in Duval, “Sirmium,” 55; and Mirković, Sirmium: istorija, 87. See also
Mirković, “Sirmium,” 153; and Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 62, both with further references to sources and
secondary literature.
39 Popović, “Continuité,” III-IV.
40 Vuković, “Martyrdom,” 65-68. Cf. also Popović, “Survey,” 182.
76
place of martyrdom. The cult resurfaces with certainty only during the eleventh
century, probably under the influence of Irenaeus’ presence in Eastern calendars.
The community of Sirmium celebrated the martyrdom of bishop Irenaeus on
the 6th of April. A comparison of the list of Sirmian martyrs in the Martyrologium
Hieronymianum with the prologue of the Passio Pollionis (I.2-4) confirms this date:
... Probus praeses imperatae sibi persecutionis a clericis

sumpsit exordium; et comprehensum sanctum Montanum, ad 26 mart.: Montanus
presbyterum ecclesiae Singidunensis diuque christianae
fidei uiribus conluctantem, misit in fluuium. Episcopum
quoque Irenaeum Sirmiensis ecclesiae pro fide et ad 6 apr.: Irenaeus
commissae sibi plebis constantia fortiter dimicantem ad
caelestem palmam simili sententia cognitor prouexit
immitis. Etiam sanctum Demetrium, eiusdem ecclesiae ad 9 apr.: Demetrius
diaconum, renuntiantem idolis et impia praecepta
contemnentem, uario tormentorum genere confectum
temporali morti tradidit ...
As Efthymios Rizos observed, the commemoration of Montanus, Irenaeus, and

Demetrius in the Hieronymianum corresponds to the sequence in the prologue of the
Passio Pollionis:41 Even if one opts for the 7th of April as Montanus’ feast-day (thus
disrupting the sequence in the Passio Pollionis), the succession of three feasts in such
close proximity suggests that they were all celebrated in the framework of the same
festival, a major event in the Sirmian calendar which lasted several days.42
This comparison offers another clue to elucidate the problem of dates.
Montanus’ feast day appears in martyrological sources also on the 7th of April,
immediately after Irenaeus on the 6th of April. If the two were perceived as a pair,
then Montanus’ oter feast-day, the 26th of March, attracted also the displacement of
Irenaeus’ celebration one day earlier, as per the April sequence. Thus, Irenaeus was
placed in later tradition on the 25th of March to showcase his association with
Montanus on the 26th of March.
41Rizos, “Martyrs,” 196.

42Rizos, “Martyrs,” 196; Efthymios Rizos, “Record E01662,” The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity Database,
http://csla.history.ox.ac.uk/record.php?recid=E01662 (accessed on 02.03.2021).
77
2. PASSIO IRENAEI SIRMIENSIS
2.1. Extant Recensions and Their Relationship
As stated above, the Passio Irenaei Sirmiensis survived the ages in both Latin
and Greek. If the Latin transmission is relatively homogeneous, the Greek version
knows three redactions. In the following pages, I shall first offer a few remarks on the
existing Latin editions, and then turn to the relationship between the Latin and the
Greek recensions.
The Latin Passio Irenaei was first edited by the Bollandists in the third volume
of the Acta Sanctorum martii.43 The Bollandists retrieved the passio from the (now
lost) Bödeken legendary, a late manuscript with many scribal interventions. Later,
Thierry Ruinart collated several manuscripts of better quality in his critical edition:
This became the textus receptus until François Dolbeau presented his state-of-the-art
critical edition in 2011.44
It is perhaps opportune to sum up the major differences between the Bollandist
text and that established by Dolbeau. These touch rather on style than content. The
copyist of the Bollandist version modified and added certain structures. He extended
the replies of Irenaeus and presented as direct speech some passages which in the
critical text of Dolbeau appear as narrative sections (meaning that in the Bollandist
edition, these become words pronounced by Irenaeus, whereas in the edition of
Dolbeau they are comments made by the Passio’s redactor). The following synoptic
table presents the main differences:
Pass. Iren. (ed. Bolland.) Pass. Iren. (ed. Dolbeau)
1. Eodem tempore erat in ciuitate 1.2. Quod et factum est circa famulum Dei
Sirmiensium quidam Episcopus, Irenaeum episcopum urbis Sirmiensium,
Catholica fide et religione perfectus, cuius iam nunc uobis certamen pandam
nomine Irenaeus, qui multas pro uictoriamque ostendam, qui pro modestia
Christi amore persecutiones sua ingenita et timore diuino cui operibus
perferens, digna confessione palmam rectis inseruiebat, dignus nomine suo
victoriae promeruit. inuentus est.
2. Aduenientes interea parentes eius cum 3.1. Aduenientes uero parentes eius
viderent eum torqueri, amplectentes uidentes eum torqueri precabantur eum.
pedes eius precabantur, ut aetati suae Hinc pueri pedes eius cum lacrymis
parceret et praeceptis Imperatorum amplectentes dicebant: “Miserere tui et
obediret. Hinc pater, inde uxor, inde nostri, pater.” Inde uxoris lugentis uultus
pueri cum lacrymis se ingerebant aetatem eius praecabantur.
(…)
43 Acta [S. Irenaei] (ed. Henschenius and Papebrochius, 556-557).

44 Ruinart, Acta, 432-434; Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 211-214.
78
Ille autem meliore cupiditate 3.3. Sed, ut dictum est, meliore cupiditate
detentus, sententiam Domini ante oculos detentus, sententiam Domini ante oculos
habebat dicens ad omnes: “Haec sunt habens quae dicit:
uerba Domini mei Iesu Christi: Si quis
me negauerit coram hominibus, et Si quis me negauerit coram hominibus, et
ego negabo eum coram Patre meo qui in ego negabo eum coram Patre meo qui in
caelis est. Vnde sciatis, o amici caelis est, omnes ergo despiciens nulli
carissimi, me nec blanditiis uestris nec omnino respondit.
Principum minis a praeceptis eius ullo
modo posse deflecti: sed ad supernae Festinabat autem ad supernae spem
uocationis spem omni intentione velle uocationis peruenire.
festinare.”
(...)
3. [Probus] dixit: “Iam nunc sufficiant 4.2. Et Probus dixit ad eum:
tibi poenae, quibus afflictus es longo
tempore. Accede ergo et sacrifica.” “Iam sacrifica, Irenaee, lucrans poenas.”
Irenaeus respondit: “Si quid facere Irenaeus respondit: “Fac, quod iussum
cogitasti in me, fac celeriter et sine est. Hoc a me ne expectes.”
dilatione; sciens me in eadem
confessione nominis Christi, in qua
hactenus fui, etiam nunc et quamdiu
vixero, perseuerare.”
(...)
S. Irenaeus respondit: “Praeceptum 4.6. Irenaeus respondit: “Praeceptum est
Domini mei Iesu Christi adimpleui Domini mei Iesu Christi dicentis:
dicentis: Qui non abnegauerit parentes
suos et renuntiauerit omnibus quae
possidet, non potest meus esse
discipulus: et, qui diligit patrem aut Qui diligit patrem aut matrem
matrem aut uxorem aut filios aut fratres aut uxorem aut filios aut fratres aut
aut parentes super me, non est me dignus. parentes super me, non est me dignus.”
Itaque qui Deum vere diligit, et ad eius 7. Atque ad Deum in caelis aspiciens et
promissionem perfecte intendit, ad eius promissiones intendens
omnia terrena despicit, nullumque omniaque despiciens nullum absque
parentem absque eo se habere eum se nosse atque habere fatebatur.
profitetur.”
4. Probus dixit: “Consule tibi et 4.9. Probus dixit: “Consule tibi, iuuenis.
parentibus tuis, immolans diis et Immola ut non te uariis cruciatibus
praeceptis Imperatorum obtemperans, impendam.”
ut non te diuersis cruciatibus
interficiam.” S. Irenaeus respondit: “Iam Irenaeus respondit: “Fac, quod uis.
dixi tibi, ut facias de me quid uelis,
sciens quod diis tuis numquam
sacrificabo. Iam nunc uidebis, quantam Iam nunc uidebis quantam
mihi Dominus Iesus Christus dabit mihi Dominus Iesus Christus dabit
tolerantiam aduersus tuas insidias et tolerantiam aduersus tuas insidias.”
diabolicas, quas Sanctis praeparasti,
poenas.”
79
The relationship between the Latin and the Greek recensions is rather
complicated to establish. Manlio Simonetti, the first to systematically compare the
two versions, dealt extensively with the topic.45 However, he based his comparison
exclusively on BHG 948, likewise edited by the Bollandists in the Acta Sanctorum.46
Simonetti noted that this Greek recension abounds in narrative sections
compared to the preference for dialogue in the Latin one. Notable differences in this
respect occur in the introduction, the first interview before the governor, and three
smaller episodes belonging (in the Latin version) to the second interview. BHG 948
presents the first interview (ch. 2 in the Latin recension)47 as part of an elaborate
introduction with two roles: It summarises in exhortative form the message of the
passio and it provides chronological indications. The Greek redactor eliminated
altogether Irenaeus’ first hearing before Probus, and the first set of tortures.
Moreover, he presented the supplication of Irenaeus’ relatives (ch. 3) as a private
event, not as happening in court. This bears consequences on another episode
involving Irenaeus’ family: In section 4.6 of the Latin recension, the persecutor asks
Irenaeus about his family, who was present at the first hearing. The Greek recension
eliminated both the question and Irenaeus’ reply. The second court interview in the
Latin text also has as counterpart in BHG 948 an indirect speech that summarises in
one sentence the events of sections 4.1-2. The dialogue begins with Irenaeus’ reply.
Finally, the redactor of BGH 948 rendered Irenaeus’ final prayer more concisely.
Compare:
Pass. Iren. (ed. Dolbeau) Μαρτ. Εἰρην. (ed. Bolland.)
1. Cum esset persecutio sub Diocletiano et 1. Οτ᾽ ἂν τρόποις ἀγαθοῖς εὐσεβὴς,

Maximiano imperatoribus, quando diuersis συνασκηθῇ, τῶν κρειττόνων ἐφιέμενος,
agonibus concertantes Christiani, a καὶ φόβον Θεοῦ προσλάβηται· τότε
tyrannis inlata supplicia deuota Deo mente πάντων ἀθρόως τῶν ἐν τῷ δὲ τῷ βίῳ
suscipientes, praemiis se perpetuis καταφρονήσας, πρὸς τῶν ἐπηγγελμένων
participes efficiebant. ἀγαθῶν τὴν ἀπόλαυσιν ἀπείγεται· καὶ
ἅπερ διὰ τῆς ἀκοῆς παρόντα, πίστει
βεβαίᾳ θεώμενος, ἐπεθύμησεν, ταῦτα
θᾶττον δι᾽ αὐτῆς τῆς αὐθοψίας ἀπολαβὼν
ἔχειν, δοξάζει τὸν Κύριον.
2. Quod et factum est circa famulum Dei Ὃ δὲ γέγονε καὶ περὶ τὸν μακάριον
Irenaeum episcopum urbis Sirmiensium, Ἐπίσκοπον Εἰρηναῖον τῆς τοῦ Σιρμίου
cuius iam nunc uobis certamen pandam πόλεως. Οὗτος γὰρ δι᾽ ἐπιείκειαν
uictoriamque ostendam, qui pro modestia ὑπερβάλλουσαν καὶ τὴν περὶ τοῦ θείου
sua ingenita et timore diuino cui operibus εὐλάβειαν, τοῖς ἔργοις κυρῶν τὴν
rectis inseruiebat, dignus nomine suo προσηγορίαν, καὶ νέος τῆς προεδρίας
inuentus est. ἀξιωθεὶς, καταλαβόντος αὐτὸν τοῦ
διωγμοῦ, τοῦ γενομένου ἐπὶ Διοκλητιανοῦ
45 Simonetti, Studi, 55-65.

46 Μαρτύριον τοῦ ἁγίου μάρτυρος Εἰρηναῖου (ed. Henschenius and Papebrochius, Appendix, p. 23).
47 According to Dolbeau’s distribution in chapters and sections.
80
καὶ Μαξιμιανοῦ καὶ Κωνσταντίου τῶν

Βασιλέων, ἀκάμπτῳ καὶ ἀνενδότῳ
προθυμίᾳ χρώμενος, καὶ τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν
ἐπικτεινόμενος, ἔσπευδεν ἐπὶ τὸ βραβεῖον
τῆς ἄνω κλήσεως.
2. Comprehensus itaque oblatus est Probo

praesidi Pannoniae. Probus praeses dixit
ad eum: “Obtemperans praeceptis diuinis
sacrifica diis.” Irenaeus respondit: “Qui diis
et non Deo sacrificat eradicabitur.” 2.
Probus praeses dixit: “Clementissimi
principes iusserunt aut sacrificare aut
tormentis succumbere debere.” Irenaeus
respondit: “Mihi enim praeceptum est
tormenta magis suscipere quam Deum
denegans daemoniis sacrificare.” 3. Probus
praeses dixit: “Aut sacrifica aut faciam te
torqueri.” Irenaeus respondit: “Gaudeo si
feceris ut Domini mei passionibus
particeps inueniar.” 4. Probus praeses
iussit eum uexari. Cumque acerrime 2. Οὐκ ἔλυσαν γοὖν αὐτοῦ τὴν στεῤῥότητα
uexaretur, dixit ad eum: “Quid dicis, ὕβρεις, ποικίλα πάθη σημαίνουσαι, οὐ
Irenaee? Sacrifica.” Irenaeus respondit: ποταμοὶ ἀπειλούμενοι, οὐ κρημνοὶ καὶ
“Sacrifico per bonam confessionem Deo βασάνων εἴδη διάφορα, οὐ τόγε πάντων
meo cui semper sacrificaui.”
ἀλγεινότερον τέκνα μετὰ συγγενῶν καὶ
φίλων ὀλοφύρούμενα, οἷς εἰώθασιν
3. Aduenientes uero parentes eius uidentes
καταμαλάττεσθαι πατέρες ὀλιγόψυχοι.
eum torqueri precabantur eum. Hinc pueri
Ὅτ᾽ ἂν γὰρ παῖδες τοῖς ποσὶ μετὰ
pedes eius cum lacrymis amplectentes
δακρύων περεπλέκοντο [καὶ πρὸς τὸν
dicebant: “Miserere tui et nostri, pater.”
Inde uxoris lugentis uultus aetatem eius Ἅγιον ἐπολέμουν] γυναικὸς
praecabantur. 2. Parentum uero omnium ὀλοφυρομένης ὄψις κατηφὴς, γονέων
luctus et fletus erat super eum, πένθος ἐφ᾽ υἱῷ τὴν ἡλικιαν ἀκμάζοντι,
domesticorum gemitus, uicinorum ululatus οἰκείων στεναγμὸς καὶ φίλων θρῆνος καὶ
et lamentatio amicorum, qui omnes γνώρημων [ἔνστασις] ἔτι νεάζουσαν
clamantes ad eum dicebant: “Tenerae ἀκμὴν μετὰ δεήσεως οἰκτεῖραι
adulescentiae tuae miserere.” προτρεπομένων·
3. Sed, ut dictum est, meliore cupiditate τούτοις πᾶσιν, οἷς εἶπεν, οὐκ ἐκάμπτετο,
detentus, ἀλλὰ καθάπερ εἴπομεν, τῷ τῶν
sententiam Domini ante oculos habens κρειττόνων ἔρωτι κατεχόμενος καὶ τὸν
quae dicit: φοβον τῆς κρίσεως πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν ἔχων,
δεδοικὼς δὲ τὴν φωνὴν τοῦ Κυρίου τὴν
Si quis me negauerit coram hominibus, et λέγουσαν, Ἐάν τις ἀρνησεταί με ἔμπροσθεν
ego negabo eum coram Patre meo qui in τῶν ἀνθρώπων, ἀρνήσομαι κᾳγὼ ἀυτὸν
caelis est, omnes ergo despiciens nulli ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ Πατρός μου ἐν τοῖς
omnino respondit. Festinabat autem ad οὐρανοῖς, πάντων ὑπερφροντήσας τῶν
supernae spem uocationis peruenire. χαλεπωτέρων, ἔσπευδεν ἐπὶ τὴν
προκειμένην ἐλπίδὰ.
4. Probus praeses dixit: “Quid dicis, 3. Προσαχθεὶς οὖν τῷ τηνικαῦτα τῆς
Irenaee? Flectere horum lacrymis ab Παννονίας Ἡγεμόνι Πρόβῳ, καὶ
81
insania tua et consulens adulescentiae tuae ἐπερωτηθεὶς, εἰ βούλοιτο θῦσαι,

sacrifica.” Irenaeus respondit: “Consulo ἀπεκρίνατο ὁ μακάριος Εἰρηναῖος· Ἀλλ᾽
mihi in perpetuo si non sacrificauero.” 5. οὐδὲ ζῇν μεθ᾽ ὑμῶν αἱροῦμαι. Τότε
Probus autem iussit eum recipi in custodia ἀνελήφθη εἰς τὸ δεσμοτήριον.
carceris. Plurimis uero diebus ibidem
clausus poenis est affectus.
Ἐκ πλειόνων δὲ ἡμερῶν ἐν τῇ τῆς εἴρκτης
4. Quodam autem tempore media nocte φρουρᾷ παραδοθεὶς, μέσης νυκτὸς
procedente et sedente pro tribunali προκαθίσαντος τοῦ Ἡγεμόνος προσήχθη
praeside Probo, introductus est iterum πάλιν ὁ μακάριος Εἰρηναῖος, καὶ ποικίλας
beatissimus martyr Irenaeus. βασάνους ὑπομείνας καὶ ἐρωτώμενος
2. Et Probus dixit ad eum: “Iam sacrifica, διατὶ οὐκ ἐπιθύει,
Irenaee, lucrans poenas.” Irenaeus
respondit: “Fac, quod iussum est. Hoc a me
ne expectes.” 3. Probus iterum uexatum
eum fustibus caedi praecepit. Irenaeus
respondit: “Deum habeo quem a prima ἀπεκρίθη, Ὅτι Θεὸν ἔχω, ὃν ἐκ παιδὸς
aetate colere didici, ipsum adoro qui me ἡλικίας σέβειν δεδίδαγμαι, καὶ τοῖς
confortat in omnibus, cui etiam et sacrifico. λεγογένοις ὑφ ὑμῶν θεοῖς προσκυνεῖν οὐ
Deos uero manu factos adorare non δύναμαι.
possum.”
(…)
6. Probus dixit: “Et qui fuerunt illi qui
praeterita flebant sessione?” Irenaeus Ταῦτα δὲ ἔλεγεν ὁ μακάριος Εἰρηναῖος,
respondit: “Praeceptum est Domini mei τὴν τοῦ Κυρίου ἐντολὴν ἔναυλον ἔχων τὴν
Iesu Christi dicentis: Qui diligit patrem aut λέγουσαν, Ὁ πιλῶν πατέρα ἢ μητέρα ὑπὲρ
matrem aut uxorem aut filios aut fratres aut ἐμὲ, ἢ ἀδελφοὺς, ἢ γυναῖκα, ἢ τέκνα, οὐκ
parentes super me, non est me dignus.” 7. ἔστι μου ἄξιος· πρὸς ὃν ἀτενίζων ὁ
Atque ad Deum in caelis aspiciens et ad Μακάριος, ἐν τοῖς οὐρανοῖς ὅλως ἦν τῷ
eius promissiones intendens omniaque φρονήματι διαιτώμενος, καὶ ἅπασαν τὸν
despiciens nullum absque eum se nosse ἀνθρωπίνην διάθεσιν καταλιπὼν, οὐδένα
atque habere fatebatur. πλέον τοῦ Κυρίου εἰδέναι καὶ ἔχειν
(…) ὡμολόγει.
(…)
5.3. Et cum uenisset ad pontem 5. (…) Καὶ μετὰ τὸ παραγενέσθαι εἰς τὴν
qui uocatur Basentis, expolians se γέφυραν, ἥτις καλεῖται Ἄρτεμις,
uestimenta sua et extendens manus in ἀποδηθεὶς τὰ ἱμάτια καὶ ἀνατείνας εἰς τὸν
caelum orauit dicens: 4. “Domine Iesu οὐρανὸν τὰς χεῖρας, ἠυξατο οὕτως εἰπὼν·
Christe, qui pro mundi salute pati dignatus Κύριε, ἀνοιχθήτωσαν οἱ οὐρανοὶ καὶ
es, pateant caeli tui et suscipiant angeli ὑποδεξάσθωσαν τὸ πνεῦμα τοῦ δούλου
spiritum serui tui Irenaei, qui propter σου· ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαοῦ σου καὶ τῆς καθολικῆς
nomen tuum et plebem tuam productus de Ἐκκλησίας καὶ παντὸς τοῦ πληρώματος
ecclesia tua catholica haec patior. αὐτῆς σοι πιστεύων, Κύριε, ταῦτα πάσχω.
5. Te peto tuamque deprecor
misericordiam ut et me suscipere et hos in
fide tua confirmare digneris.”
6. Sic itaque percussus gladio, a ministris Καὶ πληγεὶς τῷ ξίφει ἐπέμφθη εἰς τὸν
proiectus est in fluuium Saui. Σαὸν ποταμόν.
Analysing these differences based on literary criteria and considerations of

historical reliability, Simonetti proposed that the extant Latin version was in fact a
82
translation produced from a Greek original (not BHG 948). He observed that the Latin
recension suppressed Constantius from the list of ruling emperors, but the Greek
does include Constantius, and, he reasoned, the original passio must have included
him, too. Constantius was subsequently eliminated from the Latin passio because of
his Western reputation as an emperor supporting Christians.48
Simonetti gave, in general, more credit to the extant Greek text, arguing that the
Latin converted the narrative passages into stylistically overburdening, and quite
unnecessary, dialogical episodes.49 The presence in the Latin version of a number of
Grecisms;50 and the observation that passages without correspondent in the Greek
recension (i.e., the ‘innovations’ of the Latin redactor) consist mostly of hagiographic
commonplaces, often with Scriptural connotations, lent further substance to this
claim.51 However, both these argumentative threads have been criticised in
subsequent scholarship.
In his review of Studi agiografici, the Bollandist Baudouin de Gaiffier accused
Simonetti of having pushed literary comparativism to the extreme. 52 He noted that a
mere comparison between the Latin and the Greek recensions could not clarify their
relationship, since Simonetti posited a lost original. What that original looked like,
when and how the extant recensions were derived from it remains a mystery.
Moreover, that a hagiographic text is constructed from commonplaces is no
guarantee for it being a second hand redaction. As De Gaiffier observed, the
hagiographic universe of expression represented a specific set of categories that late
antique Christians used in their reflections on the saints.53 It is no surprise then that
early Christian hagiographers drew from this pool of structures, topoi, narrative and
panegyrical strategies when writing their martyr-stories.54
The narrative homogeneity of the Greek recension, which Simonetti considered
another argument for its chronological precedence, can also function as a counter-
argument. It is entirely possible that BHG 948 modified deliberately its model,
harmonising the style and condensing the narrative to bring cohesion to an otherwise
loosely structured original. As for the use of Grecisms in 4.11 (“praeceptis regalibus,”
a calque of the Greek τῇ βασιλικῇ κελεύσει in ch. 4 of BHG 948), and 5.1 (“iratus …
super fiduciam,” according to Simonetti, a hapax legomenon translating literally
ὀργισθεὶς (…) ἐπὶ τῇ παῤῥησίᾳ in ch. 5 of BHG 948),55 Dolbeau showed this Greek
48 Simonetti, Studi, 60.

49 Simonetti, Studi, 67, on the Latin redactor: “cercando di rappresentare in forma dialogica ciò che nella
sua fonte era riportato in forma narrativa (…), è caduto nell’incongruenza di moltiplicare a sproposito le
risposte di Ireneo.”
52 De Gaiffier, review of Studi agiografici, 425.
53 De Gaiffier, review of Studi agiografici, 425.
54 Even reliable hagiographic texts demonstrably derived from authentic court records employ this
narrative repertoire.
83
influence to rise from the context in which the Passio Irenaei had been written, rather
than being the result of translation.56 Pannonia, he argued, was a bilingual province,
and thus one can expect that one language influence the other, as in the case of
regalis. The semantic family of “regnare” seems omnipresent in Pannonian
hagiography written in Latin,57 including texts unknown in the Greek East. “Iratus
super fiduciam” might be a hapax, but it can be explained with the tendency,
characteristic to late antique Latin, to replace the preposition “de” with “super.”58
Dolbeau refrained eventually from adopting a position on the issue, considering that
the two texts essentially transmit the same content – thus, the question of the Passio’s
original language is a minor one. 59
Since then, however, new information has been published on the relationship
between the Greek recensions of Irenaeus’ hagiography. Aleksandra Smirnov-Brkić
and Ifigenija Draganić showed that BHG 948, previously thought the oldest version,
was in fact a shortened text dependent on BHG 949. Their comparative study helped
elucidate some of the shortcomings of BHG 948.60 Smirnov-Brkić and Draganić were
also inclined to favour a Greek original, or at least a Greek editor of the Passio Irenaei:
Among their arguments feature the interpretation of the name Irenaeus as “peaceful,
serene” in Pass. Iren. 1.2 (“dignus nomine suo inuentus est”); and the use of
“martyrizare” in Pass. Iren. 6.1 (“Martyrizauit famulus Dei sanctus Irenaeus”). 61 Yet
these passages can at best attest that the Passio Irenaei was originally compiled by a
person familiar with the Greek language: This person, however, need not be a Greek
writer. Besides BHL 4466, “martyrizare” appears in another hagiography stemming
from Sirmium, the Passio Sereni, which has no known Greek connection.62
Ultimately, only when a critical edition of all Greek recensions is published can
the relationship between the Latin and the Greek, as well as the question of original
language be elucidated. For the time being, one can only assume that this vocabulary
with Greek connotations is simply the product of mutual linguistic influence in a
bilingual region. Thus, the original passio would have been redacted in Latin. This is
also the assumption of recent scholarship.63 In particular, Rizos states that the close
relationship with the Passio Pollionis (to which I shortly turn) suggests that the
original must have been in Latin. He advances two hypotheses for the date of the
Greek translation: Either during the Byzantine reconquest of Sirmium in the sixth
56 Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 206-207.

57 See, e.g., Pass. Poll. I.1: “Diocletianus et Maximianus regnantes;” Pass. Quir. I.1: “suscitatis regum
amicis;” Pass. Quir. VI.5: “regalium praeceptorum.” Cf. Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 206.
58 Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 206n11 quotes as a parallel case Pass. Iren. 3.2: “luctus et fletus erat super eum.”
59 Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 207.
60 Smirnov-Brkić and Draganić, “Latin and Greek Recensions,” 31-39.
61 Smirnov-Brkić and Draganić, “Latin and Greek Recensions,” 37 and 40, respectively.
62 Pass. Sereni 5.2: “Martyrizatus est autem sanctus Senerus...”
63 Reinhart Herzog and Peter Lebrecht Schmidt, eds., Handbuch der lateinischen Literatur der Antike, vol.
5: Restauration und Erneuerung: Die lateinische Literatur von 284 bis 374 n. Chr., HAW 8/5 (München:
C.H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1989), 529; Bratož, “Verzeichnis,” 216, with n52; Kovács, Fontes
Pannoniae, 62; Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 38n71.
84
century; or during the seventh – ninth centuries, as part of a massive endeavour to

translate Latin hagiography into Greek.64 Both are possibile. If the translation was
made during the Byzantine reoccupation, this might have helped spread the cult of
Irenaeus in the East.65 The association with Irenaeus of Lyon in Byzantine tradition,
on the other hand, supports the later option.66
2.2. Relationship with the Passio Pollionis; When and Where Was the
Passio Irenaei composed?
There are several layers of connection between the Passio Irenaei and the
Passio Pollionis:67 As stated above, the Passio Pollionis mentions Irenaeus by name and
the motivations of his martyrdom echoe those of the Passio Irenaei. Both texts share
the name of the magistrate commissioned to carry out the persecution (the governor
Probus), and both quote Ex. 22:20. Compare also:
Pass. Iren. (ed. Dolbeau) Pass. Poll. (ed. Tamas)
2.1. Irenaeus respondit: “Qui diis et non IV.3. Beatus Pullio respondit: “Ego hoc
Deo sacrificat eradicabitur. 2. (...) Mihi non sum facturus, quia scriptum est:
enim praeceptum est tormenta magis Qui sacrificat demoniis et non Deo,
suscipere quam Deum denegans eradicabitur.”
daemoniis sacrificare.”
(...)
4.8. Irenaeus respondit: “Filii mei Deum
habent quem et ego, qui potens est illos
saluare. Tu autem fac quod tibi IV.4. Beatus Pullio respondit: “Fac
praeceptum est.” quod tibi praeceptum est.”
(…)
12. Irenaeus respondit: “Multifarias minas
tuas et tormenta plurima expectabam (…).
Tu autem nihil horum intulisti. Vnde hoc III.11. [Pullio respondit:] “(…) in
facias oro ut cognoscas quemadmodum perpetuum esse uicturum qui pro
Christiani propter fidem quae est in fide Christi momentaneam mortem
Deo mortem contemnere quam uos potestis inferre
consueverunt.” contempserit.”
(...)
5.4. “Domine Iesu Christe (…) suscipiant
angeli spiritum servi tui Irenaei, qui I.3. Episcopum quoque Irenaeum
propter nomen tuum et plebem tuam Sirmiensis ecclesiae pro fide et
productus de ecclesia tua catholica haec commissae sibi plebis constantia
patior. 5. Te peto tuamque deprecor fortiter dimicantem ad caelestem
misericordiam ut et me suscipere et hos in palmam simili sententia cognitor
fide tua confirmare digneris.” prouexit immitis.
64 Rizos, “Martyrs,” 197-198.

65 As argued in Efthymios Rizos, “Record E01663,” The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity Database,
http://csla.history.ox.ac.uk/record.php?recid=E01663 (accessed 03.03.2021).
66 Rizos, “Martyrs,” 198.
67 I briefly discussed this issue in my edition of the Passio Pollionis. See Tamas, “Passio Pollionis,” 16-18.
85
Levente Nagy argued that the references to Irenaeus in the Passio Pollionis
could have been simply taken from oral tradition, and not from the Passio Irenaei
itself.68 Thus, he more or less denied a textual relationship between the two
narratives. The other parallels listed above cannot prove a direct textual dependence
either. Ex 22:20, the phrase “Fac, quod tibi praeceptum est”, or the topos of the
martyr’s despisal of death in the hope of eternal rewards are, indeed, recurrent in
hagiographic literature.69 In this context, one must look to other factors to answer the
question whether there is a direct dependence of one text on the other or the
similarities are rather characteristic forms of expression.
The Passio Pollionis strictly follows the style of court protocol, without scenes of
torture, attempts at bribery, etc., and without redactorial interventions. The Passio
Irenaei, instead, contains a larger number of hagiographic tropes: torture scenes,
multiple hearings, attempts to make the martyr recant by appealing to his family, the
martyr’s final prayer.70 If the style of the Passio Pollionis is more classicising, the Latin
of the Passio Irenaei is closer to the late antique colloquial style. But is this enough to
suppose two distinct writing processes influenced by stereotypes en vogue in the
compositional milieu of the two passiones?
Structurally and content-wise, Pass. Poll. I.3 summarises Irenaeus’ final prayer
in BHL 4466. Thus, it alludes to more than just information transmitted via oral
tradition. Judging by this summarizing character, one would be inclined to believe
that the Passio Irenaei did serve as a source of inspiration for the Passio Pollionis.
In this light, we can offer a new interpretation of the phrase “Ego hoc non sum
facturus, quia scriptum est: Qui sacrificat demoniis et non Deo, eradicabitur.” (Pass.
Poll. IV.4). It can be seen as a synthesised takeover of two scriptural passages cited in
Pass. Iren. 2.1-2: “Qui diis et non Deo sacrificat eradicabitur. (…) Mihi enim praeceptum
est tormenta magis suscipere quam Deum denegans daemoniis sacrificare.” The two
scriptural places quoted here are Ex 22:20, Qui diis et non Deo sacrificat eradicabitur,
and Dt 32:17, Sacrificauerunt daemoniis et non Deo. Their association goes back to
Cyprian’s Ep. ad Fortunatum. Henrik Hildebrandt considered that the redactor of the
Passio Irenaei took it from Cyprian’s letter.71 If so, the redactor of the Passio Pollionis
took the association a step further. He blended “daemoniis” of Dt 32:17 into the
quotation of Ex 22:20. The replacement of “diis” with “daemoniis” fits well into the
apologetic tenure of Pollio’s interview with the praeses.
Granted, this is not the only text to contain this peculiar combination. It also
appears in the Passio Petri Balsami 1, a parallel that was already pointed out by

69 For Ex 22:20, see, e.g.: Pass. Petri Balsami 1 (ed. Ruinart, 526), in combination with “Fac, quod tibi
iussum est;” Pass. Phileae 1.1 (ed. Musurillo, 344.13-14). For “Fac, quod tibi praeceptum est,” see, e.g.:
Acta Cypriani 3.5 (ed. Musurillo, 172.12-13), Ep. Phileae 9 (ed. Musurillo, 322.34-36).
70 None of these elements are present in the Passio Pollionis.
71 Hildebrandt, “Early Christianity,” 60n6.
86
Simonetti.72 However, the Passio Petri Balsami is also a hagiographic patchwork, with
motifs and even phrases that can be considered borrowings from both the Passio
Pollionis and the Passio Irenaei.73
In line with the argument above, I suggest that the Passio Irenaei was most
likely written before or around the same time as the Passio Pollionis. The similarities
denote a common compositional environment. We might even venture the hypothesis
that the two passiones originate from a Sirmian workshop, although no certain proof
exists in this sense.
As to the date when the Passio Irenaei was composed, we must again rely on the
text itself, the connections with the Passio Pollionis, and indications relative to the late
antique cult in Sirmium. The hagiographic style and content of the Passio Irenaei
suggests it was composed at a relatively late date – but before stereotypes took hold
entirely of the late antique hagiographic universe, given the few non-conventional
elements from a hagiographic point of view: Irenaeus’ youth in spite of his episcopal
vocation; the dissuasive attempts of family and friends; and the silence on the
recovery of Irenaeus’ body after his martyrdom. Dolbeau examined these briefly,
concluding that they do not respect the trends of late hagiographic compositions.74
These observations confirm the terminus ante quem that we can infer on the
basis of the Passio Pollionis. The latter can be dated to the last two decades of the
fourth century,75 a period in which both Pollio’s cult in Cibalae and Irenaeus’ cult at
Sirmium thrived. Supposing that the Passio Irenaei had been composed to serve the
local cult of Irenaeus, and that it predates (or at least co-dates) the Passio Pollionis, its
terminus ante quem can be set to before the close of the fourth century, confirming
scholarly opinions advanced thus far.76
72 Pass. Petri Balsami 1 (ed. Ruinart, 526): “Petrus respondit: Et hoc veri perpetuique Regis est
praeceptum: Si quis sacrificaverit daemoniis, et non soli DEO, eradicabitur.”
73 The borrowed blocks can be easily distinguished. Compare: Pass. Petri Balsami 1: “[Petrus] oblatus est
Severo Praesidi. Severus dixit ad eum: Quis diceris? (…) Quod officium geris? (…),” and Pass. Poll. III.1-
2: “Probus praeses dixit: Quis diceris? (…) Quod officium geris?”; Pass. Petri Balsami 1: “Praeses dixit:
Parentes habes? Petrus respondit: Non habeo. Praeses dixit: Mentiris, audivi enim te habere parentes.
Petrus respondit: In Evangelio mihi praeceptum est omnia denegare, cum ad nominis Christiani
venero confessionem,” and Pass. Iren. 2.5-7: “Probus dixit: Parentes habes? Irenaeus respondit: Non
habeo. Probus dixit: Et qui fuerunt illi qui praeterita flebant sessione? Irenaeus respondit: Praeceptum
est Domini mei Iesu Christi dicentis: Qui diligit patrem aut matrem aut uxorem aut filios aut
fratres aut parentes super me, non est me dignus;” Pass. Petri Balsami 1: “Praeses dixit: Praeceptum
est a clementissimis Principibus, ut omnes Christiani aut sacrificent, aut diversis poenis
moriantur,” and Pass. Iren. 2.2: “Probus praeses dixit: “Clementissimi principes iusserunt aut
sacrificare aut tormentis succumbere debere;” Pass. Petri Balsami 1: “Praeses dixit: Audi me; miserere
tui, et sacrifica. Petrus respondit: Tunc mei misereor, si non sacrificavero, et a veritate non
discessero,” and Pass. Iren. 3.4: “Probus praeses dixit: Quid dicis, Irenaee? Flectere horum lacrymis ab
insania tua et consulens adulescentiae tuae sacrifica. Irenaeus respondit: Consulo mihi in perpetuo si
non sacrificauero.”
74 Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 207-208, with n. 17.
75 See chapter III.2.1. below.
76 Zeiller, Les origines, 81; Bratož, “Verzeichnis,” 216 (albeit with some doubts); Kovács, Fontes
Pannoniae, 62; Nagy, Pannoniai városok, 48. Hildebrandt, “Early Christianity,” 59, considers that it
belongs to the context of the fourth century Sirmian Church; Jarak, “Martyres,” 272, also dates it to the
87
The terminus post quem is more difficult to approximate. It depends, partly, on

the hagiographic style (second half of the fourth century), but more importantly, on
identifying the historical model of the persecutor from both the Passio Irenaei and the
Passio Pollionis.
I have argued elsewhere that the character of the governor Probus, a recurrent
figure in Pannonia-related hagiography, is a literary creation rather than a historical
person.77 Apart from the Passio Irenaei and the Passio Pollionis, Probus also appears
in the Passio Anastasiae.78 Titled variously as “praeses,” ἡγημῶν, and “praefectus
Illyrici” – or simply “praefectus” in one branch of the Passio Pollionis and the Passio
Irenaei each,79 he seems to have ruled in the region of Pannonia Secunda,80 but
sources ambiguously attribute his jurisdiction over the entire Pannonia.81 This
contrasts with another piece of information we can retrieve from the Passio Pollionis:
The hagiographer placed Probus’ residence at Sirmium, meaning he must have had in
mind the reorganised Pannonias after the administrative reforms of Diocletian, since
only then did Sirmium become a provincial capital. 82
If Probus is the creation of late antique hagiographers, one ought to look for
historical namesakes who could have provided the model for this character. A first
person proposed in scholarship is the emperor Marcus Aurelius Probus (276-282
AD).83 A Pannonian native, he ended up being murdered by his own soldiers near
fourth century. In turn, Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 207n17, postponed the terminus post quem until the fifth
century.
77 Hajnalka Tamas, “Valentinian I, christianissimus imperator? Notes on a Passage of the Passio Pollionis
(BHL 6869),” VigChr 68, no. 1 (2014): 82-97. The editors of PLRE’s first volume are reserved with regard
to the reliability of these hagiographic texts as historical sources: PLRE 1:736, s.v. “Probus 2” (praeses of
Pannonia Inferior for 303/305 AD, based on “sources of doubtful reliability”). Cf. also Herbert Musurillo,
introduction to The Acts of the Christian Martyrs, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979), XLIII.
These precautions did not keep Jenő Fitz from beginning his fasti praesidum Pannoniae Secundae with
the Probus of Pannonian hagiography (note that Fitz believes at least the Passio Irenaei to be reliable,
and, consequently, establishes the Diocletianic reorganization of the Pannonian provinces as early as ca.
296 AD). See Fitz, L’administration, 49 and 93 (with commentary on the years of office forwarded by
PLRE, vol. 1). Cf. also Jenő Fitz, Die Verwaltung Pannoniens in der Römerzeit, vol. 3 (Budapest:
Encyclopedia, 1994), 1253; Bratož, “Die diokletianische Christenverfolgung,” 134 (only for 304).
78 Bratož, “Die diokletianische Christenverfolgung,” 134.
79 See the critical apparatus at Pass. Poll. III.2 (ed. Tamas, 28.29). The Bollandist edition of the Passio
Irenaei, based on a fifteenth century manuscript, reads in the concluding paragraph: “agente
Praefecturam Probo Praeside,” Pass. Iren. 5 (ed. Henschenius and Papebrochius, 557).
80 The list in Pass. Poll. I.2-4 includes a presbyter from Singidunum (strictly speaking not belonging to the
province of Pannonia), the bishop and deacon of Sirmium, as well as a lector in Cibalae.
81 The extended attributions of Probus over the entire Pannonia, without any regard for the existing
administrative divisions, were already noted by Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 211n45.

82 In the course of these reforms, Pannonia Superior and Inferior were further split to create four units:
Pannonia Prima, Savia, Valeria, and Secunda. Whereas the capital of Pannonia Inferior had been at
Aquincum, the new Pannonia Secunda had as capital Sirmium. Fitz, L’administration, 14-15 and Mócsy,
Pannonia, 273 rightly note that the hagiographers referred to a period when this administrative division
had already taken place. However, they used this evidence to argue an early date for the Diocletianic
reogranisation (296 AD), instead of considering it a reflection of the administrative situation from the
compositional milieu of the Pannonian passiones.
83 PLRE, 1:736, s.v. “Probus 3.” This was first suspected by Timothy D. Barnes, The New Empire of
Diocletian and Constantine (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), 189. Bratož, “Die
88
Sirmium.84 Albeit of ill repute among Pannonian provincials of his time, it is doubtful
that this negative image was sufficiently impressed in Pannonian collective memory
as to offer such a powerful incentive to hagiographers writing almost one century
later.
Another possible model is Pompeius Probus, member of Galerius’ entourage
and praefectus praetorio Orientis in 310-314 AD.85 However, the governorship of
Pannonia does not feature among the titles of Pompeius Probus,86 of whose affairs in
Pannonia and with Pannonian provincials we know little. As far as is known, he never
took residence at Sirmium in official capacity, whereas the person we are seeking for
must have had a strong local history.
Such a person is readily revealed if the quest turns from the early fourth
century to the compositional context of the Passio Irenaei and the Passio Pollionis.
Since the Passio Pollionis mentions Valentinian I by name, it is opportune to scout the
administration of the Valentinian dynasty in Pannonia and/or Illyricum. And thus we
arrive at Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus, one of the most powerful aristocrats in
the 360s and 370s, who held the prefecture of Illyricum throughout much of the later
fourth century: He was, in fact, pretorian prefect of Illyricum in 364 AD and 366 AD;
praetorian prefect of Illyricum, Italy and Africa in 368-375 AD and 383 AD.87
Member of the Christianizing gens Anicia, Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus has
divided the opinion of his contemporaries, but also the opinion of modern scholars, as
to his administrative achievements.88 Ammianus Marcellinus left a scathing review of
diokletianische Christenverfolgung,” 134n71, mentions Barnes’ hypothesis, albeit expressing doubts.

Two notes further (134n73), he comments that the persecutor of the Passio Anastasiae, this time a
praefectus Illyrici Probus, recalls the figure of Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus. My observations below
concentrate on this latter possibility.
84 PLRE, 1:736, s.v. “Probus 3,” with further references.
85 Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 40-41.
86 A fact acknowledged also by Nagy. See PLRE, 1:740, s.v. “Probus 6.”
87 PLRE, 1:736-740, s.v. “Probus 5.” For a detailed analysis of the evidence on Probus’ four mandates as
prefect and their respective date, see David M. Novak, “Anicianae domus culmen, nobilitatis culmen,” Klio
62 (1980): 474-480, arguing against, i.a., Wolfgang Seyfarth, “Sextus Petronius Probus: Legende und
Wirklichkeit,” Klio 52 (1970): 413. This is not the only literary portrayal of Sextus Petronius Probus: He
may have well provided the model for the arbitrator of the debate between Arius, Photinus and
Athanasius in Vigilius of Thapsus’ Contra Arianos, Sabellianos, Photinianos Dialogus (CPL 807), as I
argued in Hajnalka Tamas, “From Persecutor to Arbitrator of Orthodoxy: The Changing Face of Sextus
Petronius Probus between the Fourth and the Fifth Century,” in The Fifth Century: Age of Transformation:
Proceedings of the 12th Biennial Shifting Frontiers in Late Antiquity Conference, ed. Jan Willem Drijvers
and Noel Lenski, Munera 46 (Bari: Edipuglia, 2019), 297-306.
88 The rehabilitation of Probus in light of a comprehensive view on the available sources was undertaken
by both Seyfarth, “Sextus Petronius Probus,” 411-425 (who maintained that Ammianus is dependent in
his negative view on Probus’ political opponents in the Roman Senate) and Novak, “Anicianae domus
culmen,” 481-493. More recently, Jan Willem Drijvers, “Decline of Political Culture: Ammianus
Marcellinus’ Characterization of the Reigns of Valentinian and Valens,” in Shifting Cultural Frontiers in
Late Antiquity, ed. David Brakke, Deborah Deliyannis and Edward Watts (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012), 90-
91 has showed that Ammianus’ portrayal of Probus is an integral part of his overall criticism of
Valentinian’s and Valens’ reign.
89
his personality and the way he carried out his duties.89 Contemporary sources such as
Jerome and Ammianus were ready to attribute the troubles of those times, the
general imperial lack of interest in Pannonia, the events of 374 AD, when the
barbarian incursions reached as far as Sirmium, to the deficient administration of
Sextus Petronius Probus. Ammianus tells us that, while residing in Sirmium, he
neglected the defensive systems and, in 374, when faced with Barbarian invasions,
first thought about escaping rather than facing the enemy. 90 Jerome concurs with
Ammianus in accusing Sextus Petronius Probus that he implemented with savagery
the taxation policy of Valentinian I.91
If these sources, located in parts of the empire other than Illyricum (but with a
manifest interest in this region), could make Probus responsible, it is easily imagined
how much more he was blamed by the locals – perhaps even unto portraying him as a
persecutor of Christians.92
The contrast with the portrait of Valentinian I in the Passio Pollionis further
substantiates this hypothesis. The hagiographer titled Valentinian I “christianissimus
imperator,”93 lending substance to the image of this emperor as protector of his
native province. In reality, Valentinian offered little cause for such endearment,
seldom returning there, and seemingly oblivious to the fiscal burden he was setting
on the province.94 His policy of concord left Sirmium in the grips of an Arian bishop.95
But if liability for the many administrative shortcomings fell on the prefect, seen as a
scapegoat, the hagiographer of Pollio, along with other writers, were free to hold
Valentinian in such high esteem.96
89 Ammianus, Hist. 27.11 (ed. Marié, 137-139); 28.1.32-3 (ed. Marié, 155); 29.6.8-11 (ed. Sabbath, 48-
49); 30.5.4-11 (ed. Sabbath, 74-76).
90 Ammianus, Hist. 29.6.9-11 (ed. Sabbath, 48). See Mócsy, Pannonia, 294 and 310; and Fitz,
L’administration, 41. PLRE, 1:737, s.v. “Probus 5,” adducing as supporting evidence Libanius, Oratio
24.12, considers that Ammianus’ account refers to events taking place in 372 AD.
91 Jerome, Chronicon ad ann. 372 (ed. Helm, 264.18-21): “Probus praefectus Illyrici iniquissimus
tributorum exactionibus ante provincias quas regebat, quam a barbaris vastarentur, erasit;” Ammianus,
Hist. 30.5.4-10 (ed. Sabbath, 74-76).
92 The possibility that behind the character of the persecuting Probus one might envisage Sextus
Claudius Petronius Probus has already been stated by Dolbeau, at the suggestion of A. Chastagnol. See
Dolbeau, “Le dossier,” 207n17. Nagy, Pannoniai városok, 40, dismisses the conjecture. He argues that
Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus could hardly have provided material for a cruel persecutor since he
was considered a Christian and had good relations with Ambrose and emperor Theodosius. Nonetheless,
we have seen that Jerome himself, who maintained close contacts with the gens Anicia, did not hesitate to
highlight the iniquitas of the prefect. Of Probus’ “good relations” with Ambrose we are informed only by
Paulinus of Milan, Vita Ambrosii 5 and 8 (ed. Pellegrino, 56.3 and 60.9-11). Interestingly enough,
Ambrose himself never mentions his illustrious patron.
93 I discuss this in more detail in the following chapter. See below, III.2.1.
94 Ammianus, Hist. 30.5.7 (ed. Sabbath, 75).
95 Lenski, Failure of Empire, 238-241; R. Malcolm Errington, Roman Imperial Policy from Julian to
Theodosius, Studies in the History of Greece and Rome (Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina
Press, 2006), 188-192. A Nicene bishop of Sirmium could be ordained only in 376 AD, and even then
with the contest of Ambrose, who clashed for the first time with empress Iustina at that occasion. Cf.
Paulinus of Milan, Vita Ambrosii 11 (ed. Pellegrino, 64.1-66.14).
96 A decade after his death, Valentinian I was conveniently portrayed as a Christian who acknowledged
and respected episcopal authority. See David Hunt, “Valentinian and the Bishops: Ammianus 30.9.5 in
90
In this case, we have a rather secure support for establishing the terminus post
quem of the composition of the Passio Irenaei for the last three decades of the fourth
century. Perhaps we can venture as far as setting 374 AD as the trigger for such a
negative depiction of Petronius Probus, but this represents nothing more than
speculation. On the basis of all the evidence adduced above, we can state that the
Passio Irenaei had been written in the 370s to 380s AD, if not prior to the Passio
Pollionis, at least in the same period.
2.3. Historical Reliability
Although I already touched upon the issue in previous sections, it is worthwhile

to dwell on the historical reliability of the Passio Irenaei a minute longer. That there
was a martyr named Irenaeus, who had been put to death at Sirmium, is
unquestionable. Archaeological and epigraphic evidence confirms that locals had
dedicated a cult to the martyr already in the second half of the fourth century. His
place of execution can be identified quite securely. 97 It is to be expected, therefore,
that some memory of him, of his deeds in court and the manner of his death was
being kept alive. Since the Passio Irenaei was meant to be used in liturgy,98 it couldn’t
have departed too far from the (minimal?) data preserved in collective memory, in
which the cult was grounded. The hagiographer’s imagination, one would suppose,
was not free from constrictions in this case.
Still, the amount of historical information traceable in the Passio Irenaei is a
matter of scholarly debate. Does the sequence of events narrated in the Passio
coincide with what happened in reality, and to which degree? In mid-twentieth
century Simonetti believed that the Passio Irenaei is nothing more than a patchwork
of hagiographic commonplaces. In contrast, recent historians and scholars such as
Mirja Jarak defended its documentary importance. 99 We have seen that Dolbeau
identified a series of non-conventional themes that could point to genuine historical
elements. Hildebrandt noted that the thematic similarities with Cyprian’s Ep. ad
Fortunatum do not necessarily undermine the historical reliability of the Passio
Irenaei. The martyr himself might have been aware of Cyprian’s letter. Ep. ad
Fortunatum had a wide circulation already at the beginning of the fourth century,
possibly also because it was meant to offer guidelines precisely in situations of
potential martyrdom. Thus, Irenaeus himself could have simply quoted from
Context,” in Ammianus after Julian: The Reign of Valentinian and Valens in Books 26-31 of the Res Gestae,
ed. Jan den Boeft et al., Mnemosyne: Bibliotheca Classica Batava. Monographs on Greek and Roman
Language and Literature 289 (Leiden and Boston, MA: Brill, 2007), 71-72.
97 Mirković, “Sirmium,” 153.
98 Cf. Pass. Iren. 1.2: “iam nunc uobis certamen pandam uictoriamque ostendam.” The hagiographer
addresses the audience in the second person plural, as if in a live session, suggesting that the text had a
liturgical destination, possibly during the yearly panegyris in honour of Irenaeus. Cf. Anton Benvin,
“Muka Sv. Ireneja Srijemskoga: Ranokršćanski portret biskupa mučenika,” Diacovensia 2 (1994): 109.
99 Simonetti, Studi, 65-73; Jarak, “Martyres,” 272-273.
91
Cyprian’s letter, in which case the Passio Irenaei, as we have it today, stands close to
the proconsular acts.100
The observations above on the fictitious persecutor and his historical model
undermine the per se reliability of the Passio Irenaei. The hagiographer found a way to
be creative in spite of the confines of collective memory. Writing about events that
took place almost two generations before, he combined the minimal foundational
information of the cult – that Irenaeus was the young bishop of Sirmium; that he had
died by sword, on the bridge across the Sava, under one of the persecution edicts
issued in 303-304 AD – with a (partially?) invented story clothed in the form of a
genuine trial record. The stock-motifs observed by Simonetti point to this conclusion.
To this end two other passages can be invoked: Pass. Iren. 3.1-2 (the episode when
Irenaeus’ family and close entourage beg him to recant) and Pass. Iren. 4.1 (the
second interview with Probus).
The first passage draws inspiration from the Passio Perpetuae, where
Perpetua’s father behaves in a similar way towards the daughter subject to
interrogation and torture.101 The second passage claims that Probus held a regular
tribunal media nocte, an unlikely occurrence from a historical perspective. The
edifying purpose of the narrative,102 the portrayal of the martyr as imitator of
Christ,103 the Pauline theological outlook 104 also caution against a too ready
assumption that the Passio Irenaei transmits events as they actually unfolded. Rather,
one might surmise that there are nuclei of genuine information skillfully intervowen
with fictitious threads that, nonetheless, allude to possible historical situations – if
not from the early fourth century, then at least from the redactor’s own time.
From an editorial point of view, precedence has been given to the Latin version
of the Passio Irenaei. To date, the Greek version received only one edition, in the
Appendix of the third volume for March of the ActaSS (BHG 948).
The editio princeps of the Latin Passio Irenaei was published in the same
volume; a revised edition, which collated several other manuscripts, was published
by Thierry Ruinart, whence it was taken over by modern collections and translations
of martyr-acts (e.g., that of Musurillo). Since its apparition in 1999, François
Dolbeau’s critical edition published in Antiquité Tardive became the textus receptus in
recent scholarship:
100 Hildebrandt, “Early Christianity,” 60.

101 Mart. Perpetuae 3.1-3 (ed. Musurillo, 108.11-18).
102 One of the redactor’s aims, as alluded to at the beginning of the narrative, is to show that Irenaeus
was indeed worthy of his name. See Pass. Iren. 1.2: “(…) pro modestia sua ingenita et timore diuino cui
operibus rectis inseruiebat, dignus nomine suo inuentus est.”
103 See below, the analysis of the Passio Irenaei in the third part of this chapter.
104 On the Pauline inspiration for the portrait of Irenaeus, see Benvin, “Muka sv. Ireneja,” 96-102.
92
“Acta [S. Irenaei episc. et martyris Syrmii in Pannonia],” ed. Godefridus Henschenius and
Daniel Papebrochius, ActaSS Martii, vol. 3 (Antwerp: Iacobus Meursius, 1668), 556-557.
Μαρτύριον τοῦ ἁγίου μάρτυρος Εἰρηναῖου, ed. Godefridus Henschenius and Daniel
Papebrochius, ActaSS Martii, vol. 3, Appendix, p. 23.
1859), 432-434.
François Dolbeau, “Le dossier hagiographique d’Irenée, évêque de Sirmium,” AnTard 7 (1999):
211-212.
Actas de los mártires, ed. and trans. Daniel Ruiz-Bueno, BAC 75 (Madrid: Biblioteca de autores
cristianos, 1951), 1024-1031.
The Acts of the Christian Martyrs, ed. and trans. Herbert Musurillo (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1972), 294-301.
Les martyrs de la Grande Persécution (304-311), trans. A.G. Hamman, Les Pères dans la Foi
(Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1979), 71-74.
Atti dei martiri, trans. Giuliana Caldarelli, LCO 14, 2nd ed. (Milan: Paoline Editoriale Libri,
1985), 665-669.
Anton Benvin, “Muka Sv. Ireneja Srijemskoga: Ranokršćanski portret biskupa mučenika,”
Diacovensia 1 (1994): 84-87.
Actes et passions des martyrs chrétiens des premiers siècles, trad. Pierre Maraval, Sagesses
chrétiennes (Paris: Cerf, 2010), 271-276.
Petrus Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae antiquae in aetate Tetrarcharum I (A. D. 285-305), Fontes
Pannoniae Antiquae 6 (Budapest: Pytheas, 2011), 57-62 (Dolbeau edition with the
Hungarian translation of Albin Balogh).
35-38.
Милена Милин, “Пасија св. Иринеја Сирмијскога,” in Sirmium и на небу и на земљи: 1700
година од страдања хрижћанских мученика, 2nd ed. (Sremska Mitrovica: Blago
Sirmijuma, 2014), 189-191.
Below I present only the text of BHL 4466 as established by Dolbeau

(orthography with -u- instead of -v-). The English translation adapts Herbert
Musurillo’s translation to meet the new critical text and the dictates of historical and
hagiographic terminology: For instance, I preferred to translate praeses with
“governor” instead of Musurillo’s “prefect;” certamen (agon in the edition of Ruinart,
used by Musurillo) with “contest,” a term that conveys the agonistic sense better than
Musurillo’s “conflict.” The dialogue with Probus is rendered in the form of court
minutes and not in the more narrative style adopted by Musurillo (where sentences
like “Irenaeus replied” are inserted as incidental in the direct speech of the
protagonist). At ch. 3.1, I opted for the suggestion mentioned in the notes of
Musurillo, more appropriate than the version proposed in the main translation (“his
wife” vs. “the married women”).
93
Passio sancti Irenaei episcopi
1. Cum esset persecutio sub Diocletiano et Maximiano imperatoribus, quando

diuersis agonibus concertantes Christiani, a tyrannis inlata supplicia deuota Deo
mente suscipientes, praemiis se perpetuis participes efficiebant. 2. Quod et factum est
circa famulum Dei Irenaeum episcopum urbis Sirmiensium, cuius iam nunc uobis
5 certamen pandam uictoriamque ostendam, qui pro modestia sua ingenita et timore
diuino cui operibus rectis inseruiebat, dignus nomine suo inuentus est.
2. Comprehensus itaque oblatus est Probo praesidi Pannoniae.
Probus praeses dixit ad eum: “Obtemperans praeceptis diuinis sacrifica diis.”
Irenaeus respondit: “Qui diis et non Deo sacrificat eradicabitur.”
10 2. Probus praeses dixit: “Clementissimi principes iusserunt aut sacrificare aut
tormentis succumbere debere.”
Irenaeus respondit: “Mihi enim praeceptum est tormenta magis suscipere quam
Deum denegans daemoniis sacrificare.”
3. Probus praeses dixit: “Aut sacrifica aut faciam te torqueri.”
15 Irenaeus respondit: “Gaudeo si feceris ut Domini mei passionibus particeps inueniar.”
4. Probus praeses iussit eum uexari. Cumque acerrime uexaretur, dixit ad eum: “Quid
dicis, Irenaee? Sacrifica.”
Irenaeus respondit: “Sacrifico per bonam confessionem Deo meo cui semper
sacrificaui.”
20 3. Aduenientes uero parentes eius uidentes eum torqueri precabantur eum.
Hinc pueri pedes eius cum lacrymis amplectentes dicebant: “Miserere tui et nostri,
pater.” Inde uxoris lugentis uultus aetatem eius praecabantur. 2. Parentum uero
omnium luctus et fletus erat super eum, domesticorum gemitus, uicinorum ululatus
et lamentatio amicorum, qui omnes clamantes ad eum dicebant: “Tenerae
25 adulescentiae tuae miserere.” 3. Sed, ut dictum est, meliore cupiditate detentus,
sententiam Domini ante oculos habens quae dicit: Si quis me negauerit coram
hominibus, et ego negabo eum coram Patre meo qui in caelis est, omnes ergo
despiciens nulli omnino respondit. Festinabat autem ad supernae spem uocationis
peruenire.
_________________
9 Ex 22:20 || 13 Dt 32:17 || 18 bonam confessionem: 1 Tm 6:12.13 || 25 meliore –

detentus: cf. Heb 7:19, 11:16 || 26/27 Mt 10:33 || 28 supernae – uocationis: Eph 1:18, 4:4
cum Phil 3:14
4 famulum Dei: Pass. Quir. VII.1 || 7 comprehensus... oblatus: Pass. Poll. II.3; Pass. Iuli 1.1 (ed.
Musurillo, 260.3-4); Pass. Petri Balsami 1 (ed. Ruinart, 525) || 9 qui – eradicabitur: Pass.
Quir. III.3; Pass. Poll. 4.3; Pass. Petri Balsami 1 (ed. Ruinart, 526); Pass. Phileae 1.1 (ed.
Musurillo, 344.13-14) || 15 gaudeo: cf. Pass. Quir. III.5 || 20/25 cf. Mart. Perpetuae 3.1-3
(ed. Musurillo, 108.11-18)
94
The Martyrdom of Saint Irenaeus, Bishop
1. After a persecution had been unleashed under the emperors Diocletian and
Maximian, when the Christians fought together in many different contests, enduring
with hearts dedicated to God the punishments inflicted by the tyrants, they achieved a
share in the eternal rewards. 2. This was what happened to the servant of God
Irenaeus, bishop of the city of Sirmium, whose contest and victory I now wish to make
manifest to you. By his innate modesty and by the fear of God which governed all his
good deeds, he was found worthy of the name he bore.
2. Thus, he was arrested and brought before Probus, the governor of Pannonia.
The governor Probus said to him: “In obedience to the divine decrees, offer sacrifice
to the gods.”
Bishop Irenaeus answered: “Who sacrifices to the gods and not to God, shall be utterly
destroyed.”
2. The governor Probus said: “The most merciful emperors have ordered you either
sacrifice or die by torture.”
Irenaeus answered: “My duty is to undergo torture rather than deny my God and offer
sacrifice to demons.”
3. The governor Probus said: “Offer sacrifice or I shall have you tortured.”
Irenaeus answered: “I shall be glad if you force me to share in the passions of my
Lord.”
4. The governor Probus ordered he be subjected to torture. And while he was being
tormented most intensely, [the governor] said to him: “Well, what say you, Irenaeus?
Offer sacrifice!”
Irenaeus answered: “By my honest confession [of faith] I am sacrificing to my God, to
whom I have always offered sacrifice.”
3. But his relatives arrived, and when they saw him being tortured, they began to
entreat him. Now his children covered his feet in tears and said: “Father, have pity on
yourself, and on us!” Now the looks of his mourning wife implored his youth. 2. And
he was being hard-pressed by the weeping and mourning of all his relatives, the
groans of servants, the wailing of neighbours, and the crying of friends, all of whom
cried out to him, saying: “Have pity on your tender years!” 3. But, as has been said, he
was gripped by a much stronger desire, keeping before his eyes the word of the Lord,
which says: Whoever shall deny me before men, I too will deny him before my Father
who is in heaven. And so, despising all of them, he made no reply whatsoever to
anyone. For he was in haste to attain the hope of his heavenly calling.
95
4. Probus praeses dixit: “Quid dicis, Irenaee? Flectere horum lacrymis ab insania tua
et consulens adulescentiae tuae sacrifica.”
Irenaeus respondit: “Consulo mihi in perpetuo si non sacrificauero.”
5. Probus autem iussit eum recipi in custodia carceris. Plurimis uero diebus ibidem
5 clausus poenis est affectus.
4. Quodam autem tempore media nocte procedente et sedente pro tribunali
praeside Probo, introductus est iterum beatissimus martyr Irenaeus.
2. Et Probus dixit ad eum: “Iam sacrifica, Irenaee, lucrans poenas.”
Irenaeus respondit: “Fac, quod iussum est. Hoc a me ne expectes.”
10 3. Probus iterum uexatum eum fustibus caedi praecepit.
Irenaeus respondit: “Deum habeo quem a prima aetate colere didici, ipsum adoro qui
me confortat in omnibus, cui etiam et sacrifico. Deos uero manu factos adorare non
possum.”
4. Probus dixit: “Lucrare mortem. Iam tibi sufficient quae tolerasti tormenta.”
15 Irenaeus respondit: “Lucror continuo mortem quando per eas quas mihi putas inferre
poenas, quas ego non sentio, propter Deum accepero uitam aeternam.”
5. Probus dixit: “Filios habes?”
Irenaeus respondit: “Non habeo.”
Probus dixit: “Parentes habes?”
20 Irenaeus respondit: “Non habeo.”
6. Probus dixit: “Et qui fuerunt illi qui praeterita flebant sessione?”
Irenaeus respondit: “Praeceptum est Domini mei Iesu Christi dicentis: Qui diligit
patrem aut matrem aut uxorem aut filios aut fratres aut parentes super me, non est me
dignus.” 7. Atque ad Deum in caelis aspiciens et ad eius promissiones intendens
25 omniaque despiciens nullum absque eum se nosse atque habere fatebatur.
8. Probus dixit: “Scio te filios habere, uel propter illos sacrifica.”
Irenaeus respondit: “Filii mei Deum habent quem et ego, qui potens est illos saluare.
Tu autem fac quod tibi praeceptum est.”
9. Probus dixit: “Consule tibi, iuuenis. Immola ut non te uariis cruciatibus impendam.”
30 Irenaeus respondit: “Fac, quod uis. Iam nunc uidebis quantam mihi Dominus Iesus
Christus dabit tolerantiam aduersus tuas insidias.”
10. Probus dixit: “Dabo in te sententiam.”
Irenaeus respondit: “Gratulor si feceris.”
_________________
12 confortat – omnibus: Josh 1:9, cf. Phil 4:13 || 15 lucror – mortem: cf. Phil 1:21 (Benvin,
“Muka sv. Ireneja,” 100) || 22/24 Mt 10:37 cum Lk 14:26
6 media nocte: cf. Pass. Quir. IV.3 || 9 fac – est: Pass. Poll. IV.4; Pass. Petri Balsami 1 (ed.
Ruinart, 526); cf. Acta Cypriani 3.5 (ed. Musurillo, 172.12-13); cf. Ep. Phileae 9 (ed. Musurillo,
322.34-36); cf. Pass. Quir. II.6 || 12 confortat: cf. Pass. Quir. II.5 || 16 poenas – sentio: cf.
Pass. Quir. III.5 || 29 consule tibi: Acta Cypriani 3.4 (ed. Musurillo, 172.11-12)
96
4. The governor Probus said: “What say you, Irenaeus? Turn away from your madness
on account of their tears, think of your youth, and offer sacrifice.”
Irenaeus answered: “I take thought of myself for ever if I do not sacrifice.”
5. Probus ordered he be taken back to the confinement of the prison. Locked up there
for very many days, he was afflicted with punishments.
4. Then, one day, when the governor Probus made a public appearance about
midnight and sat for judgment, the most blessed martyr Irenaeus was brought before
him again.
2. And Probus told him: “Come now, Irenaeus, offer sacrifice and spare yourself
suffering.”
Irenaeus answered: “Do what you have been ordered. [But] do not expect this of me.”
3. Probus ordered another torture, that he be beaten with clubs.
Irenaeus answered: “I have a God whom I learned to worship since I was a mere child.
Him I worship who comforts me in all things and to him I offer sacrifice. But I cannot
worship gods made by human hands.”
4. Probus said: “Spare yourself death. Let the tortures you have suffered thus far be
enough.”
Irenaeus answered: “I do continually spare myself death in so far as I gain eternal life
from God through the torments which you think you inflict on me, but which I do not
feel.”
5. Probus said: “Do you have children?”
Irenaeus answered: “I do not.”
Probus said: “Do you have relatives?”
Irenaeus answered: “I do not.”
6. Probus said: “Then who were the people who were weeping at the last hearing?”
Irenaeus answered: “There is a commandment from my Lord Jesus Christ who says:
He who loves his father or his mother or his wife or his children or his brethren or his
family more than me, is not worthy of me.” 7. [For this reason,] looking to God in
heavens and bearing in mind his promises and despising all else, he insisted that he
neither had nor knew any other kin apart from [God].
8. Probus said: “I know you have children, at least offer sacrifice for their sake.”
Irenaeus answered: “My sons have the same God I do. He can save them. You simply
do what you have been ordered.”
9. Probus said: “Take thought of yourself, young man. Offer sacrifice, lest I have you
consumed by various tormenting devices.”
Irenaeus answered: “Do what you will. You shall see now what endurance the Lord
Jesus Christ will give me against your stratagems.”
10. Probus said: “I am going to pronounce sentence on you.”
Irenaeus answered: “I shall be grateful if you would.”
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11. Probus data sententia dixit: “Irenaeum inoboedientem praeceptis regalibus in

fluuium praecipitari praecipio.”
12. Irenaeus respondit: “Multifarias minas tuas et tormenta plurima expectabam, ut
etiam post haec me ferro subiceres. Tu autem nihil horum intulisti. Vnde hoc facias
5 oro ut cognoscas quemadmodum Christiani propter fidem quae est in Deo mortem
contemnere consueverunt.”
5. Iratus itaque Probus super fiduciam beatissimi uiri, iussit eum etiam gladio
percuti. 2. Sanctus uero Dei martyr, tamquam secundam palmam accipiens, Deo
gratias agebat dicens: “Tibi gratias ago, Domine Iesu Christe, qui mihi per uarias
10 poenas et tormenta donas tolerantiam et aeternae gloriae me participem efficere
dignatus es.” 3. Et cum uenisset ad pontem qui uocatur Basentis, expolians se
uestimenta sua et extendens manus in caelum orauit dicens: 4. “Domine Iesu Christe,
qui pro mundi salute pati dignatus es, pateant caeli tui et suscipiant angeli spiritum
serui tui Irenaei, qui propter nomen tuum et plebem tuam productus de ecclesia tua
15 catholica haec patior. 5. Te peto tuamque deprecor misericordiam ut et me suscipere
et hos in fide tua confirmare digneris.” 6. Sic itaque percussus gladio, a ministris
proiectus est in fluuium Saui.
6. Martyrizauit famulus Dei sanctus Irenaeus episcopus ciuitatis Sirmiensium
die VIII. idus aprilis sub Diocletiano et Maximiano imperatoribus, agente Probo
20 praeside, regnante Domino nostro Iesu Christo cui est gloria in saecula saeculorum.
Amen.
_________________
13/14 suscipiant – tui: cf. Is 42:1; Acts 7:58
1 praeceptis regalibus: Pass. Quir. VI.5; Pass. Iuli 3 (ed. Musurillo, 264.4) || 5/6 Christiani –
consueuerunt: cf. Pass. Poll. III.12 || 12/16 domine – digneris: cf. Pass. Poll. I.3 || 16 hos –
confirmare: cf. Pass. Quir. III.5 || 18 famulus Dei: Pass. Quir. VII.1
98
11. Then, delivering sentence, Probus said: “Because Irenaeus disobeyed the imperial
edicts, I hereby order he be thrown into the river.”
12. Irenaeus answered: “I was expecting more of your many threats, and all sorts of
tortures, so that only after them you should put me through the sword. But you have
done none of these things. Hence I beg you to do so, that you may see how the
Christians are wont to despise death because of the faith they have in God.”
5. And so, Probus, angered over the confidence of the most blessed man,
ordered he be also beheaded. 2. Then the holy martyr of God, as though he were
receiving a second victory-palm, thanked God by saying: “I thank you, Lord Jesus
Christ, for giving me this endurance in the midst of various sufferings and tortures
and for judging me worthy to share in eternal glory.” 3. When he arrived at the bridge
called Basentis, he took off his clothes and, raising his arms to heaven, prayed, saying:
4. “Lord Jesus Christ, who deigned to suffer for the salvation of the world, let your
heavens open and your angels take up the soul of your servant Irenaeus, who, singled
out from your catholic105 Church, suffers all this for your name and for your people. I
beg you and I implore your mercy that you will deign both to receive me and to
confirm them in your faith.” 6. And thus, stricken with the sword, the executioners
threw him into the river Sava.
6. The holy servant of God Irenaeus, bishop of the town of Sirmium, was
martyred on the eighth day before the Ides of April under the Emperors Diocletian
and Maximian, with Probus acting as governor, under the reign of our Lord Jesus
Christ, to whom is glory for ever. Amen.
105 Meaning: universal Church.
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3. IRENAEUS, BISHOP AND IMITATOR OF CHRIST
The aim of this section is to highlight the way the redactor of the Passio Irenaei
sketched the bishop’s portrait. This analysis involves considerations on the theology
of martyrdom explicitly formulated as well as implied in the text. It also underlines
the possible receptions of Irenaeus’ portrait by readers contemporary with the
passio’s redactor. In other words, it is equally an audience-oriented analysis,
discussing the impact of this hagiography on its target-audience.
Since the passio had been composed for liturgical purposes, to serve Irenaeus’
cult at Sirmium, the primary audience which interacted with the text must have been
the local Christian community. My analysis unfolds on two levels: Firstly, the level of
literary expression (examination of the theology of martyrdom); and secondly, the
level of the (potential) historical reception of the Passio Irenaei, its contribution to the
shaping / sharpening of local Christian identity. I will proceed by thematic
arrangement, trying, as much as possible, to respect the narrative line of the passio.
It immediately strikes the observer that the chief means of realizing Irenaeus’
portrait is direct speech, namely, the words of the protagonist himself. Redactorial
interventions are few, mainly comments to orient the reader’s attention. The
prologue, drawing attention to Irenaeus’ achievement of eternal rewards, represents
a suitable example: “Christiani … praemiis se perpetuis participes efficiebant. Quod et
factum est circa famulum Dei Irenaeum, cuius iam nunc uobis certamen pandam
uictoriamque ostendam.”106 The redactor offers here the key through which Irenaeus
achieved these rewards: Firstly, like all other martyrs, he had a spirit devoted to God;
secondly, his meekness and fear of God, which governed his entire life, enabled him to
conquer his persecutors.107 These personal traits, although not necessarily
emphasised in the rest of the passio, complete nonetheless Irenaeus’ portrait and
suggest that the redactor saw martyrdom as the coronation of a truly Christian spirit
and lifestyle. Therefore, whoever might read the Passio Irenaei, should understand
that the bishop had led an exemplary life, which he adhered to even unto martyrdom.
He is an exemplum to which Christians of posterity should rise up to.
Later on, when Irenaeus is visited by his relatives and dependants, the redactor
emphasises the bishop’s strict adherence to the words of the Scripture. He also gives
the reason behind such behavior: a desire for higher things took hold of Irenaeus, and
he aspired to be called by God: “meliore cupiditate detentus, sententiam Domini ante
oculos habens… [F]estinabat autem ad supernae spem uocationis peruenire” (we are
Pass. Iren. 1.1-2.

106
Pass. Iren. 1.1: “diuersis agonibus concertantes Christiani, a tyrannis inlata supplicia deuota Deo
107
mente suscipientes, praemiis se perpetuis participes efficiebant;” Pass. Iren. 1.2: “[Irenaeus], qui pro
modestia sua ingenita et timore diuino cui operibus rectis inseruiebat, dignus nomine suo inuentus est.”
100
to understand that the call was for eternal life). 108 This is the second pillar on which
the Passio Irenaei is built. Martyrdom is a vocation, a call from God. This call draws
partly on Scripture, particularly on the Pauline epistles,109 but it is also a charismatic
call in reward for Irenaeus’ genuine, if not outstanding, Christian being.110 The
Christian self is expressed as imitatio Christi, a topos that we shall see unfold in
Irenaeus’ words themselves. Finally, the redactor has one other intervention during
the second hearing before Probus. He explains why Irenaeus denied his family thus:
“Atque ad Deum in caelis aspiciens et ad eius promissiones intendens omniaque
despiciens nullum absque eum se nosse atque habere fatebatur. ”111 The message
parallels the previous redactorial intervention, both being inspired by Pauline
theology. We learn, then, that the bishop concentrated only on God and his promises
(of eternal life); for him, nothing had any importance compared to God.
Other than these key comments, the redactor leaves the image of Irenaeus to
gain weight as the reader progresses through his trial. Several stock-themes emerge,
to which I now turn.
3.1. Steadfastness in the Faith and the Imitation of Christ
Conforming to the mainstream theology of martyrdom, Irenaeus emphasises

steadfastness in the faith, in the direst of circumstances – and the reward that comes
with it: salvation and eternal life.112 Presented to Probus, Irenaeus refuses outright to
sacrifice to pagan gods, since he considers them demons. The Scriptural passage he
invokes is Ex 22:20, a favoured quotation in hagiography. 113 Immediately after, he
equates the pagan gods to demons, and claims that he must rather take on torments
than sacrifice to these demons, for these torments render him a partaker of Christ’s
suffering: “Probus praeses dixit: “Aut sacrifica, aut faciam te torqueri.” Irenaeus
respondit: “Gaudeo si feceris ut Domini mei passionibus particeps inueniar.”114 The
verb “inueniar” points to Irenaeus’ earnest desire to imitate Christ both by his
Christian lifestyle and in his suffering. The imitatio Christi is a typical feature of
hagiographic texts, one of its major expressions being the trope of the martyr as alter
Christus.115 This hagiographic trope lent itself very well to identity-formative
discourses, since it expressed the quintessence of Christian life and belief. 116 At the
same time, it transformed the martyrs into examples of how one can achieve this
108 Pass. Iren. 3.3.

109 As shown by Benvin, “Muka sv. Ireneja,” 96-102.
110 Cf. Mart. Carpi 4.1 (ed. Musurillo, 32.13); Pass. Mariani 2.3 (ed. Musurillo, 196.4-5).
112 Among the Pannonian texts, see Pass. Quir. III.2; and Pass. Poll. III.11.
113 Pass. Iren. 2.1. Several passiones analysed here contain this Scriptural citation.
115 See, among others, Mart. Apollonii 47 (ed. Musurillo, 102.22-25); Pass. Fructuosi 7.2 (ed. Musurillo,
184.7-12).
116 See Moss, The Other Christs, 19-20.
101
genuine Christian life and belief. The implicit message here is that, through imitating
the martyrs, one also imitates Christ – and becomes a true Christian.
Imitatio Christi governs the bishop’s behavior throughout the entire passio. He
counters Probus’ every attempt to make him sacrifice by expressing in various ways
his steadfastness in the faith, underscored by explicit assertions that Irenaeus
imitates the Lord: When asked by the praeses to heed to his relatives and think of his
youth, Irenaeus states that he is rather focused on the prospect of eternal life. This is
the reason why he refuses to sacrifice. 117 Next, during the second interrogation, he
stubbornly responds to torture by a bold declaration of faith: “Deum habeo quem a
prima aetate colere didici, ipsum adoro qui me confortat in omnibus, cui etiam et
sacrifico.”118
Then, in a clever word-play, he claims that the torments inflicted upon him are
a way of defying death and achieving eternal life: “Probus dixit: ‘Lucrare mortem.’ (…)
Irenaeus respondit: ‘Lucror continuo mortem quando per eas quas mihi putas inferre
poenas … propter Deum accepero uitam aeternam.’” Moreover, God assists him in this
endeavour in such a way that he does not feel any pain (“poenas quas ego non
sentio...”).119 He goes as far as to ask for more torture, so that his martyrdom might be
an example of the endurance God granted to Christians.120 One should not confuse
this with the often criticised “voluntary martyrdom” (self-denouncement). The
eagerness to set an example has to do with the edificational function of the act of
martyrdom. It is also related to the solidarity between the bishop and the Christian
community: Irenaeus consciously wants to set himself as an exemplum of successful
imitatio Christi.
Finally, after the death sentence was pronounced, Irenaeus thanks God for
deeming him worthy of share in eternal life: “Tibi gratias ago, Domine Iesu Christe,
qui mihi per uarias poenas et tormenta donas tolerantiam et aeternae gloriae me
participem efficere dignatus es.”121 We see that the bishop, although not yet martyred,
is certain of his own victory and of the rewards to come.
3.2. The Bishop as Sacrifice to God and Mediator between God and
Humans
The sacrificial self-perception of Irenaeus is also part of imitatio Christi.

Although not as fully articulated as in, e.g., the Passio Quirini,122 the theme of the
martyr as a sacrifice to God appears also in the Passio Irenaei. During the first
interrogation, Irenaeus claims that his very confession before the praeses is a sacrifice
117 Pass. Iren. 3.4: “Consulo mihi in perpetuo si non sacrificauero.”

120 Pass. Iren. 4.9,12.
122 Passio Quir. III.5. Cf. chapter I.3.2 above.
102
to the true God: “Sacrifico per bonam confessionem Deo meo cui semper
sacrificaui.”123 Considering that at the time confessing the nomen Christianum alone
was punishable by death sentence, one can but conclude that Irenaeus perceives
himself as a sacrifice, just as Christ sacrificed himself for mankind’s sake. To this
points also the bishop’s final prayer: “Domine Iesu Christe, qui pro mundi salute pati
dignatus es, pateant caeli tui et suscipiant angeli spiritum servi tui Irenaei, qui
propter nomen tuum et plebem tuam … haec patior.”124 Irenaeus is fully aware that he
suffers for the sake of the Christian community.
This motif of the bishop’s death as sacrifice is less common, but not unusual in
hagiographic literature. It relates to the martyr’s episcopal function. As bishop,
Irenaeus represents and is responsible before God for the community entrusted to his
care. He mediates between God and humans.
To illustrate this point, I shall briefly refer to the hagiography of another
bishop, Felix. The final prayer uttered by Felix contains a more explicit self-
perception as sacrifice offered to God:
Deus, gratias tibi, quinquaginta et sex annos habeo in hoc saeculo, uirginitatem
custodiui, euangelia seruaui, fidem et ueritatem predicaui. Domine Deus caeli et
terrae, Iesu Christe, tibi ceruicem meam ad uictimam flecto, qui permanes in
aeternum.125
Similarly, Quirinus of Siscia perceives himself as an exemplary sacrifice, for the

edification of the flock entrusted to him.126 Although in a less radical way, Irenaeus
too alludes to the fact that he is offering himself not only for Christ’s sake, but also for
the sake of the Christian flock. He does this as an act of imitating the true priest,
Christ, who gave himself up for our salvation. This involves the ministerial symbolism
and function of Christ’s sacrifice as mediated and transmitted through the bishop. The
Christian bishop, ultimately the representative of Christ in a given community,
guarantees an authentic mediation between the divine and the human. In this sense,
Irenaeus becomes indeed a mediator between Christians and God. Martyrdom is, for
him, the accomplishment of his episcopal vocation.
3.3. The Bishop’s Solidarity with the Community and Episcopal Teaching
Irenaeus’ final prayer is important for another motif: the solidarity of the
bishop with his community and even with the Christian people at large. Irenaeus
states that he is singled out as martyr from among the entire people of God:
“propter… plebem tuam productus de ecclesia tua catholica haec patior.”

124 Pass. Iren. 5.4-5.
125 Pass. Felicis 30 (ed. Musurillo, 271.5-8).
126 See Pass. Quir. III.5 and the commentary to this passage in chapter I.3.2. See also Tamas, “Martyrdom,”
86-87.
103
The passage deserves further attention. The Bollandist edition, based on a late
manuscript, read “de ecclesia tua catholica Sirmiensium.”127 This led scholars to infer
the existence of heterodox communities in Sirmium. 128 Such interpretation is given
some substance by the tumultuous doctrinal history of Sirmium, which had in mid-
fourth century Photinian and Homoean bishops. Moreover, as Miroslava Mirković
suggested, it is possible that the necropolis around Irenaeus’ martyrium was favoured
by Nicene Christians.
Christian burials are attested in two extra-mural cemeteries outside Sirmium,
one around the martyrium of Irenaeus (to the East), and the other around the
martyrium of Syneros (to the North). Based on prosopographical analysis and on
signs of intentional damaging of epitaphs and graves, Mirković concluded that the
northern cemetery was preferred for Homoean burials, whereas the eastern site was
used by Nicenes.129 I shall elaborate on this theory in ch. IV. Suffice to remark here
that, were burial practices to correspond to a Nicene – Homoian segregation (as
Mirković proposed), catholica in Irenaeus’ prayer could be interpreted as referring
indeed to the Nicene community.
However, the critical edition elaborated by Dolbeau makes it clear that
Sirmiensium is a late interpolation. Irenaeus, in fact, speaks about the universal
Church of God (ecclesia catholica). The topos is again quite common in hagiographic
literature. We already encounter this sense of representation and responsibility for
the universal Christian community in the Martyrdom of Polycarp.130 A closer parallel
to Irenaeus’ words is the reply that bishop Fructuosus gave to a soldier who was
trying to commend himself to the bishop:
(…) accessit ad eum commilito frater noster nomine Felix et apprehendit

dextram eius rogans ut sui memor esset. Cui Fructuosus cunctis audientibus
clara uoce respondit: “In mente me habere necesse est ecclesiam catholicam ab
oriente usque in occidentem.131
Just like Fructuosus, Irenaeus too sees himself as the representative of the
entire Church. He dies for the entire people of God. It should be noted that in the
passage referring to Irenaeus’ martyrdom, the redactor of the Passio Pollionis picks
precisely on the theme of solidarity between the bishop of a given community and the
mass of Christians at large (echoing, as stated above, the bishop’s final prayer).
The Passio Pollionis offers us another glimpse on how the bishop’s role was
perceived in late fourth century Pannonia. At the end of his trial, Pollio claims that:
“Me autem oportet episcoporum,presbyterorum et omnium patrum quorum doctrinis
127 Acta [S. Irenaei] 5 (ed. Henschenius and Papebrochius, 557).

128 Jarak, “Martyres,” 272. See also Rajko Bratož, “Christianisierung des Nordadria- und
Westbalkanraumes im 4. Jahrhundert,” in Bratož. Westillyrikum, 319-329.
129 Mirković, Sirmium: Its History, 129-130.
130 Mart.Polycarpi 1 (ed. Musurillo, 3.11-15).
131 Pass. Fructuosi 3.5-6 (ed. Musurillo, 180.9-14).
104
imbutus sum sequi tota ueritate uestigia.”132 This is the closest expression of apostolic
tradition in a hagiographic text. It sheds light on Irenaeus’ concern for the Christian
community. The bishop is not only its spiritual leader, but also its public
spokesperson in word and deed. The primary concern of Irenaeus, even in his last
moments of life, is for the flock entrusted to him (as Irenaeus formulates it,
“productus de ecclesia tua catholica”). Singled thus out, the bishop’s martyrdom is a
voucher for the entire community; far beyond being merely emblematic, it is also in a
sense representative for each member of the Church.
3.4. Hagiography and Episcopal Authority in Late Fourth-Century Sirmium
By way of conclusion, I shall offer a few remarks from an audience-oriented

perspective: What did this passio have to teach about the status of a bishop to its
primary audience: late fourth century Christians of Sirmium? One can hardly expect a
full-blown discourse on episcopal authority. Yet, like other hagiographies examined
here, the Passio Irenaei was written in answer to an agenda, its use in the cult of
Irenaeus facilitating the apropriation of certain tenets by its target-audience. In
particular, the self-awareness of the bishop is noteworthy, as if he were conscious of
his central status in the life of the community. The narrative, infused with scriptural
citations and allusions, and Irenaeus’ final prayer (corroborated with the passage on
apostolic tradition from the Passio Pollionis) present the bishop as an exemplary and
authoritative interpreter of Scriptures and faith. Irenaeus himself evokes Scripture as
the fundament for his conduct as a bishop and as a martyr.
In this sense, the Passio Irenaei explains, strengthens, and validates in the eyes
of its readers / hearers the rising episcopal authority of the late fourth century. It
emphasises the centrality of the bishop, but also his key role in the life of the
community.
Finally, the solidarity between bishop and community might be, from the
perspective of the audience, reversed: Because the bishop is the representative of the
community before men and God, the community ought to follow the bishop
completely and unresentfully. Submitting to the authority of the bishop, one
practically obeys Christ, since the bishop is the perfect imitator of Christ. Thus, the
Passio Irenaei was likely to secure the adherence of large Christian communities to a
rather strict episcopal authority. Such efforts to emphasise episcopal authority in its
various dimensions can be explained when seen against late antique doctrinal
debates, which challenged Christian discipline and the institution of episcopacy, too.
132 Pass. Poll. IV.4.
105
CHAPTER III
Pollio of Cibalae
(BHL 6869)
Martyrological tradition remembers Pollio as a reader in the early Christian

community of Cibalae (modern Vinkovci, Croatia). In the Passio Pollionis he is styled
“primicerius lectorum,” head of the college of readers, one of the lower clerical
orders. His cult in Cibalae is archaeologically attested. His celebration is mentioned in
ancient martyrologies, both Latin and Greek, as well as medieval “historical”
martyrologies. As with other Pannonian martyrs, his relics were probably transferred
from Cibalae. We find evidence of the relic translation in Ravenna and possibly even
in Rome. Agnellus of Ravenna tells about an oratory dedicated to Pollio in Ravenna.
His passio was read and copied there. Medieval Roman itineraries starting with the
seventh century mention the tomb of a certain Pollio in the cemetery of Pontianus:
Although scholarship debates the identity of this Pollio, it is likely that we are dealing
with the Pannonian martyr. Thus:
1.1. Late Antique Liturgical Sources
The Martyrologium Hieronymianum mentions the name Pollio on four different

dates and in three different locations: On the 24th of April in Lugdunum; on the 26th of
April in Africa; on the 28th of April in Cibalae; and on the 29th of May again in Cibalae:
ad 24 apr.: In ciuitate Lugduno Gall. Passio Alexandri … et sancti Pollionis1
ad 26 apr.: Et in Africa Iuli … Victoris Simplici Pullionis, Viti, Calendini, Apolloni…2
ad 28 apr.: In Pannonia Eusebi episcopi Pollionis3
ad 29 mai.: In Ciballis Pullionis lectoris4
The first note is probably one of the frequent geo-chronological slips
characteristic to the Hieronymianum.5 Delehaye thought the fourth note to be yet
another chronological displacement: The redactor of the Hieronymianum accidentally
1 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 24 apr. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 48): Eptern. Pauliunis; S. L. M. V.
Pulionis.
2 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 26 apr. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 49): Eptern. Pollionis, Appolloni;
C. L. M. V. Pollionis; Wissenb. Apulloni.

3 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 28 apr. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 51).
4 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 29 mai. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 68): Eptern., S. C. L. M. V.
Pollionis.
5 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 208. Cf. Aigrain, L’hagiographie, 33-39 and 46-47.
Chapter III. Pollio of Cibalae (BHL 6869)
confused “IIII. kal. maii” with “IIII. kal. iunii,” reading the month as May instead of
April.6 However, Petrus Kovács observed that all the variants of the Martyrologium
Hieronymianum contain this note, which makes it implausible that it was indeed a
slip.7 He sugested, therefore, that the note on the 29th of May commemorates a later
deposition of Pollio’s relics, in Ravenna.
When compared with the textual transmission of the Passio Pollionis, the note
on the 26th of April is relevant both on account of the date and the association to a
certain saint Ap(p)ollonius. It helps elucidate the martyr’s name and the date of his
death as transmitted by the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum:8 Here the date of
Pollio’s martyrdom appears as a variant, “VI. kal. maii” – however, the liturgical date
indicated is the 29th of April.9 The copyists of the Austrian legendary thought that
Pollio had suffered martyrdom on the 26th of April, but celebrated him on the 29th of
April. This branch of textual transmission reads also the martyr’s name in a peculiar
form, Ap(p)ollio/Ap(p)ollonio. The similarities with the Hieronymianum cannot be
coincidental. In the note on the 26th of April, “Ap(p)olloni” could simply be a
corruption of “Pullionis” / “Pollionis.”10 Even if this were not the case, the association
between the two names in this note might explain the initial ‘A’ added to Pollio’s
name in the codices of the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum. In all likelihood, the
archetype of the Austrian legendary or an earlier exemplar from which this archetype
copied the Passio Pollionis was influenced by the Hieronymianum’s note on the 26th of
April, and thus changed the date and the name.
Again, the comparison with the Passio Pollionis verifies that Pollio’s late antique
dies natalis was the 28th of April. In the corresponding note Pollio is associated with
Eusebius, just as the passio refers to Eusebius, a bishop of Cibalae who purportedly
suffered martyrdom in an earlier persecution. In Delehaye’s reconstruction, the note
reads:
ad 28 apr.: In Pannonia Cibalis Eusebii episcopi, Pollionis lectoris11
On the same date, the Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum honours a certain

Puplion / Publios, whom Hippolyte Delehaye identified with Pollio of Cibalae.12 He
6 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 280; Zeiller, Les origines, 74n2.

8 Heiligenkreuz, Stiftsbibl. H 12 (last quarter of the twelfth century); Zwettl, Stiftsbibl. 24 (first quarter of
the thirteenth century); Admont, Stiftsbibl. 24 (thirteenth century); Wien, ÖNB 336 (mid-thirteenth
century); Melk, Stiftsbibl. 97 (second half of the fifteenth century). See Tamas, “Passio Pollionis,” 20-22.
9 See Albert Poncelet, “De magno legendario austriaco,” AnBoll 17 (1898): 58.
11 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 215. In contrast, Efthymios Rizos, “Record E01095,” The Cult of
Saints in Late Antiquity Database, http://csla.history.ox.ac.uk/record.php?recid=E01095 (accessed

21.03.2021), considers that the late antique anniversary of both Pollio and Eusebius was on the 26 th of
April.
12 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 211; cf. also Delehaye, review of Les origines, 400; and Hippolyte
Delehaye, Commentarius in martyrologium Romanum, ActaSS Decembris Propylaeum (Brussels: Société

des Bollandistes, 1940), 160.
108
based his argument on the observations of Jacques Zeiller concerning the Eastern cult
of Irenaeus of Sirmium: According to Zeiller, the Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum
included Irenaeus in its list for the 29th of April because the Passio Pollionis referred
to Irenaeus by name: The synaxarist was led to associate the celebration of the two
martyrs, Pollio on the 28th of April as per the Passio Pollionis, followed by Irenaeus on
the 29th of April.13 Delehaye took this as a sign that Pollio was known in the Eastern
martyrological tradition, and the closest parallel is Puplion / Publios, attested in the
Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum on the 26th, the 27th, and the 28th of April. This
opinion is shared by other scholars.14
On the 28th of April, the synaxary thus reads:
ad 28 apr.: Τῇ αὐτῇ ἡμέρα ἄθλησις τοῦ ἁγίου μάρτυρος Πουπλίωνος15
Zeiller’s theory implies that the Passio Pollionis was known and read in the East.
Yet earlier martyrological tradition and, to a certain extent, even the
Constantinopolitan synaxary contradict this supposition. Regardless of the form
(Pollio, Pullio, Puplion or Publios), the name is unknown to the Martyrologium
Syriacum, which in contrast does mention Irenaeus of Sirmium. It seems that the note
cited above is an innovation of the Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum with respect to
earlier martyrologies.16 A terminus post quem for Pollio’s inclusion could be then set
to the sixth century, when the core of the Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum is
thought to have been compiled.
The synaxary itself leaves no doubt that the Passio Pollionis was not the source
of this entry. The eulogy on the 26th of April presents Puplion as an Eastern soldier
serving under Licinius – without any indications to a possible Pannonian background.
Puplion, we are told, assisted at the trial of Basil of Amasea. Impressed by Basil’s
preaching at the occasion, he threw down his weapons and confessed to be a soldier
in the service of the God in heavens. When torture could not make him recant,
Licinius condemned him to death by decapitation:
ad 26 apr.: Στρατιώτης ἦν οὗτος ὁ ἅγιος μάρτυς τοῦ Χριστοῦ Πούπλιος, στρατευόμενος

ὑπὸ τῷ βασιλεῖ Λικινίῳ καὶ ἀγαπώμενος ὑπ’ ἐκείνου διὰ τὸ πολλάκις ἐν
πολλοῖς ἀνδραγαθῆσαι πολέμοις. Ὅτε δὲ δέσμιος ἤχθη ἐξ Ἀμασείας ὁ ἅγιος
ἱερομάρτυς Βασιλεὺς καὶ σταθεὶς ἔμπροσθεν τοῦ Λικινίου ἤλεγξεν ἀνδρείως
αὐτόν τε καὶ τὴν πλάνην τῶν ἀκαθάρτων δαιμόνων καὶ διεξῆλθε τὰ περὶ τῆς
οἰκονομίας τοῦ ἀληθινοῦ Θεοῦ καὶ σωτῆρος ἡμῶν Ἰησοῦ Χριστοῦ, ῥίψας τὰ
ὅπλα καὶ τὴν ζώνην, ἣν περιεβέβλητο, ὡμολόγησεν ἑαυτὸν χριστιανὸν καὶ
13 See chapter II.1.1. above.

14 J.P. Kirsch, “Pollio,” LThK 81 (1936): 352; Ireneo Daniele, “Pollione,” BSS 10 (1982): 1002; and Kovács,
Fontes Pannoniae, 78-79.
15 Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum ad 28 apr. (ed. Delehaye, 638.4-5).
16 It is unlikely that the anniversary of Pollio’s martyrdom was featured in the Greek martyrology that
served as model both for the Martyrologium Syriacum and the Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum without
leaving at least a trace in the former.
109
τοῦ ἐπουρανίου Θεοῦ δοῦλον καὶ στρατιώτην. Ὀργισθεὶς οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ
ἀλλοιώσας τὸ πρόσωπον αὐτοῦ τῷ πολλῷ θυμῷ, πρῶτον μὲν διὰ κολακείας
ἐσπούδαζεν μεταθεῖναι αὐτὸν τῆς τοιαύτης γνώμης· ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἔπεισεν,
ἰσχυρῶς βασανίσας, μαχαίρᾳ τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ ἀπέτεμεν.17
Should Puplion be the same person as Pollio, the Eastern martyrologists

invented a whole new story to describe his martyrdom.18 This reveals a flaw in
Zeiller’s and Delehaye’s corroborated argument: Were the Passio Pollionis read in the
Greek part of the Roman Empire, there would have been no need to invent a
biography for Puplion / Publios. It all points to the fact that the Passio Pollionis was
not known in the Greek world. Nonetheless, the theory cannot be entirely discarded.
Irenaeus on the 29th of April is certainly a curiosum, and the association with Pollio a
convenient explanation. But the association need not happen via the Passio Pollionis.
It is possible that a synaxarist learned it from a Pannonian sanctoral or calendar. This
could have happened during Justinian’s restoration of Byzantine rule in Pannonia in
the sixth century. Efthymios Rizos already remarked upon the fact that martyrs from
Sirmium and Cibalae were celebrated mostly in April, possibly in the course of
festivals lasting several days.19 Such scenario elucidates why Pollio and Irenaeus
appear on consecutive days in April, and also that no other knowledge was attached
to the names apart from the fact that Irenaeus had been martyred at Sirmium. Pollio’s
Pannonian origin lost, he was transformed into the soldier-martyr Pouplion.
1.2. Medieval Latin Martyrologies
Among the historical martyrologies, the commemoration of Pollio is first

mentioned by Florus. Florus placed Pollio on the 28th of April, and adapted the eulogy
of the Martyrologium Hieronymianum. He omitted both Eusebius and the name of the
town (Cibalae):
ad 28 apr.: In Pannonia, sancti Pollionis martyris20
With Florus, Pollio’s feast-day, as recorded in medieval martyrologies, is

definitively settled on the 28th of April. His note is literally copied in the martyrologies
of Ado and Usuard.21
The Martyrologium Romanum, in turn, supplemented Usuard’s note with a
chronological indication referring to the persecution during which Pollio suffered:
ad 28 apr.: In Pannonia sancti Pollionis martyris sub Diocletiano imperatore22
17 Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum ad 26 apr. (ed. Delehaye, 629.56-632.26, under “Synaxaria selecta”).

18 Cf. Ernst Honigmann, Patristic Studies, StT 173 (Vatican: Biblioteca apostolica Vaticana, 1953), 12.
Delehaye, Review of Les origines, 400, believes it was the result of confusion.
19 Rizos, “Martyrs,” 196; Rizos, “Record E01095” (accessed 21.03.2021).
21 Dubois and Renaud, Le martyrologe d’Adon, 136; Dubois, Le martyrologe d’Usuard, 220.
110
1.3. Archaeological and Literary Sources
When seeking to examine the history of Pollio’s relics, the scholar is confronted
with many possibilities, but no certainty – at least none confirmed by solid evidence,
such as epigraphic dedications to Pollio of Cibalae. If correctly interpreted, a series of
archaeological finds attest his cult in Cibalae. Later literary sources suggest the relics
were taken from Cibalae, travelled through Ravenna, and finally reached Rome.
Before elaborating on this itinerary, I must caution that the considerations offered
below start from sources open to interpretation. They do not build, therefore, an iron-
clad theory. Yet, in my opinion they represent the most likely scenario for the
translation of Pollio’s relics.
1. Excavations conducted in the last century at the outskirts of Cibalae, at

Kamenica, revealed a walled architectural complex of vast proportions.23 Among the
various finds were tombs, a substantial collection of stone and marble fragments,
coins, and the remains of a monumental construction. This construction faced east
and was built over “two underground grave chambers (…), each containing two
graves.”24 It was dated to the fourth century AD. 25 We are dealing with an enclosed
burial complex, probably a site of inhumatio ad martyres. Relics of several martyrs
may have been deposed in the underground chambers.26
The central construction has been interpreted as a martyrium (or martyrial
church) dedicated to Pollio at the location of his martyrdom. This interpretation has
not yet received epigraphic confirmation. However, Kamenica is situated
approximately one Roman mile to the east from the ancient city walls of Cibalae. The
Passio Pollionis gives this precise indication for the site of Pollio’s martyrdom.27 The
topographic correspondence makes it likely that some sort of devotional building has
been dedicated to Pollio at Kamenica. Thus, the site developed after the relics of Pollio
(and other martyrs?) had been deposed there.
Cultic activity at Kamenica seems to have continued undisturbed well into the
fifth century, possibly up to the sixth – seventh century.28 This being the case, what

23 Migotti, Evidence, 22; Ivana Iskra-Janošić, “Colonia Aurelia Cibalae: Entwicklung der Stadt,” in Šašel
Kos and Scherrer, The Autonomous Towns, 191; Hrvoje Vulić, “Eine frühchristliche Anlage in Kamenica
bei Cibalae / Vinkovci: Vorbericht zu den archäologischen Untersuchungen in den Jahren 2012 bis 2015,”
in Bugarski et al., Grenzübergänge, 133-144.
24 Iskra-Janošić, “Colonia Aurelia Cibalae,” 191.
25 Migotti, Evidence, 22 and 32-33 (items II.5, II.6a-c, and II.7); Vulić, “Eine frühchristliche Anlage,” 141
(based on coins issued by members of the Constantinian and Valentinian dynasties).

26 Iskra-Janošić, “Colonia Aurelia Cibalae,” 191.
27 Pass. Poll. V.1: “ductus quasi miliario longe a ciuitate, (…) impleuit martyrium intrepidus.” Vulić, “Eine
frühchristliche Anlage,” 143, remarks that there are no other extramural sites with corresponding
topography.
28 Vulić, “Eine frühchristliche Anlage,” 142.
111
prompted the relic translation that I address below? Moreover, did these relics
represent all that was left of Pollio’s earthly body, or they were merely contact-
relics?29
Scholars turned their attention especially to the last question, considering that
at the beginning of the fifth century the inhabitants, fleeing the region invaded by
barbarians, took also the relics in order to protect them from being desecrated. 30 This,
however, must be nuanced.
Cibalae certainly fell under barbarian threat already in 378 AD, when the first
wave of Goths who invaded Pannonia destroyed the city.31 Yet civic life continued in
Cibalae with some restriction until the Avars destroyed it again. The continued
activity at Kamenica and the presence of human remains in the tombs beneath the
basilica make it more likely that the relics translated elsewhere were partial or
contact-relics meant to help pious refugees in establishing Pollio’s cult in places they
relocated to. The next attestation of Pollio’s cult outside Pannonia points to the fact
that the translation happened in the context of the Gothic migrations.
2. Agnellus of Ravenna relates in his Liber pontificalis ecclesiae Ravennatis that

bishop Liberius III was buried in a building consecrated to saint Pollio, which was still
in place when Agnellus composed his work:
Sepultusque est (Liberius, n.a.) in monasterio sancti Pullionis, quem suis

temporibus aedificatum est, non longe a porta quae vocatur Noua; cuius
sepulcrum nobis cognitum est.32
Liberius III held the episcopal see of Ravenna at the end of the fourth –
beginning of the fifth century, so we are discussing an edifice of the late fourth
century.33 Since in Agnellus’ vocabulary “monasterium” could mean any ecclesiastical
building dedicated to a saint,34 it is difficult to ascertain the shape and function of this
edifice. Scholarship advanced several interpretations: extramural mausoleum,35
29 Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 79, raised the possibility of a partial translation.

30 Zeiller, Les origines, 97 and 376; Mócsy, Pannonia, 327; Jarak, “Martyres,” 271; Bratož, “Die
diokletianische Christenverfolgung,” 123.
31 Iskra-Janošić, “Colonia Aurelia Cibalae,” 171 and 184.
32 Agnellus, Liber pontificalis 22 (ed. Deliyannis, 169.18-21).
33 PCBE 2:1298, s.v. “Liberius III;” Rizos, “Record E01095” (accessed 22.03.2021).
34 Frances Trzeciak, “Record E05770,” The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity Database,
35 Agnellus von Ravenna, Liber pontificalis – Bishofsbuch, übersetzt und eingeleitet von Claudia Nauerth,
vol. 1, FC 21/1 (Freiburg: Herder, 1996), 134n53; Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann, Ravenna: Hauptstadt
des spätantiken Abendlandes, vol. 1: Geschichte und Monumente (Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1969), 23. Cf. also
Rafaella Farioli Campanati, “Le tombe dei vescovi di Ravenna dal Tardoantico all’Alto Medioevo,” in
Duval and Picard, L’inhumation privilegiée, 166: “una forma di sepoltura particolarmente distinta che
accomuna vescovi e altri personaggi laici, ossia piccoli edifici con specifica destinazione funeraria, veri e
propri mausolei – che Andrea-Agnello chiama monasteria – siti in zona extramuranea e cimiteriale,
collegati in genere con chiese;” and Hans Reinhard Seeliger, “Pollio(n),” LThK 83 (1999): 397.
112
basilica,36 part of an architectural complex dedicated to Illyrian saints by care of the

imperial family,37 or monastic oratory.38 The foundation was located on the site of the
modern railway station.39 Agnellus might have inferred the dedication to Pollio from
an inscription or a mosaic.40
Agnellus’ report makes it clear that Liberius had commissioned the foundation,
but leaves open the question whether it had originally been consecrated with Pollio’s
relics. This fact generated some debate. Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann thought
initially that the dedication to Pollio occurred at a later date in the fifth century.41 In
the second volume of his work on Ravenna, however, he deemed that an earlier
deposition was possible. At the end of the fourth century Valentinian II, an emperor
with close ties to Pannonia, resided for some time in Ravenna. The cult of a
Pannonian martyr from the birthplace of his father, Valentinian I, could have been
adopted in Ravenna on his account.42 Rafaella Farioli Campanati was able to confirm
that the dedication to Pollio happened at the consecration of the “monasterium,”
either prior to or on the occasion of the bishop’s death.43
In this sense, Liberius’ burial is to be included in the category of inhumatio ad
sanctos, in the proximity of reliquaries. 44 We should envisage this “monasterium” as a
martyrial chapel built in such a way as to display the tomb of the chapel’s founder,
Liberius III. Yvette Duval described this type of inhumatio ad sanctos as “chapelles
martyriales fondées pour le culte, mais aussi pour accueillir les tombes des
fondateurs, et souvent consacrées à l’occasion de la mort de l’un d’eux.” 45 Pollio’s
relics must have been translated via the imperial court or the entourage of
Valentinian II. This gives further substance to the hypothesis that the relics were
partial or contact-relics.46
In sum, Agnellus’ Liber pontificalis and modern investigations in situ attest to
Pollio’s cult in Ravenna at the end of the fourth century. The translation of Pollio’s
relics was not prompted by the barbarian threat, but it was a sign of devotion at a
time when the imperial court changed residence. In that, Pollio is a singular case
amongst Pannonian martyrs, since the translation was not an attempt to salvage the
relics. Furthermore, since the edifice was still standing in the ninth century with the
36 Agostino Amore, “Pollio,” LThK 82 (1963): 592.

37 Hippolyte Delehaye, “L’hagiographie ancienne de Ravenne,” AnBoll 47 (1929): 8.
38 Daniele, “Pollione,” 1002-1003.
39 Farioli Campanati, “Le tombe,” 167.
40 Trzeciak, “Record E05770” (accessed 22.03.2021).
41 Deichmann, Ravenna, 1:23 and 45.
42 Friedrich Wilhelm Deichmann, Ravenna: Hauptstadt des spätantiken Abendlandes, vol. 2: Kommentar
(Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1976), 360.

43 Farioli Campanati, “Le tombe,” 167.
44 Duval, Auprès des saints, 55-57.
45 Duval, Auprès des saints, 60 (cf. also 65). For displaying the sarcophagus in sight, see Farioli Campanati,
“Le tombe,” 167.

46 Duval, Auprès des saints, 56, explains how even second degree relics could have served the purpose of
consecrating a foundation.
113
same dedication, we can conclude that in Agnellus’ Ravenna Pollio was a known and
honoured martyr. The presence of the Passio Pollionis in the passionarium of Ravenna
confirms this view. Perhaps it is not too far-fetched to consider that the Passio
Pollionis had accompanied the relics to Ravenna, especially if the “monasterium” of
Liberius was indeed a place of cult. Introducing the new cult also meant spreading the
martyr’s story, readily available in the Passio Pollionis.47
Moving further in time and further south, to medieval Rome, three itineraries
mention the tomb of a martyr Pollio in the cemetery of Pontianus, on the Via
Portuensis: De locis sanctis martyrum quae sunt foris civitatis Romae; Notitia
ecclesiarum urbis Romae; and Itinerarium Malmesburiense. The Notitia ecclesiarum
urbis Romae gives the following description:
(…) Tunc ascendis et pervenies ad Sanctum Anastasium papam et martirem, et in

alio Pollion martir quiescit.48
Pollio’s relics were deposed presumably in a group of cubicles without access

inside: “un gruppo di cubicoli, che presentano la particolarità di non avere una porta
d’ingresso, ma ciascuno una fenestella, nella quale s’introduceva il capo per guardare
nell’interno. Dalla decorazione che orna una delle pareti, raffigurante S. Pollione tra
Marcellino e Pietro, e i SS. Milix e Pigmenio, si è avanzata l’ipotesi che in quel cubicolo
possano essere stati deposti i martiri della pittura”. 49 The fresco dates from the late
fifth century and depicts Pollio with a jeweled cup in his hand.50 According to
Pasquale Testini, Pollio’s cubicle was among the most visited in the cemetery, which
boasts many martyrs, also of the Great Persecution.51 In the ninth century, first pope
Paschal I ordered the relics be transferred to the basilica Santa Prassede, then pope
Sergius II had them deposed in the church San Martino ai Monti.52
The identity of this “Roman” Pollio is disputed. Because the fresco portrays him
among Roman martyrs, a number of scholars viewed him, too, as a martyr of the place
(i.e., from Rome).53 Other scholars, however, identified him with Pollio of Cibalae,54
arguing that a local saint named Pollio is otherwise unattested in Rome.55 The silence
of the Hieronymianum, very well informed on Roman traditions from their most
ancient manifestations, on a Roman Pollio confirms this second opinion. Marcellinus
47 Hagiographies travelling with relics were not uncommon in Late Antiquity. See, e.g., the late fourth
century translation of Sabas’ relics and the arrival of the Passio Sabae to Cappadocia, as attested in Basil
of Caesarea, Ep. 155, 164, and 165 (ed. Courtonne, 80-81 and 97-101).
50 F.C. Husenbeth, Emblems of Saints: By which They are Distinguished in Works of Art (Norwich: A.H.
Goose & Co, 1882), 173; Joseph Wilpert, Le pitture delle catacombe romane (Rome: Desclée, 1903), 453.
52 Agostino Amore, I martiri di Roma (Rome: Edizioni Antonianum, 1975), 233.
53 Kirsch, “Pollio,” 352; Seeliger, “Pollio(n),” 397; M. Kuhl, “Pollio(n) von Rom,” LCI 8 (1976): 218.
54 Testini, Archeologia, 190-191; Amore, I martiri, 232-233; Zeiller, Les origines, 75n1.
55 Amore, I martiri, 233; Zeiller, Les origines, 75n1.
114
and Peter were deposed on the Via Labicana, and none of the itineraries we possess
mentions them in the Pontianus cemetery. Thus, this puzzling fresco features a
peculiar array of martyrs, most probably associated not by virtue of their locus
natalis, but because they were martyred during the same persecution.56
The first conclusion suggested by this source is that in the seventh century
Pollio was still honoured as a prominent saint among the many buried in the
Pontianus cemetery. All three itineraries include him in the selection of the martyrs
they remember by name. Corroborated with Agnellus’ Liber pontificalis, this helps us
establish that Pollio was popular on Italian soil up to the eighth century at least. A
second observation concerns the date when the translation took place. The catacomb
fresco, dating from the fifth century, provides the terminus ante quem. The Roman
deposition also suggests that the relics taken out of Pannonia were of sufficient size to
be split in two: Some remained in Ravenna, some were taken to Rome.
Concluding: At the end of the fourth century, pious Christians probably

affiliated to the imperial court brought some relics associated with the cult of Pollio to
Ravenna. Here they were used to consecrate the “monasterium” built by Liberius III,
where the bishop was buried. From Ravenna, part of the relics was translated to
Rome. The rationale of this second translation escapes us. Perhaps it was motivated
by the barbarian advance in Northern Italy, which determined a second wave of
regugees, this time towards the south. Finally, in early fifth century they arrived in
Rome, where they were buried on the Via Portuensis. While still continuing in
Cibalae, Pollio’s cult flourished in Italy as well, in Ravenna and in Rome, where he
remained a known martyr up to the ninth century. The Roman itineraries from the
seventh century held him in high respect. The ninth century papal translations placed
his relics in prestigious basilicas. In Ravenna, the “monasterium” consecrated to the
Pannonian reader was still in use when Agnellus composed his Liber pontificalis.
56 Cf. Testini, Archeologia, 190.
115
2. PASSIO POLLIONIS57
2.1. Date and Place of Composition
The Passio Pollionis begins with a succinct description of the persecution

against the Christian clergy in Sirmium, followed by the short eulogy of Cibalae, the
town that boasted the birth of an emperor (Valentinian, styled in the passio
“christianissimus imperator”) and the martyrdom of a bishop, Eusebius. The focus
then shifts to the arrest and trial of Pollio, the primicerius lectorum in Cibalae. In the
course of the ensuing interview, the governor (“praeses”) Probus asks a series of
questions which offer Pollio the incentive to explain the basic tenets of the Christian
faith. Here Pollio dwells less on dogmatic aspects, but all the more on the right
behaviour expected from a Christian. He presents this orthopraxis as something
acceptable, even commendable to non-Christians.58 Yet the governor remains
unmoved, and, when Pollio keeps refusing to offer sacrifice to the gods, Probus
sentences him to be burnt at the stake. The passio concludes with references to the
liturgical celebration of Pollio’s dies natalis.
This narrative contains several chronological indicators that can help establish
its date of composition. The most glaring is the reference to Valentinian I, the
emperor born in Cibalae.59 Therefore, an initial terminus post quem can be set to the
year 364 AD, when Valentinian I was proclaimed emperor. Most of the scholars who
dealt with the topic believe that, since the passio does not distinguish two
Valentinians, it must have been written whilst Valentinian I was still alive and
Valentinian II had not yet been proclaimed emperor. 60 However, the apellative
“christianissimus imperator” shows this opinion is untenable.
No other extant source styles Valentinian I as “christianissimus imperator.”61
The term was first used as imperial title of address after the death of Valentinian I.
57 I discussed the arguments set forth below in two articles: Tamas, “Passio Pollionis,” 12-18; and Tamas,
“Valentinian I,” 82-97.
58 Cf. Pass. Poll. III.12: “Haec si displicent, optime cognitor, tuo iudicio poteris derogare.”
59 PLRE, 1:933, s.v. “Flavius Valentinianus 7.” Libanius, Oratio 20.25 (ed. Foerster, 433.1-5); Zosimus,
Historia III.36.2 (ed. Bekker, 173.17-18).

60 Amore, “Pollio,” 592; Seeliger, “Pollio(n),” 397; Daniele, “Pollione,” 1002-1003; Actas de los mártires,
ed. Daniel Ruiz-Bueno, BAC 75 (Madrid: Biblioteca de autores cristianos, 1951),1045; Atti dei martiri,
trans. Giuliana Caldarelli, LCO 14, 2nd ed. (Milan: Paoline Editoriale Libri, 1985), 675, 676n2; Jarak,
“Martyres,” 277-278; Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 78.
61 For the titulatura of Valentinian I, as transmitted by written sources, see Gerhard Rösch, ΟΝΟΜΑ
ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΑΣ: Studien zum offiziellen Gebrauch der Kaisertitel in spätantiker und frühbyzantinischer Zeit
(Wien: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1978), 162.
116
Notably, Ambrose addressed thus the two sons of Valentian I, Gratian and Valentinian
II, in Ep. extra coll. 12 (380 AD) and Ep. 72 (384 AD), respectively.62
Both letters deal with sensitive subjects, which strained the relationship
between bishop and emperor: In 380 AD, Gratian granted the use of a church in Milan
to the Arian congregation, and probably for this reason Ambrose refused his
summons twice before writing Ep. extra coll. 12.63 The second letter, Ep. 72,
petitioned Valentinian II to annul his decision to restore the Victoria altar in the
Roman Senate. Ambrose had, therefore, ulterior motives to use this title. By
“christianissimus” he understood “fidelissimus,”64 a person who observes Christian
virtues to the highest degree possible, who professes the Nicene theology, and who
acts at all times to the benefit of Nicene Christianity. Addressing the emperors as
“imperatores christianissimi” was also a reminder of the expectations they ought to
meet as Christian emperors.65 And Ambrose did not hesitate to set the father,
Valentinian I, as the standard against which these expectations were measured.66
62 Gratian: Ambrose, Ep. extra coll. 12 tit.-1 (ed. Zelzer, 219.2-8): “Beatissimo augusto Gratiano et
christianissimo principi Ambrosius episcopus. Non mihi affectus defuit, christianissime principum – nihil
enim habeo quod hoc verius et gloriosius dicam – non, inquam, mihi affectus defuit, sed affectum
verecundia retardavit, quominus clementiae tuae occurrerem.” Valentinian II: Ambrose, Ep. 72 tit. (ed.
Zelzer, 11.2-3): “Ambrosius episcopus beatissimo principi et christianissimo imperatori Valentiniano;”
and Ep. 72.3 (ed. Zelzer, 12.18-21): “(…) Ergo cum a te, imperator christianissime, fides Deo vero sit
exhibenda, cum ipsius fidei studium, cautio atque devotio, miror quomodo aliquibus in spem venerit,
quod debeas aras diis gentium tuo instaurare praecepto (…).” Ambrose may have been the one who
adapted the epithet or invented it as an imperial title of address. See Heinz Bellen, “Christianissimus
imperator: Zur Christianisierung der römischen Kaiserideologie von Constantin bis Theodosius,” in
Politik – Recht – Gesellschaft: Studien zu Alten Geschichte, Historia. Einzelschriften 115 (Stuttgart: Steiner,
1997), 150n1.
63 Timothy D. Barnes, “Ambrose and Gratian,” AnTard 7 (1999): 172-174.
64 Bellen, “Christianissimus imperator,” 162. The theme is recurrent in Ambrose’s funeral sermons for
Valentinian II and Theodosius (De obitu Valentiniani; De obitu Theodosii), in which the emperors are
presented as the perfect Christians. Cf. Sophie Lunn-Rockliffe, “Ambrose’s Imperial Funeral Sermons,”
JEH 59, no. 2 (April 2008): 197-207.
65 Significant is Ep. 72.12 (ed. Zelzer, 17.109-116): “Et ideo memor legationis proxime mandatae mihi
convenio iterum fidem tuam, convenio mentem tuam, ne vel respondendum secundum huiusmodi
petitionem gentilium censeas vel in eiusmodi responsa sacrilegium subscriptionis adiungas. Certe refer
ad parentem pietatis tuae, principem Theodosium, quem super omnibus fere maioribus causis consulere
consuesti. Nihil maius est religione, nihil sublimius fide.” On Ambrose’s view of the Christian emperor,
see Ambrose, Ep. 75.4 (ed. Zelzer, 75.26-76.35, addressed to Valentinian II); and 76.19 (ed. Zelzer,
118.161-119.174). Cf. Kenneth M. Setton, Christian Attitude towards the Emperor in the Fourth Century,
SHEPL 482, reprint ed. (New York: AMS Press, 1967), 109-152; Groß-Albenhausen, Imperator
christianissimus, 65-78 and 129-143; Liebeschuetz, Ambrose and John Chrysostom, 77-94.
66 This is especially visible in his letters to Valentinian II. See, e.g., Ep. 72.16 (ed. Zelzer, 19.157-20.170);
or Ep. 75.2-3 (ed. Zelzer, 74.10-75.25), praising Valentinian I’s support of ecclesiastical autonomy: “Nec
quisquam contumacem iudicare me debet, cum hoc asseram, quod augustae memoriae pater tuus [=
Valentinianus I] non solum sermone respondit sed etiam legibus suis sanxit: ‘In causa fidei vel
ecclesiastici alicuius ordinis eum iudicare debere qui nec munere impar sit nec iure dissimilis.’ Haec
enim verba rescripti sunt, hoc est sacerdotes de sacerdotibus voluit iudicare. (…) Quis igitur
contumaciter respondit clementiae tuae, ille qui te patris similem esse desiderat an qui vult esse
dissimilem? Nisi forte vilis quibusdam tanti imperatoris aestimatur sententia, cuius et fides confessionis
constantia comprobata est et sapientia melioratae rei publicae profectibus praedicatur.” See Timothy D.
Barnes, “Valentinian, Auxentius and Ambrose,” Hist. 51, no. 2 (2002): 237.
117
Ambrose’s dealings in Pannonia while Gratian and Valentinian II were residing

there (in 376 and 378-379 AD) are well known.67 In 376 AD he clashed with the
mother empress Iustina on another sensitive matter: The episcopal succession at
Sirmium. Whereas Iustina sympathised with an Arian candidate, Ambrose succeeded
in installing the pro-Nicene Anemius. The rivalry between Ambrose and Iustina
resurfaced in the affair of the Milanese church that prompted Ep. extra coll. 12. It may
be that Ambrose had used similar tactics (and similar phrasing) in his encounters
with imperial persons already at Sirmium, in 376 AD. The title could have then taken
firm roots at Sirmium. As I noted in the second chapter, the region cultivated a fond
memory of Valentinian I, which aligned itself well with Ambrose’s meaning of
“christianissimus imperator.” If so, the redactor of the Passio Pollionis echoed a
phrase already associated with the posthumous image of Valentinian I.68
This discussion suggests a terminus post quem at the beginning of the 380’s. The
Passio Pollionis must have been written in the same milieu as the Passio Irenaei, given
their close relationship.69 Since Irenaeus’ cult remained focused in Sirmium, and since
the above discussion also points to Pannonia, the composition of the Passio Pollionis
must be placed if not in Cibalae, at least at Sirmium.
The terminus ante quem is more difficult to establish, and it is based on
conjectures rather than firm evidence. A first landmark is the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis, which makes use of the Passio Pollionis. I shall analyse this text in
chapter V. Relevant here is that the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis dates
probably from the early sixth century. The Passio Pollionis must have been written
well before that time.
The Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis was composed in the region of
Aquileia. There are no obvious connections to Pannonia discernible from the text. It
follows that its redactor must have encountered the Passio Pollionis on Italian soil.
One can hypothetically locate this exemplar in Ravenna, assuming that the passio
travelled with Pollio’s relics there. That the passio accompanied the relics seems
likely, considering that in the north-eastern Italian regions traces of Pollio’s combined
cult and hagiography are concentrated in Ravenna. From Ravenna stems the only
Italian manuscript containing the Passio Pollionis which predates the witnesses of the
Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis.70 In light of all this, I tentatively establish the
terminus ante quem of the Passio Pollionis to the beginning of the fifth century.
67 Barnes, “Ambrose,” 168-170. See also Maximinus (and Palladius), Scholies Ariennes sur le concile
d’Aquilée, ed. and trans. Roger Gryson, SC 267 (Paris: Cerf, 1980), 107-121.
68 It is also possible that Ambrose encountered it at the court and chose to make the best of it in his
dealings with the imperial heads. It is, however, curious that no other written source emerging from
imperial circles mentions it (in particular, the panegyrics).
69 See above, chapter II.2.2.
70 Ravenna, Archivio Storico Arcivescovile, ms. without signature, f. 119va-120rb (twelfth century). See
Tamas, “Passio Pollionis,” 19-20.
118
2.2. Historical Reliability; Redactions
Because of its relative “sterility,” the Passio Pollionis was long held in esteem as
a text reproducing authentic records or an eye-witness account edited from the
proconsular acts.71 In other words, the historical reliability of the Passio was assessed
through a redaction-critical analysis. Scholarly opinion, however, is not unanimous.
At the end of the nineteenth century, Albert Dufourcq claimed that the extant
passio is the result of several subsequent redactional interventions, the latest of
which were carried out in the fifth century, in Rome. Dufourq credited the Roman
redactor with the omission of Montanus’ wife, Maxima, from among the martyrs
catalogued in the introduction; and with the insistence on a chaste life. The redactor’s
interventions were motivated by the fact that clerical marriage had become an
uncomfortable issue at the time.72 Dufourq viewed such “retouches” as part of a larger
project of adapting several hagiographic narratives from Illyricum.73
Yet a closer comparison with Pannonian – in particular Sirmian –
martyrological traditions reveals that the hagiographer of Pollio failed to mention not
just Maxima, but other non-clerical martyrs as well. Notably, the “VII virgines”
mentioned in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum on the 9th of April74 and Syneros,
one of the more important martyrs of Sirmium, are also absent from the list. Instead,
the insistence on clergy emphasises Pollio’s “pedigree:” He is the latest in a long line
of ecclesiastical predecessors in martyrdom, keepers of the true faith and way of life
in whose footsteps Pollio declares to follow.75 The redactor’s focus on clergy is not,
therefore, accidental, but rather intentional. There is no reason to suppose these
omissions were introduced by someone other than the original redactor.
Manlio Simonetti also challenged the presumed reliability of the Passio
Pollionis.76 He noted the apologetic undertones of Pollio’s confession, and a number of
tropes and expressions which have almost exact parallels in other martyr-
narratives.77 From these observations Simonetti concluded that the Passio Pollionis is
a mere patchwork of hagiographic commonplaces: “un aggregato di luoghi comuni,
senza alcun particolare che abbia almeno il sentore dell’originalità, sì che non è
proprio il caso di postulare l’esistenza di un documento antico ed attendibile che
71 Hippolyte Delehaye, Les légendes hagiographiques, 2nd ed. (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1906),
136-7; Amore, “Pollio,” 592; Seeliger, “Pollio(n),” 397; Daniele, “Pollione,” 1002; Ruiz-Bueno, Actas, 1045;
Caldarelli, Atti, 675 and 676n2; Jarak, “Martyres,” 277 (following Delehaye).
72 Dufourq, Etude, 240-241.
73 Dufourcq, Etude, 211-261 (“L’Hagiographie Pannonienne”). Zeiller, Les origines, 74n1, already
remarked the forced character of Dufourcq’s thesis.

74 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 9 apr. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 41). See also Delehaye,
Commentarius perpetuus, 180.

77 Many of the parallels identified by Simonetti are included in the apparatus below.
119
sarebbe utilizzato dal redattore del nostro testo.”78 The scope of Simonetti’s
observations can be enlarged through an attentive literary analysis.
The introduction and conclusion are written in a different style than the body of
the text (the trial narrative): If the former are saturated with agonistic imagery, in
Pollio’s dialogue with Probus apologetic language and method take precedence. 79
Moroever, there is a thematic affinity between the introduction and Pollio’s
statements in the course of the trial. The constantia Pollio claims on behalf of
Christians (III.4) is illustrated by Irenaeus, who died “pro fide et commissae sibi
plebis constantia” (I.3). Steadfastness in the faith rewarded with eternal life (III.11) is
illustrated by Demetrius and Eusebius: The former despised (“contemnentem”) the
order to offer sacrifice and became “in aeternitate victurus” (I.4). The martyrdom of
the latter is rewarded by “caelestis gloria” (V.2). Pollio’s appeal to his ecclesiastical
predecessors (IV.4) parallels the catalogue of martyrs from the introduction (I.2-4),
which includes only members of the local clergy.80 The return to the topic of apostolic
tradition (represented in the introduction by the martyred clergymen) lends a
circular structure to the Passio Pollionis.
The trial section is structured in such a way as to transform Pollio’s
presentation of Christian tenets in a climactic catechesis. The martyr’s statements are
organized by topic and unfold progressively to encompass virtually all social stations.
Pollio begins with doctrine (monotheism, renunciation of idols: III.6), then continues
with an exhaustive series of ethical precepts (III.7-11), all of which he eventually
grounds in apostolic tradition (IV.4). The ethical tenets proceed from addressing
particular social categories (women, slaveholders and slaves, secular rulers) to more
general precepts: Christian attitude towards the family, one’s immediate milieu,
guests and the poor, and finally, the society at large.
This focus on outlining a distinctively Christian lifestyle rather than explaining
/ confessing the Christian doctrine is informed by the liturgical destination of the
passio.81 The redactor was aware that he was writing for audiences celebrating
Pollio’s panegyris, to which he alludes in V.2: “Cuius uenerabilem passionem (…)
hodie cum gaudio celebrantes deprecemur diuinam potentiam ut nos eorum meritis
participes esse dignetur.” He thus sought to impress the self-perception of the
(immediate) Christian community at least at ethical level. We should view the Passio
Pollionis as an intentionally composed text, with a homogeneous composition, in
which the structure of the court hearing offered an ideal pretext to deliver

79 Notwithstanding, agonistic language is not entirely absent. Note, e.g., Pass. Poll. III.4: “deuoti et
constantes … qui mandata, quae legerint, etiam tormentis prohibentibus implere contendunt;” IV.3: “Qui
sacrificat demoniis et non Deo, eradicabitur;” IV.4: “omnia quae inferre uolueris tota exultatione
suscipio.”
80 Respecting the liturgical order of the martyrs’ celebration, the Passio mentiones first Montanus,
presbyter in Singidunum; next, Irenaeus, bishop of Sirmium; and finally Demetrius, deacon in the same
city. See Pass. Poll. I.2-4.
120
catechetical instruction. It contributed, thus, in a specific way to the formation of the

local Christian identity.
In spite of this thematic and structural homogeneity, at least one aspect can be
construed as a later interpolation: Pollio’s function. Primicerius lectorum is attested as
an ecclesiastical function starting with the sixth century only. It generally denotes the
head of the schola lectorum, the instructor of the newly ordained readers.82 However,
the task of readers and their “primicerius” as conceived by the Passio Pollionis
consisted mainly of delivering catechesis, an archaic spere of attributions. With
“primicerius” the redactor could have simply pointed to the senior reader, or the head
of the college (and not the instructor of the college of readers that sixth-century
sources denote).
Ecclesiastical colleges (e.g., of notarii) headed by a primicerius are known from
the middle of the fourth century.83 Roughly around the same time (or at least during
the later fourth century) one finds in larger ecclesiastical centres also colleges of
lectores. These too must have been headed by primicerii, although sources do not
name them formally. It is conceivable that a community the size of the Sirmian one
had a college of readers led by a primicerius. That the title is not attested in written
documents before the sixth century might simply be due to the fact that readers
belonged to the minor clergy, with rather limited attributions.
Yet, in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, closest in time to the date proposed
for the composition of the Passio Pollionis, Pollio is styled simply “lector.”
Furthermore, Hermogenes, the parallel of Pollio in the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis, is likewise presented as just reader, and not “primicerius lectorum.”
Hermogenes’ clerical function is indicated in a block taken from the Passio Pollionis.
Either “primicerius” did not feature in the model from which the Passio Donati,
Venusti et Hermogenis was copied, or its redactor chose to omit it. The
Hieronymianum could have made a similar omission; however, when viewed on
balance, late antique evidence weighs in favour of an interpolation. Should this be the
case, it must have been introduced into the textual transmission of the Passio Pollionis
sometime between the sixth century (date of the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis) and the eleventh century, since all the extant witnesses of the Passio
Pollionis contain it.
Finally, I turn to Eusebius of Cibalae, a martyr who, according to the Passio
Pollionis, died in an earlier persecution. Does the passio reference here a historical
person, or he is just a narrative character? Only one other late antique source
82 ThesLL 10/2.1-9: 1245, s.v. “primicerius.” See also H. Leclercq, “Primicier,” DACL 4/2 (1921): 1780-
1781. The first hagiographic attestations of “primicerius lectorum” date from the same period. See, e.g.,
the sixth-century Acta Materni (ed. Cuperus, 361-370).
83 See, e.g., the list of lectores ordained during the pontificate of Iulius (337-352 AD), in Liber pontificalis
(ed. Duchesne and Vogel, 205). For the existence of colleges of lectores, see H. Leclercq, “Lecteur,” DACL
8/2 (1929): 2243 and 2247.
121
mentions Eusebius of Cibalae: the Martyrologium Hieronymianum.84 Here Eusebius

appears together with Pollio. Both the passio and the martyrology agree in having
Eusebius martyred on the same day as Pollio. The Hieronymianum also indicates that
he was a bishop. Unfortunately, we do not possess an episcopal list for Cibalae,
whereas the Hieronymianum might have extracted Eusebius’ name from the Passio
Pollionis itself. Therefore, positing the existence of an Eusebius who served as bishop
of Cibalae and lived in mid-fourth century remains a doubtful endeavour.85
As Zeiller observed, the Martyrologium Syriacum and the Eastern synaxaries
mention on the 28th of April the martyrdom of a priest from Nicomedia, also named
Eusebius. Zeiller thought that one of the redactors of the Martyrologium
Hieronymianum made the confusion between the priest in Nicomedia and the bishop
in Cibalae. The editor of the Passio Pollionis took the reference to Eusebius from this
confounded eulogy.86 Simonetti’s view on Eusebius complements Zeiller’s
observations. The Italian researcher believed that Eusebius was inserted in the Passio
Pollionis as a hagiographic cliché intended to provide prodigious circumstances for
Pollio’s contest. Eusebius’ character would simply be an attempt to relate Pollio’s
martyrdom with the death of one illustrious predecessor. If required, such
predecessor could be invented. Eusebius’ name found on the same date in an archaic
version of the Hieronymianum offered the incentive to create this bishop of Cibalae.87
However, the Passio Pollionis antedates the earliest known layers of the
Hieronymianum. This in itself does not disqualify the theory above: The redactor of
the passio could have worked from an earlier martyrology. 88 The confusion with
Eusebius of Nicomedia might have been made at a more primitive stage and then
transmitted both to the passio and the Martyrologium Hieronymianum. Especially if
said redactor was a zealous local who wanted to augment the prestige of the Christian
community of Cibalae by emphasising its clerical pedigree and thereby setting it on a
par with Sirmium. I already showed how embedded Eusebius’ martyrdom is in the
structure and the message of the Passio Pollionis.
The local setting in which the Passio Pollionis was used makes it difficult to
believe the redactor “borrowed” Eusebius from an alien tradition. But this does not
automatically mean he was a historical person. The reference to Eusebius should be
read in light of the prestige and authority conferred to tradition, whose carriers are
the representatives of the clergy. In all likelihood, Eusebius, bishop of Cibalae, never
existed. To a hagiographic invention incline also the ambiguous references to the
84 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 28 apr. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 51); Delehaye, Commentarius
perpetuus, 215.
85 Some scholars considered the reference authentic, placing Eusebius’ martyrdom during the
persecution under Valerian. See Ruiz-Bueno, Actas, 1045; Caldarelli, Atti, 675; Jarak, “The History,” 169-
170; Jarak, “Martyres,” 278.
86 Zeiller, Les origines, 49.
87 See Simonetti, Studi, 78-79.
122
chronological setting of Eusebius’ martyrdom (“superiori persecutione”),89 which

contrast with introduction, where the list of martyred clergy is given with precision.90
This again warns against attributing too much historical reliability to the Passio
Pollionis.
2.3. Relationship with Other Passiones; The Issue of Original Language
The Passio Pollionis shares textual and narrative similarities with a number of
passiones connected to Pannonia: the Passio Irenaei Sirmiensis (BHL 4466), the Passio
Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis (BHL 2309), and the lost Passio Montani.
I treated the first set of parallels in the second chapter above.91 Here I address
only the problem of the passio’s original language in answer to some of Manlio
Simonetti’s remarks. Given the textual connections with the Passio Irenaei, Simonetti
claimed that the Passio Pollionis too had originally been written in Greek, though such
an original is no longer extant. His chief argument in this case concerned “regnantes”
(I.1), which he deemed literally translated βασιλεύοντες.92 I presented Dolbeau’s
counterarguments in the second chapter.93 From the texts which use “regnare” or its
derivates,94 only the Passio Irenaei has an extant Greek version. For the rest we do not
have any information related to a possible Greek version.
Had a Greek hagiography of Pollio existed, he would have certainly entered
eastern martyrologies. Yet, as we have seen, the closest occurrence features an
altered name (Puplion / Publios) and an invented tradition, suggesting that the Passio
Pollionis was unknown in the East. In a province situated on the border of the Latin
West and the Greek East, alternately annexed in late fourth century to both halves of
the empire, it seems natural that one language influenced the other. The use of
“regnare” instead of the Latin “imperare” must have been another characteristic of
the compositional milieu in which the hagiographies of Irenaeus and Pollio were
created. Accordingly, there is no reason to suppose a Greek Passio Pollionis ever
existed – be it an original version or a Greek translation of the Latin.
Kovács noted that the editor of the Passio Pollionis must have known the Passio
Montani. He summarized it in the introduction, just like the Passio Irenaei.95 The
89 Pass. Poll. II.2.

90 Eusebius’ name, a derivate of εὐσηβεῖα, can constitute another argument for considering this person a
narrative fiction.
91 See chapter II.2.2 above.
92 Simonetti, Studi, 76: “Diocletianus et Maximianus regnantes: ricadiamo evidentemente nel caso già
examinato a proposito dell’espressione praeceptis regalibus contenuta negli Atti di Ireneo; quindi il
termine regnantes non può essere considerato altro che traduzione del greco βασιλεύοντες; se ne deduce
che anche questo testo latino deriva da un originale greco.”
93 See chapter II.2.1 above.
94 Pass. Iren. 4.11: “praeceptis regalibus;” Pass. Quir. I.1: “suscitatis regum amicis;” Pass. Quir. VI.5:
“regalium praeceptorum.”
123
Passio Montani did not survive the ages, but the eulogy of Montanus in the
Martyrologium Hieronymianum is thought to be its epitome:
ad 26 mart.: In Sirmia Montani presbiteri de Singidonis [qui] cum Sirmium fugisset

comprehensus est et missus est in fluvium [ubi] nono lapide inventum
est corpus eius; et Maximae uxoris eius.96
The Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis, analyzed in chapter V, not only

mentions Pollio by name, but follows the same narrative line and even quotes from
the Passio Pollionis. I listed the most relevant correspondences in chapter V.2.2,
where I also offer a more in-depth discussion.
The Bollandist Godefridus Henschenius published the editio princeps of the

Passio Pollionis in 1675. After Thiery Ruinart reprinted it in his Acta martyrum
sincera, the Bollandist edition became the textus receptus, cited and translated in
modern collections of martyr-narratives. After my critical edition of the Passio
Pollionis was published, Efthymios Rizos made use of the newly established text in his
discussion on Pollio (Pullio) in the Cult of the Saints in Late Antiquity Database. The
Passio Pollionis was translated in Spanish, French, Italian, Hungarian, and partially in
English (Rizos having cited and translated only parts of the passio):
Acta Passionis [S. Pollionis], ed. Godefridus Henschenius, ActaSS Aprilis, vol. 3 (Brussels: Apud
Socios Bollandianos, 1866), 571-573.
1859), 435-436.
Acta Sanctorum Hungariae: ex Joannis Bollandi ejusque continuatorum operibus excerpta et
prolegomenis ac notis illustrata, ed. Johannes Baptista Prileszky, vol. 2 (Tyrnaviae: n.p.,
1743), 253-256.
Daniel Farlatus, Illyrici Sacri tomus VII (Venice: Apud Sebastianum Coleti, 1818), 577-578.
Hajnalka Tamas, “Passio Pollionis: Introduction, Critical Text, and Notes,” SE 51 (2012): 27-31.
cristianos, 1951), 1045-1050.
1985), 675-679.
Les martyrs de la Grande Persécution (304-311), trans. A. G. Hamman, Les Pères dans la Foi
Efthymios Rizos, “Record E01095,” The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity Database,
96 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 162-163.
124
The Latin text given here is from the critical edition published in Tamas,
“Passio Pollionis.” The accompanying English translation is also my own. The
similarities with Rizos’ translation for The Cult of the Saints in Late Antiqutiy Database
are coincidental.
125
Passio sancti Pullionis martyris
I. Diocletianus et Maximianus regnantes decreuerunt ut, immissa persecutione,

omnes christianos aut delerent aut a fide facerent deuiare. 2. Quo tempore haec
praeceptio cum uenisset ad Sirmiensium ciuitatem, Probus praeses imperatae sibi
persecutionis a clericis sumpsit exordium; et comprehensum sanctum Montanum,
5 presbyterum ecclesiae Singidunensis diuque christianae fidei uiribus conluctantem,
misit in fluuium. 3. Episcopum quoque Irenaeum Sirmiensis ecclesiae pro fide et
commissae sibi plebis constantia fortiter dimicantem ad caelestem palmam simili
sententia cognitor prouexit immitis. 4. Etiam sanctum Demetrium, eiusdem ecclesiae
diaconum, renuntiantem idolis et impia praecepta contemnentem, uario
10 tormentorum genere confectum temporali morti tradidit in aeternitate uicturum.
II. Sed, cum in his eius satiata crudelitas non fuisset, uicinas peragrandas esse
credidit ciuitates. 2. Et cum sub specie publicae necessitatis ad urbem Cibalitanam
peruenisset, de qua Valentinianus, christianissimus imperator, oriundus esse
cognoscitur et in qua superiori persecutione Eusebius, eiusdem ecclesiae uenerandus
15 antistes, moriendo pro Christi nomine de morte et de diabolo noscitur triumphasse, 3.
contigit Domini misericordia prouidente ut eodem die comprehensus Pullio,
primicerius lectorum, fidei ardore notissimus, a ministris crudelitatis ipsius
offerretur examini dicentibus: “Hic in tantam prorupit superbiam ut non cesset deos
et principes blasphemare.”
20 III. Quo adstante, Probus praeses dixit: “Quis diceris?”
Respondit: “Pullio.”
Probus dixit: “Christianus es?”
Beatus Pullio respondit: “Christianus.”
2. Probus dixit: “Quod officium geris?”
25 Beatus Pullio respondit: “Primicerius lectorum.”
Probus dixit: “Quorum lectorum?”
Beatus Pullio respondit: “Qui eloquia diuina populis legere consueuerunt.”
3. Probus dixit: “Illi qui leues mulierculas uetant ne nubant ac peruertere et ad uanam
castitatem suadere dicuntur?”
30 Beatus Pullio respondit: “Leuitatem et uanitatem nostram hodie poteris comprobare.”
_________________
6/7 pro – dimicantem: cf. Pass. Iren. 5.4-5 || 16/18 comprehensus ... offerretur: Pass. Iren.
2.1; Pass. Iuli 1.1 (ed. Musurillo, 260.3-4); Pass. Petri Balsami 1 (ed. Ruinart, 525) || 28/29
illi – suadere: cf. Mart. Petri 4-5 (ed. Vouaux, 416-422)
126
The Martyrdom of Saint Pullio, Martyr
During their reign, the emperors Diocletian and Maximian resolved that they
should either wipe out all the Christians or force them to abandon the faith by
unleashing a persecution. 2. As soon as this edict reached the city of Sirmium,97
Probus, the governor, began the persecution ordered to him with the clergy. And,
having arrested saint Montanus, a priest in the church of Singidunum, who struggled
for a long time by the strength of the Christian faith, [Probus] cast him into the river.
3. Through a similar sentence, this judge98 of cruelties also led to the celestial palm
Irenaeus, the bishop of the church of Sirmium, who put up a strong contest for the
faith and the steadfastness of the people entrusted to him. 4. He delivered to worldly
death even saint Demetrius, the deacon of that same church, who rejected the idols
and despised the impious edicts, consuming with various kinds of torments him who
was to be victorious in eternity.
II. But, since his cruelty was not appeased with these, he decreed that the
neighbouring cities ought to be searched as well. 2. And when, under the pretext of
public necessity,99 he arrived at the city of Cibalae, in which it is known that
Valentinian, this most Christian emperor, was born, and in a previous persecution
Eusebius, the venerable bishop of its church, triumphed over death and the devil by
dying for the name of Christ; 3. on that same day the Lord’s providential mercy
arranged that Pullio, the chief of the readers, famous for the ardor of his faith, was
arrested and the servants of cruelty presented him for [Probus’] inspection, saying:
“This one breaks forth with such arrogance that he does not cease to blaspheme the
gods and the emperors.”
III. When [Pullio] stood before him, the governor Probus said: “What is your
name?”
He answered: “Pullio.”
Probus said: “Are you a Christian?”
The blessed Pullio answered: “Christian [I am].”
2. Probus said: “What duties do you have?”
The blessed Pullio answered: “I am the chief of the readers.”
Probus said: “Of which readers?”
The blessed Pullio answered: “Of those who usually read the divine sayings to the
people.”
3. Probus said: “Those who prohibit feeble little women to marry and are said to
corrupt them and urge them to observe a vain chastity?”
The blessed Pullio answered: “You may observe our feebleness and vanity today.”
97 “Quo tempore ... cum uenisset,” literally “in the time when [the edict] arrived.”|
98 Here and in III.12 “cognitor” signifies both the technical “judge” and “a person with knowledge,” cf.
ThesLL 3/7: 1487-1488, s.v. “cognitor.” This strengthens Probus’ portrait of an eager persecutor
predisposed to cruelty, not just a magistrate who complies with imperial orders.
99 “Publica necessitas:” public affairs, tasks related to provincial and local administration.
127
4. Probus dixit: “Quomodo?”

Beatus Pullio respondit: “Leues et uani illi sunt qui, relicto creatore suo, uestris
superstitionibus acquiescunt. Ceterum deuoti et constantes probantur in fide regis
aeterni, qui mandata quae legerint etiam tormentis prohibentibus implere
5 contendunt.”
5. Probus praeses dixit: “Quae mandata legendo uel cuius regis?”
Beatus Pullio respondit: “Christi regis pia et sancta mandata.”
6. Probus dixit: “Quae?”
Beatus Pullio respondit: “Quae unum Deum in caelis indicant intonantem; quae
10 non posse dici deos ligna et lapides salutifera admonitione testantur; 7. quae
corrigunt noxios et emendant; quae innocentes in propositi sui perseuerantia et
obseruatione corroborant; quae uirgines integritatis suae docent obtinere fastigia,
coniuges pudicam in creandis filiis conscientiam custodire; 8. quae dominos seruis
plus pietate quam furore persuadent unius conditionis contemplatione dominari;
15 quae seruos hortantur debitam fidem dominis plus amore quam timore persoluere; 9.
quae docent regibus iusta praecipientibus oboedire, sublimioribus potestatibus bona
obtemperare cum iusserint; 10. quae praecipiunt parentibus honorem, amicis uicem,
inimicis ueniam, affectum ciuibus, hospitibus humanitatem, pauperibus
misericordiam, caritatem cunctis, malum nemini <facere>; accipere illatas patienter
20 iniurias, facere omnino nullas; 11. suis bonis cedere, aliena nec oculorum quidem
delectatione concupiscere; in perpetuum esse uicturum qui pro fide Christi
momentaneam mortem quam uos potestis inferre contempserit. 12. Haec si
displicent, optime cognitor, tuo iudicio poteris derogare.”
IV. Probus praeses dixit: “Et quid proderit si homo interfectus hac luce careat et
25 bona corporis sui uniuersa deperdat?”
2. Beatus Pullio respondit: “Quia hac breui melior est illa lux perpetua et dulciora sunt
quae permanent quam quae pereunt bona; nec est prudentia caducis postponere
sempiterna.”
_________________
9 intonantem: Ps 17:14; Ecclus 46:20; cf. 1 Sm 2:10; cf. 2 Sm 22:14 || 10 non – lapides: Dt
4:28, 28:36.64, 29:17; 2 Kgs 19:18; Is 37:19; Jer 2:27; Ez 20:32 || 12/13 uirgines –
custodire: cf. 1 Cor 7 || 15 seruos – persoluere: cf. 1 Pt 2:18 || 16 regibus – oboedire: cf.
Rom 13:1-7; 1 Tm 2:2; Ti 3:1; 1 Pt 2:13-17 || 26/27 hac – bona: cf. Jn 1:9 || dulciora –
bona: cf. Ps 18:10-11
10 non – lapides: Acta Marcelli 1.1 (ed. Musurillo, 250.8-10); cf. Theophilus, Ad Autolycum
1.10 (ed. Bardy, 80); Tertullian, Apologeticum 22.12 (ed. Dekkers, 130.56), De idololatria 3.2-4
(ed. Reifferscheid and Wissowa, 1103.19-29); Minucius Felix, Octavius 23 (ed. Hurter, 68-69)
|| 16 regibus – oboedire: cf. Justin Martyr, Apologia I 17.1-3 (ed. Munier, 176.46-178.2);
Theophilus, Ad Autolycum 1.11 (ed. Bardy, 85); Irenaeus, Adversus haereses 5.24.1 (ed.
Rousseau, Doutreleau, and Mercier, 294.3-298.22) || 21/22 in perpetuum – contempserit:
cf. Pass. Iren. 4.12 || 26/27 hac – bona: cf. Mart. Pionii 5.4-5 (ed. Musurillo, 142.30-33) ||
26 lux perpetua] cf. Pass. Iuli 2.6 (ed. Musurillo, 262.12)
128
4. Probus said: “In what way?”

The blessed Pullio answered: “Feeble and vain are those who, having abandoned their
creator, assent to your superstitions. Yet the others prove to be devout and steadfast
in the faith of the eternal king: Those who strive to fulfil the commandments they
have read even in spite of the forbidding tortures.”
5. The governor Probus said: “Which commandments are those to be read? And of
which king?”
The blessed Pullio answered: “The pious and saintly commandments of Christ the
king.”
6. Probus said: “Which [are those]?”
The blessed Pullio answered: “Those which proclaim one God thundering in
heaven; which witness to the salvific warning that wood and stone cannot be called
gods; 7. which correct and emend the wrongdoers; which strengthen the innocents in
the perseverance and observation of their conduct; which teach virgins to reach the
fulfilment of their integrity, but wives to preserve a pure conscience when begetting
sons; 8. which persuade masters to rule their servants by piety rather than rage,
considering they are equal in their human condition; which urge servants to pay the
loyalty owed to their master by love rather than fear; 9. which teach obedience to
kings who rule with justice100 and compliance in good deeds to higher authorities, as
they had ordered; 10. which prescribe to pay honour to [one’s] parents, reciprocation
to friends, forgiveness to enemies, affection to citizen, hospitality to guests, mercy to
the poor, charity to all, evil to none; to suffer offences with patience, but bring none
whatsoever; 11. to share one’s own goods, but look not upon other’s [goods], not even
for the delight of the eyes; which prescribe that whoever should despise for the sake
of the faith in Christ the momentary death that you can inflict will be victorious in
eternity. 12. If these do not please your judgment, O, most mighty judge, you may
pronounce sentence against me.”101
IV. The governor Probus said: “And what would it benefit if the person, dead,
were deprived of this light and would lose all the goods of his body?”
2. The blessed Pullio answered: “Because that everlasting light is preferable to this
short one, and the perennial goods are sweeter than those which perish. And it is not
wise to set aside the eternal things in favour of some fleeting ones.”
100 “Iusta praecipientibus” signifies here “those kings who order just things.”
101 “Derogare” is used in the technical sense of passing judgment against somebody. Cf. ThesLL 5/1: 639,
s.v. “derogare, 2.”
129
3. Probus dixit: “Quid ista? Fac quod iusserunt imperatores.”

Beatus Pullio respondit: “Quid?”
Probus dixit: “Vt sacrifices.”
Beatus Pullio respondit: “Ego hoc non sum facturus, quia scriptum est: Qui sacrificat
5 demoniis et non Deo, eradicabitur.”
4. Probus dixit: “Gladio ferieris si non sacrificaueris.”
Beatus Pullio respondit: “Fac quod tibi praeceptum est. Me autem oportet
episcoporum, presbyterorum et omnium patrum quorum doctrinis imbutus sum
sequi tota ueritate uestigia. Vnde et omnia quae inferre uolueris tota exultatione
10 suscipio.”
5. Probus praeses, data sententia, flammis eum iussit exuri.
V. Mox quoque raptus a ministris diaboli et ductus quasi miliario longe a
ciuitate, agonem suum laudans et benedicens et glorificans Deum impleuit martyrium
intrepidus. 2. Cuius uenerabilem passionem, sed et sancti episcopi eiusdem ciuitatis
15 Eusebii qui ante plurimos annos eodem die uitam martyrii caelestem promouit ad
gloriam, hodie cum gaudio celebrantes deprecemur diuinam potentiam ut nos eorum
meritis participes esse dignetur. 3. Haec autem acta sunt in ciuitate Cibalitana die
quinto kalendarum maiarum, sub Diocletiano et Maximiano imperatoribus, regnante
Domino nostro Iesu Christo cui est honor et gloria in saecula saeculorum, amen.
_________________
4/5 Ex 22:20 cum Dt 32:17 || 13 benedicens et glorificans: cf. Dn 3:51; Lk 2:20
4/5 qui – eradicabitur: Pass. Iren. 2.1; Pass. Quir. III.3; Pass. Petri Balsami 1 (ed. Ruinart, 526);
Pass. Phileae 1.1 (ed. Musurillo, 344.13-14) || 7 fac – est: Pass. Iren. 4.8; Pass. Petri Balsami 1
(ed. Ruinart, 526); cf. Pass. Quir. II.6; cf. Acta Cypriani 3.5 (ed. Musurillo, 172.12-13); cf. Ep.
Phileae 9 (ed. Musurillo, 322.34-36) || 12 a ministris diaboli: Pass. Sereni 5.1; Pass. Iuli 4.5
(ed. Musurillo, 264.19), Mart. Carpi 4.2 (ed. Musurillo, 32.17)
130
3. Probus said: “What is this? Do what the emperors ordered.”

The blessed Pullio answered: “What?”
Probus said: “That you offer sacrifice.”
The blessed Pullio answered: “I am not going to do that, for it is written: Who
sacrifices to the demons and not to God, shall be utterly destroyed.”
4. Probus said: “You will be slain by sword if you do not offer sacrifice.”
The blessed Pullio answered: “Do what you have been ordered to do. As for me, I
ought to follow in all truth the footsteps of bishops, priests, and all the fathers with
whose doctrines I am imbued. Hence I [shall] receive with total exaltation all you
would want to inflict on me.”
5. Then the governor Probus pronounced the sentence and ordered that [Pullio] be
burnt alive.
V. Immediately seized by the servants of the devil and brought about one mile
outside the city, he completed his martyrdom without tremor, praising his contest,
and blessing and glorifying God. 2. Today, celebrating with joy his venerable passion,
but also that of the holy bishop of the same city, Eusebius, who on this very day many
years before, exchanged his life for the heavenly glory of martyrdom, let us implore
the divine power that we might be deemed worthy of sharing in their merits. 3. Now
all these happened in the city of Cibalae, on the fifth day before the calends of May,
under the emperors Diocletian and Maximian, in the reign of our Lord Jesus Christ, to
whom worship and glory for ever and ever. Amen.
131
3. PASSIO POLLIONIS: A LITERARY AND AUDIENCE-ORIENTED ANALYSIS102
3.1. The Use of Scripture in the Passio Pollionis
The clerical vocation of lector was focused on intimate knowledge of the

Scriptures. Accordingly, one would expect Pollio’s dialogue with the governor to be
interspersed with biblical passages illustrating the martyr’s belief in the one God.
Pollio himself declares that his duties consisted of reading the divine sayings
(“primicerius lectorum… qui eloquia divina populis legere consueverunt.”103) And
indeed, his entire exposition of the Christian faith is imbued with scriptural allusions,
although direct citations rarely occur. In this the Passio Pollionis follows the
arguments and the methods apologists of earlier centuries used to address non-
Christians.104
The apologetic outlook is striking. Pollio’s obvious focus on Christian ethos
forces doctrinal aspects to the background. Instead, the overwhelming proportion of
Pollio’s retorts consists of normative statements describing the behaviour expected of
Christians belonging to different social classes. Scriptural parallels stem especially
from the Pauline and Petrine epistles.105 Yet many of Pollio’s utterances are clad in
apologetic formulae rather than direct citations of the Scriptural text.
Interestingly, the two clearly delineated citations adduced by Pollio refer to
what one should believe (the doctrinal aspect). The first is a vetero-testamentary
epithet of God: “unum Deum in caelo intonantem.”106 However, the same apologetic
finality governs the use of this epithet. Although “intonantem” is used as a scriptural
term, it also recalls a title of the pagan god Iupiter, “Iupiter tonans.” The citation thus
communicates monotheism in terms familiar to a non-Christian or a recently
converted audience: Pollio here demonstrates mastery of the apologetic method.
102 The general lines of this analysis have been presented in Tamas, “Eloquia diuina,” 189-198. Here I
offer a more insightful and nuanced view.
103 Pass. Poll. III.2. The past tense, “consueverunt,” is curious here. Two interpretations are possible. The
edict of 303 AD ordered the confiscation of sacred books, creating de facto disruptions in liturgy and the
role readers played in it. At the moment of Pollio’s trial, readers would no longer have sacred books from
which to read the divine sayings. The second interpretation is more subtle: Towards the end of the
fourth century, we assist to a change in readers’ sphere of duties and recruitment. Now recruited from
very young age, lectores were entrusted rather with chanting the psalms, whereas reading from
Scripture became the responsibility of deacons. Readers were trained in special schools under a teacher
who, in time, was given the title primicerius lectorum. The past tense in Pollio’s statement could denote
in this case the awareness of the redactor – and implicitly of his audience – that a change in liturgical
duties was taking place.
104 As Simonetti, Studi, 73, already observed.
105 The Passio Irenaei is likewise suffused with allusions to the Pauline epistles.See above, chapter II.2.3
and II.3.1, and especially the observations of Benvin. The Pauline corpus seems to have enjoyed a
privileged place in the milieu where the Passio Pollionis and the Passio Irenaei were born.
106 Pass. Poll. III.6.
132
The second Scriptural citation, “sacrificans daemoniis eradicabitur,”107 carries

the same apologetic spirit. Being the preferred justification of many martyrs for their
refusal to perform the requested sacrifice,108 it can be counted as a hagiographic
trope. As argued above, the redactor found the two Old Testament passages
combined here (Ex 22:20 and Dt 32:17) in the Passio Irenaei.109 In addition to these
two references, an allusion to Jn 1:9 may be retraced in Pollio’s reply: “Quia hac brevi
melior est lux illa perpetua, et dulciora sunt quae permanent quam quae pereunt
bona.”110 Again, this is phrased rather as a philosophical assertion that educated
pagans would find entirely acceptable. The immediately following “nec est prudentiae
caducis postponere sempiterna” further emphasises this connection with the Roman
system of values. All these citations have been carefully chosen and adapted to suit an
apologetic message: That the basic tenets of Christianity, although neatly superior to
the Roman mos maiorum, are nevertheless compatible with it; and that, because of
this, there is no reason why Christianity should not be accepted.
Pollio’s normative description of the Christian ethos, though biblically inspired,
is not based on citations, but rather condenses ethical reflections expressed in
various places in the New Testament. These ethical tropes have many parallels in
apologetic works. The Passio Pollionis draws them together in a concise synthesis of
orthodoxy and orthopraxis well embedded in its compositional context. Two aspects
deserve further attention.
At the peak of a climactic exposition, Pollio states that the “eloquia diuina”
teach: “suis bonis cedere, aliena nec oculorum quidem delectatione concupiscere.” 111
The passage interestingly blends the commandment to share one’s goods (as a
consequence of the commandment to love one’s neighbour) and the tenth
commandment in the Decalogue. The statement forms the summit of genuine
Christian behaviour, as viewed by Pollio – or, rather, Pollio’s hagiographer. The love
of one’s neighbour comprises both positive and negative aspects: Positive in mercy, in
the suffering of injustice, in sharing one’s goods; negative in prohibiting evil, injustice
and cupidity. The passage concludes a series of antitheses which define Christian
social ethos as the Church envisaged it in the first three centuries of its existence.
Pollio’s replies to the governor denote an apologetic reading of Scriptures. In
certain places, however, this is taken a step further. For instance, when explaining the
right attitude towards secular rule, Pollio specifies that only the just rulers ought to
be obeyed.112 This offers a variation on the theme of obedience to secular authorities.
Several times the New Testament commends obedience to earthly rulers in

108 For references, see the apparatus at Pass. Poll. IV.3.
133
everything except when it clashes with obedience to God.113 The apologists turned
this view around, stating that in religious matters a person could disobey the
emperor: This was why Christians refused to offer sacrifice to pagan deities or the
emperor’s genius.114 For the apologists, it served as an exoneration of their refusal to
participate in pagan devotion and / or the imperial cult. At the same time, they
pleaded for a more benevolent attitude towards Christians, by contradicting the
obvious charge: That in their inobedience they betrayed emperor and state alike. The
apologists argued that, although the true faith made it impossible for them to offer
sacrifice to the emperor’s genius, Christians obeyed him in every other respect.115 The
Passio Pollionis, however, qualifies this claim: Christians owed obedience only to just
and pious rulers. What lesson was its audience to learn from this “divine saying?”
The text implies – if only on a hypothetical level – the possibility that kings may
not always be just in their rule. Such moderate perception on imperial authority,
befitting the imperial dynamics in the late fourth century, is far from Eusebius’
idealized view of the Christian emperor. It rather agrees with the conceptions on
secular rule expressed by Athanasius and Ambrose.116 The emperor should constantly
work so that he might be truly a Christian ruler. At the other end of the social scale,
the common Christian should not be accomplice to the sin that results form an unjust
rule. Pollio’s exhortation, that Christians should obey only those who rule justly,
results from a more complex ethical reflection. Whereas Scripture and the apologists
did not distinguish between “just” and “unjust” commandments per se, the Passio
Pollionis calls for discernment in obedience.
This view is well illustrated by the antithesis between the “christianissimus
imperator” Valentinian I and the “cognitor immitis,” Probus.
3.2. Valentinian vs. Probus: The Antithesis
The two characters are the only laypersons mentioned in the Passio Pollionis,
which otherwise focuses on clergy. Thus, Probus and Valentinian are opposed on
equal grounds in the imaginative universe of the passio. In chapter II Valentinian
appears as the representative of Christian generations succeeding Pollio. Whereas
bishop Eusebius was his illustrious ecclesiastical predecessor, Valentinian is his
equally illustrious lay successor. The latter is portrayed as the embodiment of the
Christian modus vivendi that Pollio proclaims in the Passio. In him culminates the
example of both martyrs from Cibalae, Eusebius and Pollio. That Valentinian should
be held in such high regard as to attribute him the title “christianissimus imperator”
113 Cf., e.g., Rom 13:1-7; 1 Tm 2:1-2; Ti 3:1; 1 Pt 2:13-17.

114 The best illustration is Justin Martyr, Apologia 1 17.1-3 (ed. Munier, 176.46-178.2).
115 See also Theophilus, Ad Autolycum 1.11 (ed. Bardy, 85); Irenaeus, Adversus haereses 5.24.1 (ed.
Rousseau, Doutreleau, and Mercier, 294.3-298.22).

116 Setton, Christian Attitude, 78-108 (Athanasius and his supporters); 109-152 (Ambrose).
134
only serves to highlight that he was perceived by the redactor and probably also by
his target-audience as a just ruler indeed.
I already noted the effects of Valentinian’s regime in Pannonia: The burden set
by his fiscal policy, the prolongation of the Arian crisis, but also his attempts to
safeguard the province when threatened by barbarians, in contrast with the actions of
the local administration.117 In Pannonian collective memory, thus, Valentinian would
still be considered as “their” emperor. All their complaints would be directed against
the local officials, especially the head of the administration, Sextus Claudius Petronius
Probus.
This situation is reflected in the Passio Pollionis by the peculiar damnatio
memoriae of Probus.118 Here the byplay of “cognitor” adds further substance to
Probus’ savagery in carrying out the persecution. The term is used twice to
characterize Probus. Firstly, in the description of Irenaeus’ martyrdom, the
persecutor is “cognitor … inmitis.”119 Secondly, at the end of his long exposé on
Christian ethos, Pollio addresses Probus as “optime cognitor.”120 Two meanings are
combined here, “knower” and the more technical sense of “judge.” Both were usual in
Late Antiquity. Thus, Probus is presented as an exercised master of cruelties, whose
position as a judicial officeholder provides optimal occasions to carry out his cruel
inclinations. Moreover, “cognitor” in the more general sense of a knowleadgeable
person indicates that Pollio expected Probus to be an informed individual, an
educated pagan who should have realised Pollio’s description of the Christian tenets
was entirely acceptable. This is in flagrant contrast with Probus’ subsequent actions.
3.3. Martyrdom and Apologetics: The Functions of Pollio’s Confession
As noted earlier, the propensity to appeal to apologetics is visible both in the

dogmatic and in the ethical section of Pollio’s confession, both in terms of content and
method. In this section I discuss how the Passio Pollionis interweaves apologetics and
the theology of martyrdom.
One of the favourite methods of apologetic argumentation is to retort the
accusations brought against Christians by exonerating them and demonstrating that
in reality pagans themselves were guilty of these charges. Pollio too resorts to this
strategy: When Probus accuses Christians of “leuitas” and “uanitas,”121 he endeavours
to refute this accusation by showing the constancy of Christians. Pagans are “leues et
uani,” whereas Christians prove “deuoti et constantes,” in a chiastic structure that
emphasises the contrast.122
117 See above, chapter II.2.2.

118 Cf. Rizos, “Record E01095” (accessed on 22.03.2021).
119 Pass. Poll. I.3.
122 Cf. Tamas, “Passio Pollionis,” 32.
135
When asked which are the sayings he is reading to the people, Pollio
enumerates them focusing initially on monotheism: “Quae unum Deum in caelis
indicant intonantem; quae non posse dici deos ligna et lapides salutifera admonitione
testantur.”123 The topic of pagan gods being merely stone and wood characterises
apologetic literature.124 The two tenets invoked by Pollio express the basic creedal
changes implicit in the act of conversion. Christian identity, however, is not reduced
to them. Despite their centrality in martyrs’ refusal to offer sacrifice, these doctrinal
considerations do not generate further comment in the passio.
Elsewhere Pollio refers to God as creator, and to Christ as king (but without
dwelling on Christ’s divinity). Pollio’s hagiographer was perhaps avoiding
troublesome dogmatic issues still under debate with the Arian party. But, more
importantly, his focus rested not on what a Christian was supposed to believe.
Instead, his attention was captured by the everyday manifestation of this faith, by a
distinctly and visibly Christian way of life. Apologetic literature placed the accent on
demonstrating that pagan gods were mere wood and stone animated by demons.
Christian conduct was introduced as an additional beneficial aspect. The Passio
Pollionis, in contrast, stresses precisely this conduct, while the creedal content is
treated almost as taken for granted. The message is that Pollio suffered martyrdom
not just for the belief in one God, but also for the behavioural ideals inherent to that
belief.
Steadfastness and constancy in the faith are measured according to one’s
compliance with these ideals: “deuoti et constantes probantur in fide regis aeterni,
qui mandata quae legerint etiam tormentis prohibentibus implere contendunt” (then
follows the lengthy exposition of Christian tenets).125 The guidelines set by Pollio
function also as a catechetical lesson for new converts, explaining what Christians
ought to do and how they ought to behave, giving to all the authority of a
commandment issued by Christ himself.126
In this sense, the absence of traditional hagiographic structures receives a new
meaning. We do not hear Pollio’s prayers;127 we do not witness any miracles, any
scenes of torture or attempts to bribe the saint with religious or secular offices. The
redactor of the Passio was not interested in the short moments before the martyr’s
death, but in the life that culminated with his martyrdom. A different kind of sacrifice

124 Cf., e.g. Theophilus, Ad Autolycum 1.10 (ed. Bardy, 80); Tertullian, Apologeticum 22.12 (ed. Dekkers,
130.56), De idololatria 3 (ed. Reifferscheid and Wissowa, 1103.19-29); Minucius Felix, Octavius 23 (ed.
Hurter, 68-69).
126 All the statements pronounced by Pollio are brought together under the heading “Christi regis pia et
sancta mandata” (Pass. Poll. III.5).

127 In the conclusion, the redactor notes: “[Pollio] agonem suum laudans, et benedicens et glorificans
Deum implevit martyrium intrepidus” (Pass. Poll. V.1). This is the closest indication of a prayer
pronounced by Pollio. The hagiographer wanted to maintain the focus on Pollio’s dialogue with Probus,
conceived as a legacy that the martyr leaves behind.
136
for Christ’s sake, yet one which should be desired and performed by all who call
themselves Christian. That its parameters are pronounced by a martyr, a hero of the
past, a favourite of God in heavens, who has conformed to them and therefore
received eternal life only gives them prestige and authority, as well as a guarantee of
success. This is the way in which salvation is earned.
The reflections on constancy in faith enclose Pollio’s confession in a circular
structure. If Pollio began with a comment on constancy, he concluded with another
comment on its rewards: eternal life (signified by “lux perpetua”) and perennial
goods (“quae permanent ... bona”).128 Persistence in faith in the most extreme
circumstances is the path to salvation. This trope is omnipresent in hagiographic
literature: Though leading to temporal death, steadfastness achieves eternal life for
the martyr. Pollio’s path to martyrdom does not begin with his public recognition of
being a Christian. With his confession he assumes a Christian identity that exceeds
common expectation. What counts is not so much Pollio’s fearlessness in front of
death, but his adherence – both theoretical and practical – to the Christian moral
code. His warning, “nec est prudentia caducis postponere sempiterna”129 calls for a
rigorous observation of this code. Thus, the confession which triggers martyrdom is
the public confirmation of an identity visibly moulded by the faith in Christ. The
commandments Pollio summarizes are not mere words read by him on occasion, but
represent a veritable forma uitae that he strives to keep, no matter the consequences.
Pollio’s martyrdom is the culmination of a perpetual witnessing of Christ. It begins
with believing in the one true God and becomes manifest in social behaviour.
This explains also why the Passio Pollionis does not employ imitatio Christi
vocabulary.130 The martyr embodies in speech and deed the perfect Christian, and it is
he who should be imitated by the audience.131 Since he remained constant in faith in
spite of temporal death, the audience is to understand that, just as promised in his
declarations to Probus, he obtained the eternal reward. Thus, to Christians
contemporary with the redactor of the passio, but also to later generations, Pollio
represents an accessible and achievable example, as an ordinary human person who
successfully carried out Christ’s commandments.132 Through him, the audience is
urged to witness Christ by never letting the small things have priority over the
eternal ones, just as he once did – with all the ensuing effects at the level of belief and
lifestyle. They are expected to reach the standards set by the martyr in his speech.
128 Pass. Poll. IV.2: “hac brevi melior est lux illa perpetua, et dulciora sunt quae permanent quam quae
pereunt bona.”
130 In contrast to the Passio Irenaei. See, e.g., Pass. Iren. 2.3: “Gaudeo si feceris ut Domini mei passionibus
particeps inveniar.”
131 Cf. the redactor’s words in the epilogue: “Cuius uenerabilem passionem sed et sancti episcopi
eiusdem ciuitatis Eusebii … hodie cum gaudio celebrantes, deprecemur diuinam potentiam, ut nos eorum
[i.e., Pollionis et Eusebii] meritis participes esse concedere dignetur” (Pass. Poll. V.2).
132 This made him, of course, an imitator of Christ. Although the text does not explicitate, its late antique
hearers must have understood it from Pollio’s portrait.
137
In conclusion, this hagiography was not conceived as just a record of past

events, but it appealed to the sensibilities and inner worlds of those who read it or
heard it during liturgy. The period in which it was composed was characterised by
mass-conversions, as more and more people converted to Christianity out of interest.
By then several emperors had been Christian. Although only Gratian showed a slight
preference to employ Christians in authoritative positions, it was clear that political
careers and social welfare depended more and more on adherence to the imperial
credo. That, however, did not necessarily trigger a genuine conversion. Jerome,
Ambrose, Augustine – just to name a few – constantly militated against the loose
moral standards of their fellow Christians. In parallel, paganism presented once again
a problem in the central dioceses of the Western Empire.133 In such circumstances, a
revival of apologetic arguments, appealing by nature to the common sense of their
addressees, supported a missionary and propagandistic agenda, while also educating
mass-converts and initiating them in the Christian way of living. The guidelines
encased in the Passio Pollionis imply a complex functionality derived from their
apologetic grounding: propaganda, catechesis, and identity-formative. Ultimately,
Pollio’s hagiography conveys the message that belief in one God and the renunciation
of idols are not enough; that being a Christian in name alone is not Christian at all. In
fact, followers of Christ showcase their faith in their relationships with others.
3.4. The Accusations Brought against Pollio: The Issue of Virginity
In Probus’ view, Christian readers “leues mulierculas uetant, ne nubant, ac

peruertere et ad uanam castitatem suadere dicuntur.”134 From among the many
accusations brought against Christians, Probus here singles out the exhortation to
asceticism, in particular, female asceticism.
Apologists did not face this accusation,135 but it did form the subject of a
common enough debate in Late Antiquity. The Passio Pollionis may have encountered
the topic in the apocryphal acts of Peter. However, the controversy around asceticism
was by the later fourth century sufficiently important to prompt a reaction.136
Probus’ disparaging remark echoes the accusations brought against Jerome in the
380s AD.137 Jerome had mentored the ascetic endeavours of several aristocratic
133 In 384 AD, Quintus Aurelius Symmachus estimated the imperial climate safe enough to petition
Valentinian II for the restoration of the Victoria altar. The petition was vehemently rebuked by Ambrose,
starting with the very Ep. 12.
135 The apologists had, indeed, to explain the obvious phenomenon that Christianity first spread among
women and slaves, considered the “naïve” classes. New here is the method by which Probus wants
Christians to have attracted female converts: The preaching of a strict asceticism.
136 On this topic see, i.a., Clark, “Theory and Practice,” 25-46; David G. Hunter, “The Virgin, the Bride and
the Church: Reading Psalm 45 in Ambrose, Jerome, and Augustine,” ChH 69, no. 2 (June 2000): 281-303.
137 Cf. John N.D. Kelly, Jerome: His Life, Writings and Controversies (New York: Harper and Row, 1975),
108.
138
women in Rome. He was held responsible for their apparently extreme ascetic
regime.
In response to this accusation, Pollio himself adopts a more positive attitude
towards marriage, when he urges “uirgines integritatis suae… obtinere fastigia,
coniuges pudicam in creandis filiis conscientiam custodire.”138 Pollio’s more balanced
view sounds as a defence and a veiled advertisement: It is not true that Christianity
prohibits marriage and procreation. Instead, it seeks to correct women’s conduct
both in marriage and asceticism.
The appropriate behaviour of Christian women was certainly an important
issue in late fourth century Pannonia. Another hagiographic text, the Passio Sereni,
approaches the topic in similar terms.139 Are we to conclude from here that there was
a problem with the morality of women? Or, rather, that the text reflects a growing
awareness of ascetic spirituality characteristic for the late fourth century?
Nagy glimpsed an ascetic agenda behind this accusation and Pollio’s
response.140 He compared Pollio’s insistence on integritas with the role this ascetic
virtue takes in Ambrose of Milan’s writings on asceticism. Nagy concluded that the
redactor must have been familiar with the Ambrosian ascetic discourse, which he
sought to foster in his target-audience. The redactor’s ascetic inclinations transpire
also from the omission of Maxima from the introductory catalogue of martyrs.141 In
his demonstration, Nagy took at face value another Pannonian hagiography, the
Passio Sereni. In the textus receptus accessible to Nagy at the time, the protagonist of
this passio, Syneros, is styled “monachus.” The clear ascetic reference seemed to
strengthen Nagy’s theory. However, as I demonstrated elsewhere and as I shall show
in the next chapter, “monachus” is a late interpolation. The Passio Sereni has a great
deal to “teach” on the proper conduct of Christian women, but not necessarily in the
way Nagy reasoned.
For now, let us note that asceticism in late fourth century Pannonia is attested
by other sources.142 The Passio Pollionis is far from censuring it, despite the strong
societal dimension in Pollio’s exposé. Rather, it takes inspiration from 1 Cor 7, and
presents asceticism and marriage as equally valuable options. I maintain the opinion
that the Passio Pollionis does not defend the superiority of asceticism and virginity
over marriage. The Roman upholding of marriage and procreation had its role in this
cautious discourse. Pursuing the same apologetic goal, the redactor aims to show that
Christianity defends ideals considered essential in pagan mentality. But it also brings
a sharper – more befitting – ethical awareness to the topic of marriage. What it
demands from people engaged in both conducts is constancy and a continent attitude
– in accordance with the spirit of the times.

139 See below, chapter IV.3.1.
140 Nagy, “Ascetic Christianity,” 101-103.
141 I spoke of the omission of Maxima in section 2.2 of this chapter.
142 E.g., Paulinus of Milan, Vita Ambrosii 11 (ed. Pellegrino, 65).
139
CHAPTER IV
Syneros (Serenus) of Sirmium
(BHL 7595-7596)
Next to Irenaeus, the cult of another martyr from Sirmium is remarkably well
attested: That of Syneros, whom scholarship knew until recently as Serenus. Our
knowledge regarding the late antique cult of Syneros has been considerably
augmented by the systematic archaeological excavations conducted on the site of
ancient Sirmium. These unearthed the remains of a cemeterial basilica and
inscriptions ad martyres. Corroborated, the archaeological finds, late antique
martyrologies, and the Passio Sereni offer a difficult to reconcile dossier.
I discussed at length this dossier and its challenges in an article published in the
2020 issue of the journal Sacris Erudiri.1 However, keeping in line with the structure
set in the chapters of this book, I offer below a concise summary of that discussion,
followed by the critical text I established and its accompanying English translation.
The cult of Syneros is attested in the second half of the fourth century in the
northern cemetery of ancient Sirmium, near today’s Majurska Bara (archaeological
loc. 26). Two inscriptions ad martyrem (CIL 3.10232 and CIL 3.10233) authenticate
the remains of a cemeterial edifice dedicated to the memory of Syneros:2
CIL 3.10232: [Ego Aurel]ia Amin[ia] [posui ti]tulum uiro me[o / Fl(auio) Sancto ex
n(umero) Iou(ianorum) pr(o)tec(tori) / benemeritus qui uixit / ann(is)
pl(us) m(inus) L qui est defunc/tus ciuit(ate) Aquileia. Titulum / posuit ad
beatu! Syneroti! ma/rture et infane! filiam / suam nomine Ursicina / qui
uixit annis n(umero) III. 3
1 Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 83-115.

2 See Petar Milošević, “Earlier Archaeological Activity in Sirmium,” in Sirmium: Archaeological
Investigations in Syrmian Pannonia, ed. Vladislav Popović, vol. 2 (Belgrade: Arheološki Institut, 1971), 4;
Popović, “A Survey,” 122-123; Duval, “Sirmium,” 82-83; Јеремић, “Култне,” 49-55. Topographic plans in
Jeremić, “Adolf Hytrek,” 119, 121-122, 125; Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 70. On the two epitaphs, see
Mirković, “Hrišćanske nekropole,” 63-64 (no. 1 and 2, with images); Mirković, Sirmium: Its History, 205
(no. 201 and 202). The proposal of Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 161, to include CIL 3.143402 in the corpus
of inscriptions attesting the cult of Syneros is unfounded: The few visible letters on this inscription make
any interpretation hazardous.
3 The reading proposed in Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 85, based on the image published in
Mirković, “Hrišćanske nekropole,” 64. Mirković reads: “[Ego Aur]elia Aminia po|[sui] titulum viro meo|
Chapter IV. Syneros of Sirmium (BHL 7595-7596)
CIL 3.10233: Ego Artemidora fe/ci uiua me memori/am ad domnum / Synerotem

inte/rantem ad dexte/ram inter Fortuna/tanem et Disiderium.
The inscriptions, very well preserved, were dated to the second half of the
fourth century based on comparative palaeographic analysis and iconographic style.4
They were discovered in the vicinity of the remains of a monumental architectural
structure similar to a church foundation. Near its hypothetical entrance
archaeologists unearthed also the remains of three tombs, their topographic
distribution matching the indications on Artemidora’s epitaph (CIL 3.10233).5 The
exact nature of this edifice, a rectangular building with collonades, a single nave and
apse, is difficult to establish.6 It should probably be envisaged as a cemeterial chapel
or as a martyrium, since CIL 3.10232 and CIL 3.10233 clearly state that the relics of
the martyr were deposed in this foundation.7 It stood at the centre of a spacious
Christian burial site that developed on the eastern periphery of a previously pagan
necropolis.8 It was in use up to the fifth century inclusive.9
Beyond attesting Syneros’ cult at Sirmium, the two inscriptions are also
instrumental in reconstructing the martyr’s name. In the majority of the
martyrologies as well as the manuscripts that transmit the Passio Sereni, the martyr’s
name appears phonetically altered to various degrees. The Genitives present in CIL
3.10232 and CIL 3.10233 suggest the form *Syneros as the authentic name. The
variants present in other sources resulted from subsequent phonetic mutations.10
1.2. Late Antique Martyrological Sources
In Late Antiquity, Syneros was commemorated both in Western and Eastern

martyrological traditions. His name was inscribed in the Martyrologium
Hieronymianum, the fifth century Syriac martyrology and its lost Greek model, and
even in the Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum.
[F]l(avio) Sancto ex n(umero) Iov(ianorum) pr(o)tec(tori| benemeritus qui vixit | ann(is) pl(us) m(inus) L
qui est defunc-|tus civit(ate) Aquileia. Titulum | posuit ad beatu Syneroti ma|rture et infane (!) filiam suam
nomine Ursicina | qui vixit annis n(umero) III;” Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 68n201, proposed to read the
second part “... titulum/ posuit ad beatu(m) Syneroti(m) ma/rture(m) et infante(m) filiam/ suam...”
4 Palaeographic criteria (letter shapes, ductus) showed that a substantial part of inscriptions were
homogeneous, enabling scholars to retrieve a relative chronology starting from dated inscriptions.
Christograms occasionally surrounded by α and ω, decorative leaves, and palm branches are common
decorations on Pannonian inscriptions of the time. See Milena Milin, “Three Comments on Late Antiquity
History,” Balcanica 34 (2003): 65; Mirković, Sirmium: Its History, 128-129.
6 Since only the western sections were excavated, reconstructions placed the apse alternately to the
West (Hytrek) and the East (Jeremić). Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 71 (with n211) remains skeptical as to
the outlook and precise character of this memoria martyris.
7 On the distribution of tombs ad martyres around cemeterial buildings dedicated to martyrs (churches,
chapels or other martyria), see Duval, Auprès des saints, 52-55.

8 Mirković, Sirmium: Its History, 44 and 128.
9 Mirković, Sirmium: Its History, 204-205.
10 For other scholarly reconstructions, see Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 91.
142
The two notes in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum connected to Syneros

denote several corruptions. The more archaic layer places Syneros’ martyrdom on the
23rd of February, in two distinct places (Sirmium in Pannonia, and Asia):
ad 23 feb.: In Sirmi / In Pannoniis Sinerotis Antigoni Rutili Libii11

In Asia Sinonis Heruli Cusconi Menalippi Zenonis Senertis Sirici.12
The editors of the Hieronymianum considered this note to be partly drawn on

the basis of the fourth-century Greek martyrology from which the Martyrologium
Syriacum was also copied. They, however, did not include Sener(o)tis among the
names taken over from that source. The Hieronymianum did excerpt this Greek
martyrology on the same date thus:
ad 23 feb.: Smirna natale sanctorum Herotis Carpofori13
The corresponding note in the Martyrologium Syriacum is somewhat

illuminating:
ad 23 feb.: Ἐν Ἀσίᾳ ἐκ τῶν ἀρχαίων μαρτύρων Πολύκαρπος ὁ ἐπίσκοπος καὶ Ἄρωτος καὶ
Κοσκώνιος καὶ Μελάνιππος καὶ Ζήνων.14
It seems that the Greek martyrologist confused Sirmium with Smyrna, and
consequently associated Syneros with Polycarp (celebrated on the same date, the 23rd
of February). He is also responsible for corrupting the name. The martyrologist
interpreted Syneros as two distinct words: *Συνερῶτος > σύν + *Ἔρωτος. The
preposition was dropped, the martyrologist retaining only *Ἔρωτος.
Delehaye attributed this mistake to the compiler of the Martyrologium
Syriacum.15 However, the subsequent phonetic changes in both the Hieronymianum
and the Martyrologium Syriacum suggest that it had already occurred in the Greek
martyrology that served as their common model. From there the Syriac martyrology
changed the name into Ἄρωτος, while the Hieronymianum Latinised it as Herotis. The
ensuing geographic confusions explain also why the compiler of the Hieronymianum
felt the need to specify in second note on the 23rd of February the celebration of
Syneros (in the form Sener(o)tis) in Asia.
The Hieronymianum mentions Syneros also on the 22nd of February, this time
corrupting the name, and associating him to a group of unnamed martyrs:
11 This is the reconstruction of Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 111; Martyrologium Hieronymianum

ad 23 feb. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 24): Bern. Wissenb. Seneroti; Rich. Senerotis.
12 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 23 feb. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 24), with the following variants
for Sinertis: Eptern. Inertis; Wissenb. Sinerotis; C. Sinertis; L. M. Sineritis. See also Delehaye, Commentarius
perpetuus, 111 and 113n48.
14 De Rossi and Duchesne, Martyrologium Hieronymianum, LIII.
15 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 112n1 and n19.
143
ad 22 feb.: Sirmi natale sancti Seneri et aliorum XVI16
Taking into account the correspondence with the Passio Sereni in terms of name
form and date, Delehaye believed this note was based on the Passio Sereni. The
indications of the passio on the date of Syneros’ martyrdom (the 22 nd of February in
most copies17) and the phonetically altered name would have been reason enough for
the compiler of the Hieronymianum to add a doublet note, one day earlier than the
late antique feast-day (the 23rd of February). Delehaye furthermore argued that, since
the Passio Sereni does not mention any companions for Syneros, and no manuscript of
the passio transmits the name Senerus, the note should be emended to “Sirmi natale
sancti Sereni.”18 This is only partially true: The two oldest copies of the Passio Sereni,
unknown to Delehaye, do attest the form Senerus.19
The Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum, too, mentions a martyr Synetos on the
22 of February:
nd
ad. 22 feb.: Καὶ Συνετοῦ μάρτυρος20
Taken together, late antique martyrologies indicate that Syneros’ cult was
known both in the Latin West and the Greek East. Their contradictions, however,
challenge attempts to establish Syneros’ ancient feast-day. Accepting that the
Hieronymianum’s note for the 22nd of February is derived from the Passio Sereni, one
must assume that Syneros used to be celebrated on the 23 rd. Nothing leads to think
that the Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum was similarly influenced by the passio –
but neither does it know the commemoration of the martyr on the 23rd of February,
irrespective of corruptions in the name. It is likely that the synaxarist found it in a
martyrology or calendar. Syneros’ commemoration on the 22nd of February is, thus,
secondary, and entered the martyrological tradition under the influence of the Passio
Sereni. At any rate, it seems in this case we ought to distinguish between the date of
the martyrdom (the 22nd of February in the Passio Sereni) and the date of celebration
(the 23rd of February as per the Hieronymianum).
1.3. Medieval Martyrological Sources
Medieval martyrologies are likewise indebted to the Passio Sereni, this time for
the content of his eulogy. They maintained, however, the date of the 23rd of February
(VII Kal. martii). In the early ninth century, the Anonymus Lugdunensis introduced
Syneros to the medieval martyrological tradition thus:
16 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 22 feb. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 24): Bern. Rich. Seneri; Eptern.
Wissenb. C. Sereni.
17 Except Brussels, KBR 9290 (twelfth century), and Liège, Bibl. du Séminaire, LGS 6.N.6 (c. 1450).
18 Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 108 and 110n57.
19 Vienna, ÖNB 371, and Vat.lat. 5771. Cf. Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 91.
20 Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum ad 22 feb. (ed. Delehaye, 484.7).
144
ad 23 feb.: Apud Syrmium, natale sancti Syreni monachi: qui tempore Maximiani
imperatoris, cum unius ex domesticis eius uxorem, hora incongrua in
horto quem ipse sibi excolebat deambulantem acrius increpando
repulisset, iubente Maximiano tentus, et christianum se esse confessus,
capite caesus est.21
This eulogy represents a very condensed summary of the Passio Sereni.22 The
martyrology of the Anonymus Lugdunensis contains, however, a novelty in
considering that Syneros was an ascetic – something that baffled scholarship until
recently. I demonstrated elsewhere that this is certainly an addition, which emerged
from the association of Syneros’ hagiographic image with ascetic / monastic virtues.23
“Monachus” was perpetuated in subsequent martyrologies, from where it entered
also the transmission history of the Passio Sereni: Copies of the second subfamily also
style Syneros as “monachus.”24
The anonymous martyrologist’s eulogy was copied in full by Florus, who
supplemented it with information on Syneros’ companions taken from the
Hieronymianum. He gives their number as sixty-two.25 From Florus, the eulogy was
taken over by Ado, with the notable difference that Ado altered the name to Serenus:
ad 23 feb.: Apud Syrmium, beati Sereni monachi, qui cum tempore Maximiani
imperatoris, cum unius ex domesticis eius uxorem, hora incongrua in
horto, quem ipse sibi excolebat, deambulantem, acrius increpando
repulisset, iubente Maximiano tentus, et christianum se esse confessus,
capite caesus est. Item aliorum sexaginta duorum, qui ibidem passi sunt.26
Usuard, in turn, used both Ado and Florus. He compressed the eulogy on
Syneros, but extended the note on the sixty-two companions. In Usuard we find yet
another form of the martyr’s name, Sineri. This form appears also in one of the
witnesses of the Passio Sereni, Angers, Bibl. Mun. 807 (as an addition by a later hand).
It is possible that the scribe found it in Usuard, and sought to correct the previous
copyist’s error:
ad 23 feb.: Apud Syrmium, Beati Sineri monachi et martyris, qui iubente Maximiano
imperatore tentus, cum se christianum esse confiteretur, capite caesus est.
Item, natalis sexaginta duum, qui martyrii certamen in praefata urbe
consummantes, regna mansura perceperunt.27

22 Quentin, Les martyrologes, 186.
23 Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 88-91.
24 Brussels, KBR 9290 (twelfth century); Liège, Bibl. du Séminaire, LGS 6.N.6 (c. 1450); Utrecht, UB 391
(2 B 1) (1424-1426).
25 Dubois and Renaud, Edition pratique, 38: “Item aliorum sexaginta duorum, qui ibidem passi sunt.” Cf.
Quentin, Les martyrologes, 328.

27 Dubois, Le martyrologe d’Usuard, 186.
145
The Roman martyrology embellished stylistically Usuard’s note, but reverted to

the name given in previous martyrologies:
ad 23 feb.: Apud Sirmium beati Sireni, Monachi et Martyris, qui, iubente Maximiano
Imperatore, retentus est, et, cum se Christianum esse confiteretur, capite
obtruncatus. Ibidem natalis sanctorum septuaginta duorum Martyrum,
qui, martyrii certamen in praefata urbe consummantes, mansura
perceperunt regna.28
1.4. The Magnum Legendarium Austriacum
The great medieval compilation of saints’ lives copied and circulated on the
territory of Austria29 must be mentioned here on account of its peculiar treatment of
Syneros. Whereas the hagiographies of most Pannonian martyrs are included in the
collection, the Passio Sereni is not. The anonymous scribe who put together the
Magnum Legendarium Austriacum wrote instead an epitome of the Passio Sereni into
which he adapted the eulogy found in earlier martyrologies. Below I cite
Heiligenkreuz, Stiftsbibl., H 11, f. 140ra (twelfth century), and give the variants of the
other four witnesses:30
Passio sancti Syreni martyris et aliorum. Temporibus Maximiani imperatoris

beatus Syreneus monachus felici martyrio coronatus et pro labore certaminis
requiem adeptus est eternae mercedis. Hic ergo apud Syrmium certauit et uicit et
suum Christo manipulum reportauit. Qui cum unus ex domesticis eius uxorem
5 hora incongrua in hortum quem ipse sibi excolebat deambulantem acrius
increpando repulisset, ipso iubente imperatore tentus est et Christianum se esse
confessus est et capite caesus.
__________
1 Syreni: Syrenei Z, Sinerii A || martyris: om. Z || aliorum: monachi A ||
temporibus: tempore Z A M || 2 Syreneus: Synerus A, Syrenus M || 4 unus:
unum Z || 5 uxorem … incongrua: hora incongrua cum uxorem Z || hortum:
horreum Z || 6 repulisset: reppulisset A || ipso: Christo L || imperatore:
inperatore A || 7 confessus est: pronuntians Z || caesus: add. est Z
1.5. Concluding Observations on the Hagiographic Dossier
From the inventory above, we can deduce the following with regard to the
martyr’s name: Ultimately, all the late antique attestations can be reduced to a single
form: *Syneros, the Genitive of which appears in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum
28Johnson and Ward, Martyrologium Romanum, 46.

29On the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum, see Poncelet, “De magno legendario,” 24-38.
30 Z = Zwettl, Stiftsbibl. 13, f. 134ra (end of twelfth century); A = Admont, Stiftsbibl. 25, f. 159rb
(thirteenth century); L = Lilienfeld, Stiftsbibl. 59, f. 11rb (fifteenth century); M = Melk, Stiftsbibl. M4, f.
27ra-b (fifteenth century).
146
and on epigraphic sources from the northern cemetery of Sirmium. The noun is
Greek, in conformity with the Greek origin of Syneros explained in the Passio Sereni.
Syneros is preferable to other scholarly reconstructions (*Synerotas, *Synerotes) not
just because of its higher frequency in ancient times,31 but also because it elucidates
the transition to a second declension noun in its Latinised forms: *Syneros > Senerus
> Serenus). In the process of Latinisation, the name suffered further changes, such as
opening of the vowel -i- into -e-, methatesis (Senerus > Serenus). By the ninth century
the more popular form Serenus had appeared, adopted in martyrologies and the
witnesses of the passio. Ruinart’s edition further sanctioned this form, although
recent research attempted to return to the late antique form attested in epigraphic
sources. Variants (Senerus, Serenus) appear also in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum
on the 22nd of February, probably borrowed from the Passio Sereni.
The place of Syneros’ martyrdom can be established with relative ease on the
basis of the epigraphic evidence found in situ: It is Sirmium. That Syeros happened to
be martyred one day prior to the martyrdom of Polycarp, in Smyrna, that his feast-
day coincided with the commemoration of Polycarp, only fostered the confusion
between the two locations (Sirmium and Smyrna). Consequently, at a very early date,
the Oriental martyrological tradition (cf. Martyrologium Syriacum) located Syneros’
martyrdom in Asia. Note that the association with Smyrna is mentioned explicitly
only in the Martyrologium Hieronymianum, among its excerpts from Eastern
martyrologies.
In terms of date, the more archaic note in the Hieronymianum might refer to the
celebration of Syneros’ martyrdom at Sirmium, and not to the day he was martyred –
this being the 22nd of February. It is also possible that the festival commemorating
Syneros lasted several days, as Aleksandra Smirnov-Brkić and Efthymios Rizos
proposed.32 Such a festival explains why sources alternate inconsistently between the
22nd and the 23rd of February.
More complications arise when attempting to identify the year in which
Syneros was martyred. The only pointers are found, in this case too, in the Passio
Sereni: We are told that the martyr went into hiding in the initial stages of the
persecution; and only Galerius is mentioned (i.e., Maximianus), but not Diocletian.
The passio sets the martyrdom of Syneros explicitly during Galerius’ dominion over
the Pannonian provinces. From here scholars inferred a date between 305 and 308
AD.33 Nagy proposed narrowing this interval to the year 305 AD.34 He argued that
31 Cf. Heikki Solin, Die griechischen Personennamen in Rom. Ein Namenbuch, vol. 1, CIL Auctarium. SN 2,
2nd ed. (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2003), 152-153.
32 Aleksandra Smirnov-Brkić and Efthymios Rizos, “Record E05830,” The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity
Database, http://csla.history.ox.ac.uk/record.php?recid=E05830 (accessed 23.03.2021). Cf. Tamas, “The

Hagiographic Dossier,” 91.
33 Zeiller, Les origines, 87; Jarak, “Martyres,” 269-270 (according to both the Passio makes reference to
Galerius as Augustus and not as Caesar); Mirković, Sirmium: Istorija, 116; Bratož, “Verzeichnis,” 223;
Smirnov-Brkić and Rizos, “Record E05830” (accessed 23.03.2021) – although the latter consider 307 AD
as the last possible date.
147
Galerius upheld the persecution until ca 305 AD. Therefore, the date of Syneros’ death
must have been the 22nd of February 305.
This thesis has a major setback in the fact that the Passio Sereni presents
circumstances of the persecution not to lend historical accuracy to the narrative, but
rather to suit a theology of martyrdom that stresses the martyr’s spiritual growth and
authority.35 Certain are just that Syneros must have suffered martyrdom during the
Diocletianic persecution; and that, as a layperson, his death fell under the last of the
four edicts. He must have died after 304.
Finally, Syneros’ cult was observed at Sirmium throughout the fourth century.
It may have developed already in the Constantinian period, and flourished well into
the fifth century. The population displacements that characterised that century may
have led to the transfer of Syneros’ relics as well, this time to the village of Billom, in
Gaul, where the relics were deposed in a church dedicated to Syneros. In the sixteenth
century locals still honoured the martyr under the name of Cerneuf.36 Confusion with
Firmium in Piceno, Italy, or the misspelling of Sirmium led to Syneros being honoured
in this city too.37

35 Cf. also Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 92.
36 Louis Sebastien Lenain de Tillemont, Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire ecclésiastique des six premiers
siècles, vol. 5, 2nd ed. (Paris: Charles Robustel, 1702), 256; Iohannes Bollandus, “De sancto Sireno, sive
Sinerio, monacho et martyre Sirmi in Pannonia Inferiore,” ActaSS Februarii, vol. 3 (Antwerpen: Iacobus
Meursius, 1658), 365-366. Against the identification of this martyr with Syneros, see Zeiller, Les origines,
88n2.
37 Bollandus, “De sancto Sireno,” 364; Joseph-Marie Sauget, “Sereno di Sirmio,” BSS 11 (1968): 864.
Bollandus (pp. 364-365) mentions another place, Sexti Firmum in Spain, which results from the same
confusion of place-names. Cf. also Theodoricus Ruinart, “Admonitio in Acta sancti Sereni martyris,” in
Acta martyrum sincera et selecta (Ratisbonae: G. Iosephi Manz, 1859), 516; Sauget, “Sereno,” 865. Here,
however, Syneros’ story suffered a complete makeover.
148
2. PASSIO SERENI SIRMIENSIS
2.1. Introduction
The Passio Sereni stands in stark contrast to the other hagiographies from
Pannonia Secunda examined here (Passio Irenaei and Passio Pollionis). If the latter
dwelt mainly on court proceedings and the dialogue between the martyr and the
governor, the Passio Sereni presents us with an elaborate, almost novelistically
flavoured plot. Syneros’ trial for being a Christian is expedited in just a few
paragraphs. The lion’s share of the passio narrates instead the events that
precipitated his arrest. This has implications also on the use of Scriptures: Whereas
the conversations of Irenaeus and Pollio with Probus are infused with scriptural
language and imagery, Syneros hardly appeals to the Bible. 38 In framing the martyr’s
story, however, the redactor of the Passio Sereni was inspired by the story of
Susannah in the book of Daniel and by the hagiography of another gardener-martyr,
Conon.39
We are told, in fact, that Syneros had been a travelling foreigner who eventually
settled at Sirmium. When the persecution broke out, he went into hiding for a short
time, but he soon returned to tending his garden, this being his only source of
livelihood. One day he saw a matron (a married aristocratic woman) strolling in his
garden with two maidservants. Syneros immediately questioned the matron’s actions,
since she was out and about during midday siesta. Understanding that she intended
to meet a lover, Syneros rebuked her and turned her away from the garden. His
parrhesia earned him the animosity of the matron, who immediately complained to
her husband. It is revealed that the husband was an imperial guard who at the time
was serving the emperor in some other place. Maximianus, the emperor in question,
gave the husband permission to return to Sirmium and seek justice against the
offense brought to his wife. And so, Syneros was arrested and brought to trial.
In the course of the trial, Syneros exposed the matron’s infidelity. By doing so,
he brought shame upon the husband, who fell silent. At that point, however, the
governor40 realised that this morally upright man with uncommon parrhesia towards
his betters must be a Christian. When Syneros acknowledged this, the governor
pronounced capital sentence against him. Significantly, Syneros was not even asked
38 Smirnov-Brkić and Rizos, “Record E05830,” (accessed 23.03.2021), also discussed the discrepancies
between the Passio Sereni and other Pannonian martyr-narratives.
39 Dn 13:1-64 (cf. Praet, “Susanna,” 571-580); Mart. Cononis (ed. Musurillo, 186-192). I shall approach
this subject in more detail in the last section of this chapter.

40 Another contrasting feature with other passiones: The official who conducts the trial remains
unnamed.
149
to offer sacrifice. He was found guilty on the grounds that he evaded performing the
mandatory sacrifice by going into hiding.
In the absence of a comprehensive study on the transmission history of the

Passio Sereni, scholarship thought it was handed down in two versions: A shorter one
(BHL 7596) and a longer one (BHL 7595). The Bollandists were aware of five
manuscripts that transmitted BHL 7595, inc.: “Apud Sirmiensium ciuitatem Serenus
peregrinus, graecus ciuis;” expl. “et adductus ad locum, a diaboli ministris decollatus
est. Martyrizatus est autem s. Serenus VIII kal. mart., regnante... Amen.” However, the
Bollandist edition in the third volume of ActaSS Februarii published BHL 7596 from a
manuscript of the Utrecht Carthusians – probably Utrecht, UB 391 (fifteenth
century).41 Thierry Ruinart published what was thought to be the longer version
(corresponding to BHL 7595) from a fourteenth century manuscript preserved at the
National Library of France: Paris, BnF lat. 5289. Apart from differences in length and
narrative style, what baffled scholars most was that BHL 7596 considered Syneros a
“monachus,” just as in medieval martyrological tradition. “Monachus” appears in the
title (“Passio sancti Sereni monachi”) and in the introductory phrase (“Apud
Sirmiensium ciuitatem Serenus peregrinus monachus, Graecus ciuis”).
My analysis of the transmission history demonstrated that both BHL 7596 and
BnF lat. 5289 represent, in fact, two distinct, independently shortened versions of
BHL 7595. The copyist of BnF lat. 5289 intervened on its model to render the text
more elegant and more coherent. BHL 7596, in turn, is essentially an epitome of the
Passio Sereni. Moreover, the term “monachus” is not characteristic to BHL 7596 alone,
but appears in a branch of BHL 7595, from which BHL 7596 was excerpted. Its
presence in these witnesses is undoubtedly due to the influence of martyrological
tradition.42
I already noted here that “Serenus monachus” ought to be viewed as an
invention of medieval martyrologists. It may have been introduced by the Anonymus
Lugdunensis or he may have found it in his source. The epithet was probably
conferred because elements of Syneros’ portrait in the Passio Sereni could be
construed as monastic traits. The association of gardening and asceticism is well-
known. Symbolising physical labour to earn one’s keep, gardening became a monastic
virtue, an integral part of monastic life. In ascetic imagery, the garden is also a locus of
spiritual development: Syneros’ spiritual journey takes place on the stage of the
garden. As sixth century texts already point to this association between monastic life,
spiritual development, and gardening, the tradition of Syneros monachus might be an
old one, well before the Anonymus Lugdunensis first wrote it down in the ninth
century. At any rate, prior to the twelfth century, copies of the Passio Sereni are
41 Bollandus, “De sancto Sireno,” 365.

42 See Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 93-104.
150
unaware of this tradition. Even afterwards, it remained isolated, confined only to the
region of Liège, from where Utrecht, UB 391 (BHL 7596) took its model.
In sum, the Passio Sereni knows only one redaction, which was epitomised in
the fifteenth century (BHL 7596) and slightly changed in the fourteenth (Ruinart).
The subfamily which provided the model of the epitome added “monachus,” an
import from martyrologies.
2.2. The Critical Text and Previous Editions
Since the new critical edition differs pointedly from the Bollandist text and
shows that the text published by Ruinart also introduced several innovations, it
seems opportune to present these versions in a synoptic table that highlights their
differences:
Pass. Sereni Pass. Sereni Pass. Sereni

(ed. Tamas) (ed. Ruinart) (ed. Bollandus)
1. Apud Sirmiensium 1. Apud Sirmiensium 1. Apud Sirmiensium

ciuitatem, Senerus civitatem Serenus ciuitatem, Syrenus
peregrinus, Graecus ciuis, peregrinus, Graecus civis, peregrinus monachus,
cum de locis peregrinis cum de locis peregrinis Graecus ciuis, cum de locis
uenisset, venisset, peregrinis uenisset,
hortum colere coepit ut inde hortum colere coepit, ut hortum colere coepit, ut
uitam suam transigeret, eo inde vitam transigeret, eo inde uitam transigeret, eo
quod aliam artem non quod aliam artem non quod aliam artem non
nosset. nosset. nosset.
2. Qui tempore persecutionis, Qui tempore persecutionis Qui tempore persecutionis
metuens corporales metuens temporales metuens corporales
plagas, latitauit non plagas, latitavit non plagas, latitauit:
multum temporis et multum temporis, et
paucis mensibus. Postea paucis mensibus. Postea
uero iterum coepit libere vero hortum sum coepit
hortum suum operari. 3. Et iterum libere operari; et et dum excoleret hortum
dum hoc ageret, quodam die dum hoc ageret, quodam suum, quadam die
quaedam mulier cum die quaedam mulier cum quaedam mulier
duabus puellis suis ingressa duabus puellis ingressa
est in hortum eius, et est in hortum eius, et ingressa hortum eius,
coepit deambulare. coepit deambulare. coepit deambulare hora
4. Cumque eam uidisset Cumque eam vidisset incompetenti. Cumque
supramemoratus senex, ait supramemoratus senex, ait eam uir sanctus
ad illam: “Quid hic quaeris, illi: Quid hic quaeris,
mulier?” mulier?
At illa ait: “Deambulare At illa ait: Ambulare
delectata sum in horto delector in horto isto.
isto.” 5. Ille autem dixit: Ille autem dixit:
“Quae est talis matrona Quae est talis matrona,
quae praeterita hora hic quae praeterita hora hic
deambulare desideret, deambulat?
cum sit hora iam sexta? Sed Cum sit hora iam sexta.
151
intelligo te non causa Intelligo te non causa

deambulandi huc uenisse, deambulandi huc venisse,
sed causa indisciplinationis sed indisciplinationis et caussa lasciuitatis
et lasciuitatis. Ideoque lasciviae, ideoque discurrere cognouisset,
egredere hinc, et habe egredere, et habe increpauit eam,
disciplinam, ut solent disciplinam, ut decet monens ut egrederetur,
honestae matronae honestas matronas et ut honesta matrona
habere.” habere. disciplinate se haberet.
2. At illa cum confusione 2. At illa cum confusione At illa cum confusione
egressa est de horto egressa, coepit egressa de horto uiri Dei,
sanctissimi uiri, et coepit intra se fremere, coepit fremere,
intra se fremere, et non
iniuriam dolere quod non dolore suae dolens non quod inde
pulsa est inde, sed quod expulsionis, sed quod pulsa esset, sed quod
libidinis suae causam non libidinis suae caussam non libidinis suae caussam non
adimplesset. adimplesset. adimplesset.
2. Quae statim scripsit ad Quae tamen scripsit ad Et statim scripsit ad
uirum suum qui erat virum suum, qui erat uirum suum, qui erat
domesticus Maximiani domesticus Maximiani Domesticus Maximiani
imperatoris, insinuans ei Imperatoris, insinuans ei Imperatoris, insinuans ei
iniuriam quam passa iniuriam quam passa iniuriam, quam passa
fuisset. fuisset. fuisset.
3. Cumque accepisset has Cumque legisset vir eius 2. Cumque accepisset
litteras uir eius et legisset, litteras, litteras uir eius et
statim conqueritur uir eius statim conqueritur ad legisset, statim
imperatori, et ait: Regem et ait: conquestus, ait
Imperatori Maximiano:
“Nos cum lateri tuo Nos cum lateri tuo Nos cum lateri tuo
adhaereamus, matronae adhaeremus, matronae adheremus, matronae
nostrae in longinquo nostrae in longinquo nostrae in longinquo
positae iniurias positae iniuriam positae iniuriam
patiuntur.” 4. At ille patiuntur. At ille patiuntur. At ille
cum haec audisset,
dedit ei potestatem ut dedit ei potestatem ut dedit ei potestatem ut
uindicaret in eum, vindicaret se per Rectorem uindicaret in eum per
quemadmodum placeret provinciae, ut sibi Rectorem prouinciae.
ei, per rectorem prouinciae. placeret.
5. Hanc igitur cum Hac igitur potestate
accepisset potestatem, accepta,
festinabat uenire ut festinabat venire ut
uindicaret iniuriam non vindicaret iniuriam, non
matronae, sed inhonestae matronae, sed inhonestae
feminae. feminae.
3. Cum superuenisset ad Cum vero pervenisset ad Ille ergo profectus ad
supramemoratam supramemoratam urbem, Iudicem, ei Imperialia
ciuitatem, statim ingressus statim ingressus dicta porrexit,
ad praesidem, et uerbum ad Praesidem; et verbum conquerens de Syreno.
iniuriae prosequitur, et iniuriae prosequitur, et
scriptum imperiale scripta imperialia
porrigit, et ait ei: “Vindica porrigit, et ait ei: Vindica
iniuriam quam me absente iniuriam, quam me absente
passa est matrona mea.” passa est mea matrona.
152
2. At ubi audiuit hoc At ubi audivit haec

praeses, mirari coepit, et Praeses, mirari coepit, et
dixit ad eum: “Quis enim dixit ei: Quis enim
ausus fuit iniuriam irrogare ausus est iniuriam irrogare
matronae diuino lateri matronae viri lateri Regis
adhaerentis?” At ille adhaerentis? At ille
respondit: “Senerus dixit: Serenus
quidam plebeius quidam plebeius
hortulanus.” 3. Cumque de hortulanus. Cumque de
nomine audisset praeses, nomine audisset Praeses,
iussit eum statim exhiberi. iussit eum statim exhiberi, At Praeses ei sibi
At ubi exhibitus est beatus qui exhibitus stetit in exhibito dixit:
Senerus, statutus est ante
conspectum praesidis. conspectus Praesidis.
4. Ait ad illum praeses: Et ait illi Praeses:
“Quis uocaris?” At ille Quis vocaris? At ille
respondit: “Senerus.” respondit: Serenus.
5. Praeses dixit: “Cuius loci Praeses dixit: Cuius artis
es?” At ille: “Hortulanus.” es? At ille ait: Hortulanus
6. Praeses dixit: sum. Praeses dixit:
“Quare iniuriam importasti Quare iniuriam irrogasti Quare intulisti iniuriam
matronae tanti uiri?” Ille matronae tanti uiri? Ille matronae tanti uiri? At ille
autem respondit: “Nulli respondit: Nulli constanter respondit:
matronae iniuriam matronae aliquando Nulli matronae aliquam
aliquando feci.” iniuriam feci. iniuriam feci:
7. Praeses autem furibundus Praeses autem furibundus
dixit: “Argue illum ut dixit: Argue illum, ut
confiteatur et memoretur confiteatur
ante hos dies cui matronae cui matronae iniuriam
fecit iniuriam, cum in horto fecerit, cum in horto
ipsius deambulare ipsius deambulare
uoluisset.” vellet.
At ille sine aliqua At ille sine omni
trepidatione respondit: trepidatione respondit:
“Scio me retinere quod ante Scio me retinere, ante hos sed recordor, quod ante
hos dies aliqua matrona dies quamdam matronam hos dies quaedam mulier
in horto meo hora in horto meo hora in horto meo hora
indecenti deambulabat. indecenti ambulasse. indecenti deambulabat,
Increpaui eam, et dixi Increpavi eam, et dixi, quam increpaui, et dixi,
quod non recte uersaretur quod non recte versaretur quod non recte uersaretur
mulier quae illa hora foras mulier, quae tali hora de mulier, quae illa hora
de domo uiri sui egressa domo viri sui egressa egressa de domo uiri sui
esset.” fuisset. esset.
8. Cumque hoc audisset uir Hoc audiens vir suus Quod cum audisset uir
eius, impurissimae atque impurissimae atque eius,
indisciplinatae mulieris indisciplinatae mulieris
actum, erubuit et actum, erubuit, et erubuit et
obmutuit, nihilque amplius obmutuit, nihilque amplius obmutuit, nihilque amplius
loqui uel suggerere suggessit Praesidi, ut loqui Praesidi ausus est.
praesidi ausus est, ut
uindicaret iniuriam propter vindicaret propter quam
quam uenerat, quia venerat iniuriam, quia
153
nimium confusus est. nimium confusus est.

4. Praeses uero cum 3. Praeses vero cum 3. Praeses uero
responsionem beatissimi responsionem sancti
uiri audisset, intra viri audisset, intra se intra semetipsum cogitare
semetipsum cogitare coepit cogitare coepit coepit de sancti uiri
de eius libera obiurgatione, de eius libera obiurgatione, libera obiurgatione,
et ait: “Hic homo et ait: Hic homo et ait: Hic homo
Christianus est, cui hora Christianus est, cui Christianus est, cui
praeterita displicuit indecenti hora displicuit displicuit
mulierem uidere in hortum mulierem videre in horto mulierem in hortum suum
suum ambulare.” suo, impudice se gerentem
uidere.
2. Et dixit ad illum: “Quod et dixit ad illum: Quod Dixitque illi: Cuius
genus es?” genus tibi est? professionis es?
At ille sine aliqua mora At ille sine omni mora At ille sine aliqua mora
respondit: “Christianus respondit: Christianus respondit. Christianus
sum.” 3. Praeses dixit: sum. Praeses dixit: sum. Cui Praeses:
“Vsque nunc ubi latitasti? Usque nunc ubi latitasti, Vsque nunc ubi latitasti,
Vel quomodo subterfugisti vel quomodo subterfugisti, uel quomodo subterfugisti,
ut diis non sacrificares?” At ut diis non sacrificares? At ut diis non sacrificares? At
ille respondit: “Quomodo ille respondit: Qumodo ille, Quomodo, inquit,
placuit Deo hucusque me placuit Deo, ut huc usque placuit Deo, usque nunc
reseruare in corpore. me reservavit in corpore. me reseruauit in corpore:
Eram autem sicut lapis Eram autem sicut lapis
proiectus ab aedificio, proiectus ab
nunc autem aedificatione; nunc autem
requirit me Dominus ut in requiret me Dominus in
aedificium suum me aedificium suum.
constituat.
Modo autem quia palam Modo autem quia palam modo autem quia palam
uoluit me esse, paratus voluit me esse, paratus uoluit me esse, paratus
sum pro nomine eius pati, sum pro nomine eius pati, sum pro nomine eius pati,
ut cum caeteris sanctis ut cum ceteris sanctis
eius habeam partem in eius habeam partem in ut habeam partem in
regno ipsius.” regno ipsius. regno ipsius.
4. Praeses autem cum haec Praeses autem cum haec Praeses autem haec
audisset uehementer iratus audisset, vehementer audiens, uehementer
est, et dixit: iratus dixit: iratus, dixit:
“Quia hucusque Quia huc usque Quia hucusque
subterfugisti, et imperialia imperialia Imperialia
praecepta latendo praecepta latendo praecepta latendo
contempsisti, et quia diis comtemsisti; et quia diis contempsisti, et diis
sacrificare noluisti, sacrificare noluisti, sacrificare noluisti,
iubemus te capite plecti.” iubemus te capite plecti. iubemus te capite plecti,
5. Qui, statim raptus, est Et statim raptus et qui statim raptus ac
adductus ad locum, adductus, ductus ad locum
a diaboli ministris a diaboli ministris passionis,
decollatus est. decollatus est decollatus est.
2. Martyrizatus est autem
sanctus Senerus die
octauo kalendas martias, octavo Kalendas Martii,
regnante domino nostro regnante Domino nostro
154
Iesu Christo cui est Iesu Christo, cui est

gloria in honor et Gloria in
saecula saeculorum, saecula seculorum.
amen. Amen.
2.3. Historical Reliability and Date
Scholarship in general treated the Passio Sereni with skepticism when it came
to its historical reliability.43 Far from being a narrative re-working of an authentic
document,44 it rather represents a purposeful literary-theological creation.45 The
question, then, is: What historical information, stricto sensu, does it contain? In other
words: Was the protagonist of the Passio Sereni a historical martyr? And if so, what
can we learn about him from this text?
The epigraphic evidence presented in section 1.1. speaks for a popular cult
dedicated to Syneros, suggesting that there existed, indeed, a Christian martyr with
this name. It is safe to accept that he had suffered martyrdom in the early fourth
century, as a consequence of Diocletian’s edicts of persecution. It is also plausible that
he was a foreigner of Greek origins. With respect to other indications, such as him
being a gardener, not to mention the matrona affair and Syneros’ ensuing trial for
contumelia, one has to exert caution. Like many other Pannonian hagiographies, the
Passio Sereni too was meant to provide the devotees of his cult with a foundational
story.46 The story was carefully weaved to so that it transmitted a clear message of
spiritual development and uprigth Christian morality.47
Where and when was this text composed? The answer depends, as usual with
Pannonian hagiographic narratives, on insights gained from the text and clues
gathered from Syneros’ local cult. The latter flourished in the second half of the fourth
century. Nothing concrete points to later than the fifth century. It may be surmised
that the barbarian pillagings and occupation disrupted the Sirmian cult of Syneros.
The relics were probably moved on that occasion. If Irenaeus’ cult seems to have been
still in place during the brief Byzantine spell in the sixth century (and his fame
consequently spread in Byzantine territories), this is not the case with Syneros. The
Byzantine conquerors either no longer found an active cult dedicated to Syneros, or
they chose not to foster it.
Since Syneros’ commemoration remained essentially local, it is reasonable to
assume that the Passio Sereni had been written for the use of the community in
43 See, e.g., the motivation of Musurillo, The Acts, XII.

44 As in Herzog and Schmidt, Restauration, 530.
45 In Jarak’s view (“Martyres,” 269), the intentional literary-theological composition does not exclude the
use of a first-rate document – possibly the proconsular acts, albeit the redactor’s creative reworking
makes it impossible to comment further on the nature of this document.
46 As already noted by Praet, “Susanna,” 559.
47 More on this in section 3 below.
155
Sirmium. Another foothold for this assumption is that garden imagery occupied a
prominent place in Pannonian Christian art.48 The symbolism is similar to that
encountered in the Passio Sereni. Its redactor found ample inspiration in artwork and
the meanings commonly associated with it.
In one of her last contributions, the regretted Miroslava Mirković advanced an
intriguing hypothesis: Analysing the epitaphs from the northern cemetery of
Sirmium, where Syneros’ memoria was located, she observed many high-ranking and
elite burials connected with the court of Constantius II. In view of this connection,
Mirković proposed that the cemetery was frequented by Arian Christians. Nicenes,
instead, would have opted for burial in the cemetery around Irenaeus’ martyrium.
Mirković lent further substance to this theory by interpreting traces of epitaph
destruction as a sort of damnatio memoriae operated by Nicene Christians.49 This
probably happened after 376 AD, whenSirmium received once again a Nicene bishop
or, more likely, when Valentinian II and Iustina, whose Arian sympathies were
notorious, removed the court to Ravenna (after 380 AD).
Should the two cemeteries reflect indeed local factionalism, the structural
discrepancies between the Passio Sereni and the rest of the Sirmian hagiographic
production would be easier to explain. Unfortunately, we have no way of verifying
this theory. The Altercatio Heracliani, a late fourth-century source from Sirmium,
does reveal local strife on doctrinal matters.50 But this is the most that can be stated
with certainty. The inscriptions ad Synerotem contain no clue in this sense, apart from
the fact that Artemidora and Aurelia Aminia belonged to the local elite. Furthermore,
at the level of intentionality, the message transmitted by the Passio Sereni harmonises
well with, e.g., the moral lesson offered by Pollio in the Passio Pollionis.51
Having located the composition of the Passio Sereni in Pannonia – specifically at
Sirmium – presents us with a good start for its dating. From the text it transpires that
the matron rebuked by Syneros is married to a personal guard of the emperor, but
that emperor and husband are somewhere else, at a considerable distance. In stating
the husband’s function, the passio uses technical terminology common to the late
fourth century: “domesticus” (2.2.) and “diuino lateri adhaerentis” (3.2.), in reference
to the technical protectores domestici and protectores diuini lateris, respectively.52
That the family is established at Sirmium, but the emperor and the guard are not,
suggests the redactor had in mind a period when the court no longer resided at
Sirmium. Again, this does not signify that the matron and her husband are historical
persons. The situation, nonetheless, is historically possible. In the later empire, the
praetorian guards were regularly recruited from the Pannonian legions.
48 See, e.g., Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 66-7.

49 Mirković, Sirmium: Its History, 128-130. See also Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 86-87.
50 Altercatio Heracliani laici cum Germinio episcopo Sirmiensi (ed. Caspari, 133-147).
51 Cf. also the considerations of Nagy, “Ascetic Christianity,” 99-103.
52 For this technical meaning and further sources, see ThesLL 5/2: 1871-1872, s.v. “domesticus, II.2,” and
ThesLL 10/2: 2255, s.v. “protector, 2.b.” Cf. also Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 111n3.
156
This gives us a rather well-defined terminus post quem: 380 AD, but also a
terminus ante quem, the fall of the Western Empire. Such chronology fits well the
period when Syneros’ cult flourished at Sirmium. Taken together, the above
considerations enable us to establish the composition of the Passio Sereni to the later
fourth – early fifth century.
To a similar conclusion lead also the parallels with the Martyrdom of Conon.
This hagiography narrates the arrest, trial, and death of another gardener, Conon,
executed in Magydos, in Pamphilia. It states that at the outbreak of the persecution
the population of Magydos fled and emptied the entire city. A scouting party was
organized, which found Conon attending an imperial garden. The martyr is portrayed
as an old man (παππία), a foreigner (ξένου ἀνθρώπου), and a day-laborer
(μοχθοῦντα καθ’ ἡμέραν).53 Syneros’ affinities with the description of Conon are
evident: Both are immigrants, both are old, both belong to the plebs. Scenes of flight
from persecution are featured in both texts. Like Syneros, who had no other
profession than gardening, Conon is also portrayed as a simpleton. It is reasonable,
thus, to state that Conon could have served as a model for the portrait of Syneros in
the Passio Sereni.
According to Herbert Musurillo, the Martyrium Cononis was written in post-
Constantinian times,54 but its terminus ante quem is more tangible: This hagiographic
narrative most likely served as model also for Asterius of Amasea’s homily on Phocas,
another gardener-martyr.55 Since Asterius wrote his homilies at the beginning of the
fifth century, it follows that the Martyrium Cononis had been composed earlier. The
text clearly enjoyed some popularity if Asterius used it. This makes it possible that, at
some point in later fourth or early fifth century, the redactor of the Passio Sereni, not
knowing much of the gardener whose story he was supposed to narrate, used the
Martyrdom of Conon to outline the main features of his portrait.
In light of all this, the Passio Sereni should be included into the same
hagiographic project designed in the region of Sirmium that birthed the Passio Irenaei
and the Passio Pollionis as well.
As mentioned above, the first editions of the Passio Sereni appeared in the
seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries, by care of Ioannes Bollandus and Thierry
Ruinart, respectively. Modern collections and studies reprinted and / or translated
these variants. The first critical edition appeared only in 2020:
Ioannes Bollandus, “De S. Sireno, sive Sinerio, monacho et martyre Sirmii in Pannonia
Inferiore,” ActaSS Februarii, vol. 3 (Antwerp: Iacobus Meursius, 1658), 365.
53 Mart. Cononis 2.5,6 (ed. Musurillo, 186.23-24; 188.1).

54 Musurillo, The Acts, XXXIII.
55 Asterius of Amasea, Homily IX (ed. Datema, 114-127).
157
1859), 517-518.
Hajnalka Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier of Syneros (Serenus) of Sirmium, Gardener and
Martyr (BHL 7595-7596),” SE 59 (2020): 108-115.
cristianos, 1951), 1172-1176.
1985), 769-772.
Les martyrs de la Grande Persécution (304-311), trans. A. G. Hamman, Les Pères dans la Foi
56-59.
Милена Милин, “Пасија мученика Синерота,” in Sirmium и на небу и на земљи: 1700
година од страдања хрижћанских мученика, 2nd ed. (Sremska Mitrovica: Благо
Сирмијума, 2014), 191-192.
Aleksandra Smirnov-Brkić and Efthymios Rizos, “Record E05830,” The Cult of Saints in Late
Antiquity Database, http://csla.history.ox.ac.uk/record.php?recid=E05830 (accessed
24.03.2021).
The edition and English translation given here are taken from Tamas, “The
Hagiographic Dossier.”
158
Passio Sancti Seneri quod est VIII kalendas martias
1. Apud Sirmiensium ciuitatem, Senerus peregrinus, Graecus ciuis, cum de locis

peregrinis uenisset, hortum colere coepit ut inde uitam suam transigeret, eo quod
aliam artem non nosset. 2. Qui tempore persecutionis, metuens corporales plagas,
latitauit non multum temporis et paucis mensibus. Postea uero iterum coepit libere
5 hortum suum operari. 3. Et dum hoc ageret, quodam die quaedam mulier cum duabus
puellis suis ingressa est in hortum eius, et coepit deambulare.
4. Cumque eam uidisset supramemoratus senex, ait ad illam: “Quid hic quaeris,
mulier?”
At illa ait: “Deambulare delectata sum in horto isto.”
10 5. Ille autem dixit: “Quae est talis matrona quae praeterita hora hic deambulare
desideret, cum sit hora iam sexta? Sed intelligo te non causa deambulandi huc
uenisse, sed causa indisciplinationis et lasciuitatis. Ideoque egredere hinc, et habe
disciplinam, ut solent honestae matronae habere.”
2. At illa cum confusione egressa est de horto sanctissimi uiri, et coepit intra se
15 fremere, et non iniuriam dolere quod pulsa est inde, sed quod libidinis suae causam
non adimplesset. 2. Quae statim scripsit ad uirum suum qui erat domesticus
Maximiani imperatoris, insinuans ei iniuriam quam passa fuisset. 3. Cumque
accepisset has litteras uir eius et legisset, statim conqueritur uir eius imperatori, et
ait: “Nos cum lateri tuo adhaereamus, matronae nostrae in longinquo positae iniurias
20 patiuntur.” 4. At ille cum haec audisset, dedit ei potestatem ut uindicaret in eum,
quemadmodum placeret ei, per rectorem prouinciae. 5. Hanc igitur cum accepisset
potestatem, festinabat uenire ut uindicaret iniuriam non matronae, sed inhonestae
feminae.
3. Cum superuenisset ad supramemoratam ciuitatem, statim ingressus ad
25 praesidem, et uerbum iniuriae prosequitur, et scriptum imperiale porrigit, et ait ei:
“Vindica iniuriam quam me absente passa est matrona mea.”
2. At ubi audiuit hoc praeses, mirari coepit, et dixit ad eum: “Quis enim ausus fuit
iniuriam irrogare matronae diuino lateri adhaerentis?”
At ille respondit: “Senerus quidam plebeius hortulanus.”
30 3. Cumque de nomine audisset praeses, iussit eum statim exhiberi. At ubi exhibitus
est beatus Senerus, statutus est ante conspectum praesidis.
_________________
1 peregrinus – ciuis: cf. Mart. Cononis 2.6 (ed. Musurillo, 186.24) || 3/4 qui – mensibus:
Mart. Polycarpi 5 (ed. Musurillo, 4.28-6.1); Mart. Agapis, Eirenis et Chionis 1.3 (ed. Musurillo,
280.15-20); Pass. Quir. II.1 || 7 senex: Mart. Cononis 2.5 (ed. Musurillo, 186.23)
160
The Martyrdom of Saint Senerus, Which Happened on the 22nd of February
1. When Senerus, a wanderer and a Greek, came from foreign places to the
town of the Sirmians, he began to cultivate a garden so that he could live from it, since
he knew no other craft. 2. During the persecution, fearing bodily pains, he went into
hiding: but not for a long time, just a few months. Indeed, afterwards he openly
resumed tending to his garden. 3. While he was doing that, one day a married woman
with her two maidservants entered his garden, and began to stroll.
4. And when the above-mentioned old man saw her, he said to her: “What are you
looking for here, woman?” At that she said: “I enjoy walking about this garden.”
5. He, however, said: “What sort of a married woman is she who wants to walk in here
this late, for it is already the sixth hour? But I see you did not come here to walk
about, but on account of indiscipline and lascivity. Therefore leave this place, and
behave in a disciplined way, as is the custom of honest married women.”
2. She, however, left the most holy man’s garden confused, and started to rage
inwardly – and she did not grieve so much the offense of being driven out of the
garden as the fact that she had not fulfilled the purpose of her lust. 2. Instantly she
wrote to her husband, who was one of emperor Maximianus’ guards,56 insinuating the
offense she had suffered. 3. Now when her husband received this letter and read it,
her husband complained at once to the emperor, and said: “While we are protecting
you, our wife, who lives at a great distance, suffers offenses.”57 4. When [the emperor]
heard these [complaints], he gave him the power to seek revenge against the offender
through the rector of the province, as he would please. 5. After he had received this
power, therefore, he hastened to go and avenge the offense adduced not to a wife, but
to a shameful woman.
3. As he arrived at the above-mentioned town, he sought out the governor at
once, filed a complaint, and produced the imperial license, and said to him: “Avenge
the offense my wife suffered in my absence.”
2. But when the governor heard this, he began to wonder, and said to him: “Indeed,
who dared to bring offense to the wife of the emperor’s protector?”58
He answered: “A certain Senerus, a plebeian gardener.”
3. Now when the governor heard this name, he ordered that [Senerus] be brought in
immediately. And when the blessed Senerus was brought in, he stood before the
governor.
56 “Domesticus” denotes here an elite imperial guard. In the matron’s husband the redactor envisaged a
person of considerable power and influence with the emperor: Maximianus readily gives him leave of
absence, and even endorses his mission with an imperial order of prosecution. All this for the sake of an
insult brought to his wife’s honour.
57 The redactor wants Sirmium to be the family’s permanent residence, implying that Syneros rebuked a
person belonging to his own ciuitas. In the imagery of the passio this points to the moral laxity of some
members of the local community.
58 This translation has in view the more technical “protector diuini lateris” (against the passio’s “diuino
lateri adhaerentis”).
161
4. Ait ad illum praeses: “Quis uocaris?”

At ille respondit: “Senerus.”
5. Praeses dixit: “Cuius loci es?”
At ille: “Hortulanus.”
5 6. Praeses dixit: “Quare iniuriam importasti matronae tanti uiri?”
Ille autem respondit: “Nulli matronae iniuriam aliquando feci.”
7. Praeses autem furibundus dixit: “Argue illum ut confiteatur et memoretur ante hos
dies cui matronae fecit iniuriam, cum in horto ipsius deambulare uoluisset.”
At ille sine aliqua trepidatione respondit: “Scio me retinere quod ante hos dies aliqua
10 matrona in horto meo hora indecenti deambulabat. Increpaui eam, et dixi quod non
recte uersaretur mulier quae illa hora foras de domo uiri sui egressa esset.”
8. Cumque hoc audisset uir eius, impurissimae atque indisciplinatae mulieris actum,
erubuit et obmutuit, nihilque amplius loqui uel suggerere praesidi ausus est, ut
uindicaret iniuriam propter quam uenerat, quia nimium confusus est.
15 4. Praeses uero cum responsionem beatissimi uiri audisset, intra semetipsum
cogitare coepit de eius libera obiurgatione, et ait: “Hic homo Christianus est, cui hora
praeterita displicuit mulierem uidere in hortum suum ambulare.”
2. Et dixit ad illum: “Quod genus es?”
At ille sine aliqua mora respondit: “Christianus sum.”
20 3. Praeses dixit: “Vsque nunc ubi latitasti? Vel quomodo subterfugisti ut diis non
sacrificares?”
At ille respondit: “Quomodo placuit Deo hucusque me reseruare in corpore. Eram
autem sicut lapis proiectus ab aedificio, nunc autem requirit me Dominus ut in
aedificium suum me constituat. Modo autem quia palam uoluit me esse, paratus sum
25 pro nomine eius pati, ut cum caeteris sanctis eius habeam partem in regno ipsius.”
4. Praeses autem cum haec audisset uehementer iratus est, et dixit: “Quia hucusque
subterfugisti, et imperialia praecepta latendo contempsisti, et quia diis sacrificare
noluisti, iubemus te capite plecti.”
________________
22/24 eram – constituat: cf. Ps 118:22; Mt 16:17-18; Jn 19:28; Acts 4:11
1/3 Ait – es: cf. Mart. Cononis 4.1 (ed. Musurillo, 188.16-18) || 3 cuius – es: cf. Pass. Poll. III.2
162
4. The governor said to him: “What is your name?”

He answered: “Senerus.”
5. The governor said: “Where do you come from?”59
He [said]: “I am a gardener.”
6. The governor said: “Why did you bring offense to the wife of such an important
man?”
He answered: “I never offended anyone’s wife.”
7. But the governor, enraged, said: “Accuse him so that he admits and remembers
which woman he offended a few days ago, while she wanted to take a stroll in his
garden.”
He answered without any fear: “I know that I held back some days ago a woman who
was walking about in my garden at an inappropriate hour. I rebuked her, and told her
that the married woman who sets out from her husband’s house at that hour does not
behave correctly.”
8. When her husband heard this, this act of a most impure and undisciplined woman,
he reddened and fell silent, and dared not say or suggest anything further to the
governor that he may avenge the offense on account of which he had come, for he was
utterly confused.
4. Yet when the governor heard the answer of the most blessed man, he began
to ponder inwardly his free scold, and said: “This man is a Christian, for he disliked
seeing the woman walking in his garden at a late hour.”
2. And [the governor] said to him: “What is your kind?”
He answered without any qualm: “I am a Christian.”
3. The governor said: “Where have you been hiding until now? And how did you
evade sacrificing to the gods?”
He answered: “As it was pleasing to God that I remain in the flesh until now. For I was
like a stone cast away from the building, but now the Lord seeks me out to place me in
his building.60 And because he wants that I be [found out] publicly, 61 I am ready to
suffer for his name, so that I may have a share in his kingdom, with his other saints.”
4. But when the governor heard these things, he became utterly enraged, and said:
“Because you evaded until now, and you despised the imperial precepts by hiding,
and because you refused to sacrifice to the gods, we command that you be beheaded.”
59 The governor’s initial questions have a clear parallel in Mart. Cononis 4.1, where the prefect asks: “Tell
me, fellow, where are you from? Of what descent are you? What is your name?” (tr. Musurillo, 189).
Perhaps the redactor borrowed “Cuius loci es?” from this text. In his answer, however, Syneros gives his
profession rather than his place of origin. This was later sensed as a contradiction, leading to the
insertion, in some of the witnesses of the Passio Sereni, of a doublet “Cuius loci es? ... Cuius officii?.” See
Tamas, “The Hagiographic Dossier,” 103, at Pass. Sereni 3.5. The passage also reminds of the interview
conducted along similar lines in the Passio Pollionis.
60 “Constituat” has the forceful meaning “to establish,” suggesting Syneros’ awareness of the eternal
reward he was to receive for his act of martyrdom. This allegory has many Scriptural parallels, as
referenced by Smirnov-Brkić and Rizos, “Record E05830” (accessed 24.03.2021).
61 Referring to Syneros’ confession in court, in which he reveals in a public setting that he is a Christian.
163
5. Qui, statim raptus, est adductus ad locum, a diaboli ministris decollatus est. 2.
Martyrizatus est autem sanctus Senerus die octauo kalendas martias, regnante
domino nostro Iesu Christo cui est gloria in saecula saeculorum, amen.
_________________
1 a diaboli ministris: Pass. Poll. V.1; Pass. Iuli 4.5 (ed. Musurillo, 264.19), Mart. Carpi 4.2 (ed.
Musurillo, 32.17)
164
5. Seized immediately, he was brought to the place, and was beheaded by the
servants of the devil. 2. Saint Senerus was martyred on eighth day before the Kalends
of March, in the reign of our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom glory for ever and ever.
Amen.
165
3. SPIRITUAL DEVELOPMENT AND KAIROLOGICAL MARTYRDOM IN THE PASSIO SERENI
In the last decade, three scholarly studies contributed substantially to the

analysis of the intertextual network of this non-conventional hagiography: In 2011,
Danny Praet revealed the narratological links with the biblical story of Susannah.62
Levente Nagy devoted a chapter of his book, Pannóniai városok, mártírok, ereklyék:
Négy szenvedéstörténet helyszínei nyomán (Cities, Martyrs and Relics in Pannonia:
Discovering the Topography in Four Pannonian Passion Stories) to the hagiographic
dossier of Syneros, including a number of considerations on the Passio Sereni. More
recently, in his 2017 chapter “Ascetic Christianity in Pannonian Martyr Stories?”
published in the edited volume Pagans and Christians in the Late Roman Empire: New
Evidence, New Approaches (4th-8th Centuries), he treated the Passio Sereni as a witness
to ascetic tendencies – or, at least, to an ascetic agenda – in late fourth-century
Sirmium.63 These studies are indeed foundational, yet they do not exhaust the subject.
They focus on particular aspects and elements of a complex theology of martyrdom
inherent to the narrative. In this section, I shall present their arguments in general
lines and proceed to outline other aspects, untackled thus far. I hope to show that the
Passio Sereni should be read as an organic narrative which sets the stage for the
martyr’s spiritual development, crowned by his public confession and his death. In
doing so, the Passio Sereni displays a traditional theology of martyrdom, whereby
martyrdom itself is granted by God as a gift, as a vocation, and occurs at the
opportune moment, equally decided by God.
3.1. Temptation, Immorality, and the Garden
In his analysis of the intertextual and narratological affinity between the Passio
Sereni and the Susannah story in the book of Daniel, Praet emphasised the following
aspects:
Firstly, the sequence of events is similar in the two narratives. Susannah strolls
in the garden with two of her maidservants; she is spotted by the elders, who spy on
her and attempt to harass her sexually. To their outrage, Susannah fends off their
advances. The elders then take revenge by accusing Susannah of adultery. In court,
Susannah endures the trial in silence. Finally, Daniel reveals the truth, and she is
acquitted of charges. In the Passio Sereni, the matron strolls likewise with two
maidservants in Syneros’ garden. She is spotted by Syneros, who outrigthly accuses
her of adulterous intentions. The enraged matron appeals to her husband for revenge.
Syneros is arrested and brought to trial. This time Syneros speaks up in his defense,
62 Praet, “Susanna,” 573-580.

63 Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 65-68; Nagy, “Ascetic Christianity, 97-99 and 103-104.
166
the husband accepts that his wife had been indeed intent on committing adultery, and
drops the charges.
Secondly, this sequence frames a series of antitheses and gender inversions,
both in the garden episode and in the trial episode of both narratives. In the Susannah
story, the garden episode sets Susannah against the elders, just as in the Passio Sereni
the matron is set against the elderly Syneros. Susannah and her maidservants are
spotted by the elders in the garden, just as Syneros spots the matron in his garden.
The ensuing conflict revolves around sexual promiscuity: In Susannah’s case, that of
the elders; in the matron’s case, her own adultery creates trouble. During her trial,
Susannah remains silent – in Syneros’ trial, the matron is equally silent, being
represented by her husband. However, the similarities that contrast the matron and
Susannah, on one hand, and Syneros and the elders, on the other hand, end here.
Gender inversions lead to the matron assuming the characteristics and role of the
elders. Syneros, in turn, parallels the virtuous conduct of Susannah.
In the biblical story, Susannah is portrayed as chaste, modest, and faithful. In
contrast, the elders are voyeuristic, vicious, intent on forcing Susannah to commit sin.
When their attempt is unreciprocated, they plan to take revenge by unjustly accusing
her. In the Passio Sereni, this is reversed: Syneros assumes the virtue of Susannah,
being characterised as a most holy man, morally upright and authoritative. He refuses
to become even an accessory to a possible adulterous act. By driving the matron out,
he prevents the hypothetical sin to be committed. In this, he acts as the elders were
supposed to act when they spotted Susannah. The matron is clothed in the immorality
and lecherousness of the elders. She is not only sexually promiscuous, but also
vengeful when it becomes clear that she would not succeed in consummating her
adulterous design. In this first moment, the matron becomes an anti-Susannah, since
she is immodest and pursues her sexual quest in a foreign garden, whereas Susanna
was chaste and was strolling in her own garden. Similarly, Syneros becomes the anti-
type of the elders, since he is the moralizing factor, whereas the elders’ immorality is
manifest even in their act of spying on Susannah.
Susannah vs. the elders
the matron vs. Syneros
In the trial episode this gender inversion continues. Unjustly accused, both
Susannah and Syneros behave with impeccable morality; eventually, both are
acquitted of charges. Syneros’ trial obviously continues, this time with a different
charge: that of being a Christian. Yet, as far as the initial accusation is concerned, the
husband learns the truth, which prompts him to drop the charges. Here the matron
takes on the functionality of the elders, since she uses her influence and social
position to obtain Syneros’ prosecution in court. Correspondingly, Syneros assumes
the function of Susannah, unjustly accused of a crime he did not commit (in this case,
167
contumelia64), but in the end vindicated of that crime. The sinfulness of the elders and
the matron is revealed in the end and they are publicly shamed. In the Passio Sereni,
the husband, as his wife’s representative, is the first target of this public shaming. The
redactor created here an even more powerful image, since an entire elite family is
subject to social derision on account of the matron’s actions.
The narratological correspondences with the story of Susannah identified by

Praet do not exhaust the array of Scriptural parallels in which chaste and immoral
conducts are contrasted. As Nagy already observed, the couple of the abstinent
Christian and the licentious woman echoes the story of Joseph and Potiphar’s wife.65
Such interpretation is confirmed by other elements in the Passio Sereni: The
social gulf between Potiphar’s wife and Joseph finds a parallel in the difference
between the aristocratic matron and Syneros. Just like the wife of Potiphar, the
matron in the Passio Sereni is of outstanding social rank: Her husband moves in
imperial circles. Both Potiphar’s wife and the matron have a passionate disposition
which moves them to attempted adultery. The act is not consumed of course because
of the morally correct acts of Joseph and Syneros, respectively. Moreover, in the
biblical story as well as in the Passio Sereni, the wife remains unnamed. Her identity is
defined through the husband, Potiphar and the imperial guard, respectively. Both the
matron and Potiphar’s wife are forced to seek revenge through their husbands.
Syneros and Joseph also share some characteristics: They are both foreigners of
humble origin. Syneros is portrayed as an immigrant, a plebeian wage-labourer.66
Their faith in God instills strong moral principles to which they adhere in spite of
adversities. The magistrate recognises Syneros as a Christian because of these very
principles. Ultimately, both Serenus and Joseph are vindicated by God. Joseph, we are
told, rose to be the right hand of the pharaoh; through his martyrdom, Syneros
obtains the ultimate divine blessing. Syneros’ vindication, thus, occurs paradoxically
in his martyrdom, as he himself implies when stating that “nunc autem requirit me
Dominus ut in aedificium suum me constituat.”67
As a hagiographic narrative, the Passio Sereni draws its models and contents
from a wide spectrum of sources and, why not, even from real-life. In this respect,
Levente Nagy has shown that the theme of garden and gardening was a commonplace
in late antique Pannonian religious imagination: Several tomb frescoes dating from
the second half of the fourth century depict garden scenes.68 They were interpreted as
metaphors of the garden of Paradise, where those buried in the respective tombs
64 Cf. Smirnov-Brkić and Rizos, “Record E05830” (accessed 24.03.2021). Spite, cf. ThesLL 4:798, s.v.
“contumelia,” was a punishable offense.
65 Nagy, “Ascetic Christianity,” 99, with reference to Gn 39:7-23.
66 Pass. Sereni 1.1: “Senerus peregrinus, Graecus ciuis;” “hortum colere coepit... eo quod aliam artem non
nosset;” Pass. Sereni 3.2: “Senerus quidam plebeius hortulanus.”

67 Pass. Sereni 4.3.
68 Nagy, Pannóniai városok, 66-67.
168
were thought to be resting. The impact of such imagery on the Passio Sereni and its
Pannonian audience would have been powerful indeed. As locus amoenus, the garden
stands in stark contrast with the sinful intentions of the matron. 69 The symbolism of
the garden and the episode taking place there is even more complex. Its full potential
is revealed when the text is considered as a hagiographic composition centred on the
spiritual evolution of the martyr, which culminates in his confession and death.
Another hagiographic garden-scene, written in the period when the Passio Sereni was
composed, might be illuminating in this respect.
At the beginning of his Vita Pauli, Jerome dwells on a series of Egyptian
martyrdoms, among which one is particularly relevant for our purpose. He narrates
that a young man, whose name he does not mention, unflinchingly refused to offer
sacrifice to pagan gods in spite of the many tortures his persecutors inflicted. The
authorities, therefore, devised a new kind of torture. He was taken to a garden, amply
described by Jerome as an edenic locus amoenus. Hands and feet bound, the young
man was laid down on a bed of flowers next to a stream at the centre of the idyllic,
paradisiacal vegetation. A meretrix was then introduced, who tried to coerce a sexual
reaction from the young man, in order to cause him to commit sin. Needless to say,
the martyr found a way to subdue his bodily passions (by biting his tongue). The
attempt proved thus futile.70
Sexuality is here presented as the ultimate trial of a Christian, whom Jerome
views as inherently ascetic. Now, while Syneros was not himself subject to sexual
provocation, the Passio Sereni makes clear that he would not tolerate sight or even
knowledge of such deed. Were the matron successful in her adulterous intentions, the
sin would have extended also on Syneros for tolerating its happening. No evidence
suggests that the hagiographer was familiar with Jerome’s description. However, both
texts reflect the then widespread ethical-ascetic ideal of continence and of conquering
temptations. In this, the Passio Sereni integrates well predominant concerns in the
later fourth century.
The garden scene in the Vita Pauli and the Passio Sereni metaphorically
reverses the fall narrative in Gn 1: The martyr becomes an anti-Adam, who resists the
temptations of Eve – the meretrix in Vita Pauli, the immoral matron in the Passio
Sereni, respectively. But it can be interpreted as a metaphorical transposition of the
garden of Gethsemane as well, where Christ retreated before his passion. In an ascetic
register, it translates the martyr’s perfect conformity to the will of God, just as Christ
declared his perfect conformity to the will of God in the garden of Gethsemane. In this
sense, the garden signifies the martyr’s spiritual development, his steadfast devotion
to Christ; it is a metaphor of virtue and ascetic life. This hermeneutic register is the
leading thread of the entire Passio Sereni.
69 Nagy, “Ascetic Christianity,” 99.

70 Jerome, Vita Pauli 3 (ed. Leclerc, Morales and De Vogüé, 148-150).
169
3.2. Spiritual Development and Flight from Persecution
The introduction is meant to define Syneros as a holy man, an ascetic. That he

knew only the art of gardening recalls the virtue of simplicitas, which the late antique
holy man was expected to cultivate. The redactor insists on the fact that Syneros was
a foreigner, a former wanderer71 who eventually settled down. This does not have
negative connotations: Although it conveniently stresses the social differences
between Syneros and the matron, it also sets the stage for Syneros’ spiritual
development. When he renounces wandering, and chooses to settle at Sirmium,
Syneros engages on a path of spiritual progress. This is the milestone where the
future martyr, torn by the wandering paths of this world, reaches the garden of God.
His growth in faith and virtue can now begin. His inability to do anything else than
cultivate a garden metaphorically represents his wholehearted dedication to the
cultivation of Christian virtues and spiritual life.
Yet this dedication is not without tribulation. We are told that, when faced with
persecution, Syneros went into hiding for some months. Nevertheless, he soon
conquered the temptation of cowardice (that he feared physical pain),72 and returned
to freely (“libere”) cultivate his garden. Nothing in the text indicates that the cause for
his free activity could be the fading of the persecution. On the contrary, Syneros’
attitude at the beginning is markedly different from his conduct after return, when he
obliterates social deference and rebukes the matron. By this point, we are to
understand that he had fully embraced his Christian identity with any consequences
it might lead to. This dedication empowers him to take enormous social liberties and
represent authoritatively the true way of life – i.e., Christian morality. Syneros is
portrayed now as the peak of outspoken virtuousness, to which he committed himself
by returning to his garden. The redactor likewise insists on Syneros’ boldness during
the two stages of his trial: To the charge of contumelia he answers “sine aliqua
trepidatione;”73 he admits to being a Christian “sine aliqua mora.”74 His initial
apprehension is replaced with parrhesia, bold speech.
The cornerstone metaphor from Serenus’ confession adds a new dimension to
his hiding. The martyr refers to his near-lapse when he claims: “Eram autem sicut
lapis proiectus ab aedificio.” But then he adds: “nunc autem requirit me Dominus ut in
aedificium suum me constituat.”75 From the many scriptural parallels to this passage,
71 Pass. Sereni 1.1: “Senerus peregrinus ... de locis peregrinis uenisset.” I understand “peregrinus” to
signify not just “foreigner,” but also “wanderer,” cf. ThesLL 10/1: 1312-1313, s.v. “peregrinus, B2.”
72 Pass. Sereni 1.2: “latitauit non multum tempus et paucis mensibus.”
74 Pass. Sereni 3.8 and 4.2, respectively.
170
the connection with Jesus’ address to Peter in Mt 16:17-1876 is particularly

suggestive. Just as Peter had once fearfully denied Christ, but became the foundation
rock of the Church, so too Syneros, once a coward, is now transformed into a
cornerstone. Relevant here is the emphasis placed on God: It is God who wants
Syneros in his building. By the public declaration of his Christianity, Syneros in fact
does the will of God. This reveals also that Syneros’ newfound courage, his free
cultivation of the garden are signs of the vocation God granted him, of the call to
spiritual development and the summit of martyrdom.
Likewise, the right moment for martyrdom (“nunc”77) is also chosen by God.
The Passio Sereni implies that martyrdom is a grace of God, and its occasion a
providentially foreordained kairos. The martyr is bound to wait for that kairos, even if
it means he / she should go into hiding until the time comes. In this respect, the Passio
Sereni enacts the same attitude expressed in the Passio Quirini. Asked why he
attempted to escape his arrest, Quirinus explains: “Non fugiebam, sed iussum Domini
mei faciebam. Scriptum nobis est: Si uos persequentur in una ciuitate, fugite in aliam.”
He then continues: “Semper nobiscum est, et ubi fuerimus Dominus quem colimus
subuenire potest. Et modo cum apprehensus essem mecum erat, et hic mecum est
confortans me, et ipse de meo ore tibi respondet.”78 The same idea of God electing and
guiding the Christian towards martyrdom is discernible in both texts.
I already addressed the topic of legitimate flight from persecution in the
chapter relative to Quirinus.79 Suffice to repeat here that even the martyr-acts
considered authentic (Martyrium Polycarpi, Martyrium Agapis, Eirenis et Chionis, etc.)
“prescribe” it as an advisable course of action during persecution, following the
Scriptural advice in Mt 10:23, “So when they persecute you in one town, flee to the
next.” Yet flight from persecution was acceptable only on condition that, if and when
caught, the Christian who had attempted to escape eventually confessed his faith and
underwent martyrdom. Flight in this sense is intrinsically linked to the kairological
view on martyrdom: This tactic is adopted by martyrs-to-be in sign of their
expectation for the right moment to arrive. In many cases, the right moment is
revealed by God.80 Conon himself is reported to have sung before his death the lines
of Ps. 40:1-2, “I waited patiently for the Lord; he inclined to me and heard my cry.”81
Precisely because it is a grace of God, martyrdom must not be sought actively; but if
and when it comes, it should be embraced eagerly.
76 Mt 16:17-18 (Biblia Sacra Vulgata): “Respondens autem Jesus, dixit ei: Beatus es Simon Bar Jona: quia
caro et sanguis non revelavit tibi, sed Pater meus, qui in caelis est. Et ego dico tibi, quia tu es Petrus, et
super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meam, et portae inferi non praevalebunt adversus eam.”
77 Pass. Sereni 4.3: “nunc autem requirit me.”
78 Pass. Quir. II.3,5.
79 See section I.3.1 above.
80 E.g., Mart. Polycarpi 5 (ed. Musurillo, 6.3-6).
81 Mart. Cononis 6.2 (ed. Musurillo, 190.31-33).
171
The theology of martyrdom expressed by the Passio Sereni conforms to

“mainstream” expectations. By God’s providential assistance, Syneros passes through
all stages of spiritual development: From peregrinus to virtuous and ascetically
inclined Christian, then to authoritative teacher of Christian morality and integrity.
Finally, his martyrdom crowns this development with a suitable reward.
3.3. Passio Sereni and Pannonian Christian Identity
As I hope to have shown, the Passio Sereni is a complex text, with many layers of
significance. It blends in a refined way Scriptural and hagiographic associations,
building on the familiarity of Pannonian audiences with garden and gardening
imagery. Without explicitating its far-reaching implications, the Passio engages the
intellectual and associative capacities of its reader / hearer in bringing them to the
fore. The interpretive potential of the garden scene can be linked with the biblical
stories of Susannah and Joseph, it can be identified with the garden of Paradise or
Gethsemane, but it can also be understood as a metaphor for spiritual development
and ascetic ethos. Syneros is presented as a holy man on the path to spiritual
perfection, which culminates in his martyrdom. The martyrdom itself is the perfect
conforming of Syneros’ will to the will of God. It occurs at the right, foreordained
moment.
Through this text the late antique hagiographer offers a normative discourse on
Christian morality. Syenros is an exemplum whom all Christians should imitate, both
in their own conduct and in rebuking those who were led astray. Syneros’ words and
actions call the audience to observe rigorously the Christian ethical code. The
promised reward is salvation, just as Syneros received eternal life through his
martyrdom. The Passio Sereni commends in particular sexual continence and, by
extension, an ascetic lifestyle devoted to communion with God. In that, this narrative
fits well into the hagiographic programme of late antique Pannonia. Like the Passio
Irenaei, it advocates renunciation of the world in favor of a life dedicated to God. Like
the Passio Pollionis, it reflects in an indirect way on the issues of sexual integritas and
a manifestly Christian lifestyle.82. In that, it employs the same strategies: Syneros’
rebuke would have been entirely acceptable to a non-Christian audience, since the
Roman moral code, too, expected married women to behave with modesty and
fidelity. The message is that Christianity brings to fulfilment the best of Roman
morality, having thereby an exhortative, missionary character as well.
Together with other Pannonian hagiographies, the Passio Sereni contrives to
outline ascetic tendencies and ethical concerns in late antique Pannonian Christianity,
but also to present Christianity as an attractive option for non-Christians.
82The complementarity of the two hagiographies has been outlined by Nagy, “Ascetic Christianity,” 98-
104; and Smirnov-Brkić and Rizos, “Record E05830” (accessed 24.03.2021).
172
CHAPTER V
Donatus, Venustus, Hermogenes and Companions
(BHL 2309)1
The cult of this group of martyrs is not attested by late antique historical or
archaeological evidence. The Martyrologium Hieronymianum mentions only Donatus.
This is the only reference to members of the group in martyrological sources. It seems
that even the memory of Donatus faded relatively soon. But then the hagiography of
Donatus, this time with a number of companions, miraculously re-emerged in the
tenth century in an unexpected place, Cividale del Friuli (Italy). Starting with the
middle of the fourteenth century, Donatus is attested as the patron saint of Cividale.2
There are only three sources on which one can rely in order to constitute the
hagiographic dossier of Donatus and companions: the Martyrologium
Hieronymianum, the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis, and the comparison with
the hagiography of Hermagoras. The latter is the more intricate, since tradition holds
that Hermagoras was the first bishop of Aquileia, ordained by saint Peter in Rome,
and later martyred.
The relationship between the hagiography of Hermogenes (i.e., in the Passio
Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis) and that of the famous Hermagoras generated ample
debate. A number of scholars were of the opinion that the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis predated the Passio Hermachorae et Fortunati (BHL 3838-3844), and
suggested that Hermogenes provided the model for Hermagoras. This hypothesis,
first proposed by Svetozar Ritig, then taken over by Jacques Zeiller and Rudolf Egger, 3
continues to be disputed by the majority of Italian researchers. They, in turn, argue
that this theory is based on meagre and ambiguous evidence, which makes the
reverse possible too: That the martyr Hermogenes was “invented” from the traditions
referring to Hermagoras.4
1 This chapter assumes as starting point the arguments set out in Tamas, “Scio unum Deum,” 243-258.
2 Marianna Cerno, “Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis,” in Le Passioni dei martiri Aquileiesi e Istriani,
ed. Emanuela Colombi, vol. 1., Fonti per la Storia della Chiesa in Friuli. Serie medievale 7 (Rome: Istituto
Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2008), 352n42. To the sources cited there one might add Cividale del
Friuli UD, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Archivi e Biblioteca, Cod. XI, dedication to Donatus in the
preface and on f. 3r-5r.
3 Ritig, “Martirologij,” 353-61; Zeiller, Les origines, 76-8; Egger, Der heilige Hermagoras, 20-3 and 58-9.
Egger’s conclusions have been accepted, among others, by Tóth, “Sirmian Martyrs,” 156-7, and more
cautiously by Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 69.
4 See Pio Paschini, “Le fasi di una leggenda aquileiese,” RSCI 8 (1954): 162-167, 183; Enrico Marcon,
Sant’Ermagora protovescovo e martire (Gorizia: n.p., 1958), 7-8; Giuseppe Cuscito, Cristianesimo antico
Chapter V. Donatus, Venustus, Hermogenes and Companions (BHL 2309)
Below I present an outline of scholarly positions on this subject, paying special

attention to the observations made by the editor of the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis, Marianna Cerno. I also formulate a tentative opinion on the date and
function of the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis. Against Cerno’s view that the
hagiographic dossier of Donatus and companions developed late, well into the Middle
Ages, I argue that it should be situated towards the end of Late Antiquity.
Nonetheless, I should like to mention here that this opinion, albeit a legitimate
possibility, remains tentative. Given that we have so few sources to work with,
scholarly hypotheses can only aim to explain what might have happened, but
certainly cannot elucidate what actually happened. In this sense, the hagiography of
Donatus and companions remains very much and unsolvable problem.
Since the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis is the main point of reference in
this dossier, I shall begin my overview of the hagiographic dossier with this source.
1.1. Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis
The Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis narrates the martyrdom of five clerics
who suffered in Pannonia Secunda during the Great Persecution. The first victim was
the deacon Donatus from Singidunum, tried and condemned to death by the praeses
Victorianus. Next, we are informed that two other local clergymen were also
martyred, after which Victorianus moved on to Cibalae. Here, Donatus’ brother,
Venustus, was similarly tried and executed. Finally, the lector Hermogenes was
arrested. During his trial, he expelled a demon first from a statue, and later from the
persecutor’s daughter. However, the miracle was not enough to convince Victorianus,
as he condemned Hermogenes too. The epilogue informs us that the three
protagonists, Donatus, Venustus, and Hermogenes were executed purportedly on the
same day, the 21st of August.
Before Marianna Cerno published the first comprehensive critical edition of the
Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis,5 the group of martyrs was thought to include
Romulus and Silvanus (the two clergymen martyred after Donatus at Sirmium). This
raised the number of the group to five: Donatus, Venustus, Romulus, Silvanus, and
ad Aquileia e in Istria, Fonti e studi per la storia della Venezia Giulia 2/3 (Trieste: Deputazione di storia
patria per la Venezia Giulia, 1977), 22n11 and 70n20. In a subsequent monograph the same author
relegates the Hermagoras – Hermogenes problem to a single footnote where he expresses his adherence
to Paschini’s critique in the above-mentioned study: Giuseppe Cuscito, Martiri cristiani ad Aquileia e in
Istria: Documenti archeologici e questioni agiografiche (Udine: Del Bianco Editore, 1992), 21n8. The
problem has been revisited more recently by Rajko Bratož in several studies: If in “Il cristianesimo,” 22
he defended the Pannonian model, already in “Die kirchenpolitischen und kulturhistorischen
Beziehungen zwischen Sirmium und Aquileia,” Balcanica 18-19 (1987-1988): 174, he expressed doubts
with regard to its historical accuracy, and, in a lengthy analysis included in Il cristianesimo, 68-83, he
maintained that such allegation is purely the effort of modern hagiology to supplement the lack of
clarifying evidence.
5 Cerno, “Passio Donati,” 362-366.
174
Hermogenes, complicating even more the attempts to sort out the elements of the
hagiographic dossier.
For now, let us retain the relevant data offered by the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis in this sense: According to the passio, the martyrdoms took place on the
21st of August – a singular occurrence, since none of the notes of the Hieronymianum
below corresponds to this date. The passio indicates that Donatus died at Sirmium,
whereas Venustus and Hermogenes in Cibalae. This, however, should be received
with caution even at first sight. In fact, the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis is a
calque on the Pannonian Passio Pollionis, as I shall explain below.6 The only
information verified by late antique martyrological sources is Donatus’ martyrdom at
Sirmium – and only by the Martyrologium Hieronymianum. On this basis, we can
retain Donatus’ Pannonian origin ascertained.
1.2. Martyrologium Hieronymianum
Except for the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis, there is no record of

Hermogenes, Venustus, Romulus and Silvanus as martyrs from the Middle Danube
region. The Martyrologium Hieronymianum places only Donatus in Pannonia, notably
amongst a group of martyrs celebrated at Sirmium:
ad 9 apr.: Syrmium Fortunati, Donati et VII. uirginum canonicarum7
The absence of Hermogenes, Venustus, Romulus and Silvanus from the

catalogue of Pannonian martyrs is at least curious given the interest shown by the
Hieronymianum to the region.8 One suspects, therefore, that the group as such was
constituted elsewhere and that names celebrated in other regions were added to it.
And surely, the Hieronymianum mentions several times the other martyrs of this
group. From amongst the various places and dates, the region of Venetia et Histria in
Northern Italy stands out. Thus, Hermogenes is connected to Aquileia:
ad 23 aug.: In Aquileia sanctorum Fortunati Hermogenis…9
A confrontation with the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis results in two

observations with significant impact on the interpretation of this last note. In both
instances of the Hieronymianum, Donatus, respectively Hermogenes are associated
with the martyr Fortunatus. In both notes Fortunatus takes precedence: We may
6 See section V.2.1 below.

7 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 9 apr. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 41): Eptern. Firmionis Furtunati
et VII. uirginum canonicorum; Rich. In Syrmia…Furtunati et uirginum septem; Wissenb. Syrmi… Furtunati,
Donati et natale VII uirginum canonicarum. See also Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 180.
8 All surviving hagiographies referring to Pannonian martyrs have their protagonists mentioned in the
Martyrologium Hieronymianum. Cf. Bratož, “Verzeichnis,” 212-25.

9 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 23 aug. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 109): Eptern. in Aquileia natale
Furtunati Ermodori…; L. M. V. Hermonis.
175
consider him the more important of the pair. Yet Fortunatus is conspicuously absent
from the passio.
Commenting on the Hieronymianum’s note on the 23rd of August, Hippolyte
Delehaye interpreted Hermogenis as a corrupted version of Hermagoras.
Consequently, he proposed to read: “In Aquileia Furtunati et Hermagorae.”10
However, in the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis the story of the latter martyr
dominates the narrative. The redactor relegated the martyrdom of Donatus,
Venustus, Romulus, and Silvanus to the introduction, and amply narrated the arrest,
trial and death of Hermogenes, as well as the miraculous deeds he performed before
his martyrdom. As this is the only occurrence of Hermogenes in late antique
martyrologies, it seems probable that the redactor of the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis found the name either in this entry of the Hieronymianum or in some
other local calendar. If so, there is no reason to correct “Hermogenis” into
“Hermagorae.”
The Hieronymianum contains another interesting note on the 17th of February,
which mentions Donatus, Romulus and Silvanus:
ad 17 feb.: In Africa ciuitate Concordiae passio sanctorum Donati Secundiani. Aquileia

Crisantiani Eotici. Item Concordiae Iustae Alibi Romuli Saloni Saluani et
aliorum LXXXIIII quorum nomina Deus scit.11
The location, Concordia, is rather difficult to determine. It might be either in

Africa or in Italy, or both: As Valeria Mattaloni showed, this and the note of the
following day, the 18th of February, is one of the characteristic confusions of the
Hieronymianum. Martyrs celebrated in Africa and Concordia were thrown together
haphazardly in the course of the elaboration and transmission of this martyrology.12
Zeiller and Egger claimed that the Hieronymianum referred here to the group
from the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis, concluding that the entire group was
also celebrated in Concordia.13 Furthermore, Egger, who considered that the passio
transmitted historical information, proposed that Romulus and Silvanus in the list
above also had Pannonian background.14 Accordingly, he extended the list of
Pannonian martyrs so as to include Donatus, Romulus and Silvanus on the 9 th of April,
and Venustus and Hermogenes either on the 9th of April or slightly later.

11 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 17 feb. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 22): Eptern. …passio sanctorum
Donati Secundiani Aquileia Crisentiani Eutici Concordiae Iustae…; Rich. Aquileia ciuitate Concordia Donati,
Secundiani et Iusti. Alibi Romuli, Saloni, Siluani cum aliis LXXXIII; Wissenb. in Africa ciuitate Concorde
passio sanctoum Donati Secundiani. In Aquileia Crisantiani Eutici Concordiae Iustae Romoli. See also
Delehaye, Commentarius perpetuus, 102.
12 Valeria Mattaloni, “Passio Donati, Secundiani et aliorum, numero LXXII,” in Le Passioni dei martiri
Aquileiesi e Istriani, ed. Emanuela Colombi, vol. 2/1, Fonti per la Storia della Chiesa in Friuli – Istituto Pio
Paschini. Serie medievale 14 (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo, 2013), 677-678.
13 Zeiller, Les origines, 76; Egger, Der heilige Hermagoras, 53.
14 Egger, Der heilige Hermagoras, 50.
176
At the opposite end, Pio Paschini claimed that the group of the Passio Donati,
Venusti et Hermogenis was invented and the martyrs should be identified with the
group celebrated in Concordia. Paschini reversed the stakes: In his view, the
historical martyrs were those of Concordia – and the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis, a fictional hagiography that borrowed their names.15
But, as with Syneros in the previous chapter, here too the transmission history
of the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis solved at least one puzzle: The names of
Romulus and Silvanus were not part of the archetype. Instead, they were added at a
later date, probably from the Passio Donati, Secundiani et aliorum, numero LXXII,
dedicated precisely to the group celebrated in Concordia on the 17th of February. 16
The tangle can be disentangled thus:
Martyrs honoured in Africa and in Concordia were associated in the
Martyrologium Hieronymianum. It is possible that their origin was altogether in
Africa. Venustus was probably included, too. At some point a passio was composed in
Concordia in their honour: the Passio Donati, Secundiani et aliorum, numero LXXII.
Their cult was popular also in Milan, where they were celebrated, according to the
Hieronymianum, on the 6th of May.17 The cult of Hermogenes and Venustus can also be
localised to the region of Aquileia and neighbouring cities (Concordia), which
suggests that the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis was composed in this setting.
At some point in medieval Cividale del Friuli, a copyist of the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis, puzzled by the fact that two of its martyrs should remain nameless,
supplemented the names of Romulus and Silvanus, which he had found in the Passio
Donati, Secundiani et aliorum, numero LXXII. His inspiration must have been informed
by the homonimity between the two Donati, but the proximity of Concordia to
Aquileia and Cividale del Friuli probably contributed too.
1.3. Concluding Observations on the Hagiographic Dossier
If the overview above dismissed two names from the group as later
interpolations (Romulus and Silvanus), it left unanswered questions related to the
other three names, to the date and the location of their martyrdom and / or cult. The
Hieronymianum transmits the 9th of April for Donatus and the 23rd of August for
Hermogenes. In the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis, all three martyrs are said to
have died on the 21st of August. In the Hieronymianum Donatus is placed at Sirmium,
Hermogenes in Aquileia. The local, focused, transmission of the Passio Donati, Venusti
et Hermogenis in the region of Friuli also concurs with placing the cult in the
15 Pio Paschini, La chiesa aquileiese ed il periodo delle origini (Udine: Tipografia del Patronato, 1909), 66.
16 Cerno, “Passio Donati,” 355. The critical edition of the Passio Donati, Secundiani et aliorum, numero
LXXII can be found in Mattaloni, “Passio Donati,” 708-714.
17 Martyrologium Hieronymianum ad 6 mai. (ed. De Rossi and Duchesne, 55); Delehaye, Commentarius
perpetuus, 232-234.
177
surroundings of Aquileia. How did, then, Donatus of Sirmium end up in Aquileia and
how did his hagiography develop into the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis?
The hypothesis that makes most sense is that at some point in history, relics
were taken from Pannonia to Aquileia, amongst them relics attributed to Donatus.
Such an event is hardly surprising, since we have seen in previous chapters a steady
flow of relics travelling out of Pannonia, taken by refugees who fled the barbarian
raids. It is not unlikely that most of the relics taken to Italy had stopped in Aquileia,
whose close relationship with Sirmium brought about the flourishing of several cults
of Pannonian saints in local piety. 18
The link that gives this hypothesis further substance is Fortunatus. In the
Hieronymianum Fortunatus accompanies both Donatus on the 9th of April at Sirmium
and Hermogenes on the 23rd of August in Aquileia. Assuming that the notes refer to
the same Fortunatus, his relics must have accompanied those of Donatus.19 Based on
this, the 9th of April would commemorate the date of Fortunatus’and Donatus’
martyrdom, whereas the 23rd of August would preserve some memory of the
translation / deposition in Aquileia.20 Hermogenes was introduced to the group in
Aquileia, since the Hieronymianum mentions him only there. Still in Aquileia, the
memory of Fortunatus as a Pannonian martyr faded. The Adriatic city boasted, in fact,
another Fortunatus, whose tradition and prestige was by that time firmly established.
The two namesakes were soon assimilated to the benefit of the local martyr. 21
At some point after these events, a redactor composed the Passio Donati,
Venusti et Hermogenis, in Aquileia or its confines.22 He obviously assumed that
Donatus and Hermogenes were Pannonian martyrs, but knowing nothing else of their
story, he appealed to another Pannonian hagiography to frame his narration. By this
time the Pannonian Fortunatus was forgotten, so the redactor did not include him
amongst the protagonists of the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis.23
Scholars proposed various dates for the relic transfer from Pannonia to
Aquileia: Egger,24 followed by Bratož,25 deemed the transfer was occasioned by
Ataulf’s incursion in Northern Italy in 409/410 A.D. As mentioned above, Egger
assumed that the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis was written before the Passio
Hermachorae et Fortunati, and that the hagiographic tradition of Hermagoras
emerged from the cult of the Pannonian Hermogenes. The Passio Hermachorae et
18 Especially as Aquileia was situated on the main land-paths that connected the North of Italy to the
Danubian provinces (the roads Aquileia-Carnuntum and Aquileia-Sirmium). For the ecclesiastical and
cultural relations between the Adriatic city and Sirmium, see Bratož, “Die kirchenpolitischen und
kulturhistorischen Beziehungen,” 151-176.
19 Egger, Der heilige Hermagoras, 53; Jarak, “Martyres,” 273; and Bratož, “Verzeichnis,” 216-7.
20 Egger, Der heilige Hermagoras, 49 and 50; Jarak, “Martyres,” 273; Bratož, “Verzeichnis,” 217; Kovács,
Fontes Pannoniae, 69.

21 Bratož, “La Chiesa,” 133.
22 Jarak, “Martyres,” 273; Bratož, “Verzeichnis,” 217.
24 Egger, Der heilige Hermagoras, 58-9.
25 Bratož, “Verzeichnis,” 217; Bratož, “La Chiesa,” 133-134.
178
Fortunatis mentions Ataulf, and so Egger claimed that this information was also
borrowed from the hagiography of Hermogenes. Albeit in a distorted form, it would
refer to the historical event of Pannonian relics being brought to Aquileia by
immigrants coming with or shortly after Ataulf’s invasion. In Aquileia, their cult was
progressively appropriated. By the middle of the fifth century, the martyrs were
claimed as local,26 resulting in the inclusion of (or addition of an otherwise unknown)
Hermogenes in the Hieronymianum as Aquileian martyr. When the Patriarchate of
Aquileia transferred its see to Cividale, the relics were also taken there, and the cult
began to flourish anew.
Italian scholars in general disputed this opinion. Their partiality to a very late
transfer of relics is connected to the attempt to vindicate the chronological
precedence of saint Hermagoras. According to Paschini, it was rather unlikely that
relics safeguarded from the barbarian invasions in Illyricum have found shelter in
Aquileia, since that city was endangered too.27 One might object to this that a
(however short-lived) cult could have taken roots in a given place without the
permanent deposition of relics. As Pollio’s cult in Ravenna and Quirinus’ cult in
Aquileia / Grado prove, a temporary station was enough to impress a martyr in the
collective memory of a community.28
Cerno, who curated the first critical edition of the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis, advanced the tenth century as the date of the relic transfer. She cited a
note remarked upon already by Paschini and Claudio Mattaloni,29 according to which
it was Fredericus, the then Patriarch of Aquileia, who commissioned the transfer of
relics.30 At the time, the capital of the patriarchate was Cividale del Friuli. Fredericus
had conducted successful campaigns in the Hungarian kingdom, on the territory of
ancient Pannonia, and thought to celebrate his victory by importing the cult of
Pannonian martyrs. Given that a tenth-century chapel had been dedicated to Donatus
in Cividale, it can be inferred that the relics taken from Hungary were at least in part
those of Donatus.31 Cerno consequently established the composition date of the Passio
Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis to the tenth century or shortly thereafter.32
Of this note, however, nothing is certain. Being of questionable reliability, it
remains ignored by most scholars. Such a late date is contradicted, moreover, by a
number of facts.
26 Bratož, “La Chiesa,” 133, grounds his remark on the fact that the Hieronymianum mentions the martyrs
of this group in Aquileia or its surroundings.
27 Paschini, “Le fasi,” 181.
28 Bratož, “La Chiesa,” 131-133.
29 Paschini, La chiesa, 65-66; Claudio Mattaloni, “Gli altari del duomo di Cividale, con revisione di
attribuzioni, paternità e datazioni (Altare maggiore, Ss. Sacramento, S. Donato),” Ce fastu? 78, no. 2
(2002): 266-281.
30 Cerno, “Passio Donati,” 351-353.
31 Cerno, “Passio Donati,” 353n43, citing C. Mattaloni, “Il palio di S. Donato a Cividale del Friuli,” Forum
Iulii 26 (2002): 149-150.

32 Cerno, “Passio Donati,” 354; Marianna Cerno, “Riflessi di conflitti politici e teologici in alcuni esempi di
letteratura martiriale di area aquileiese,” AS Es 27, no. 1 (2010): 181.
179
Assuming that the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis was written to provide
the new cult with a foundational story,33 its focus on Hermogenes instead of Donatus
is at least puzzling. In the passio Donatus’ martyrdom is dispatched in barely a few
sentences, as is the martyrdom of Venustus (chapters I and II, respectively). The bulk
of the text (chapters III-VI) is dedicated to the story of Hermogenes. Judging from the
Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis, one would expect Hermogenes to take
precedence. But Cividale sources attest only the cult of Donatus. If, however, Donatus
and Hermogenes had already been associated in a cult, this might explain the
emphasis placed on Hermogenes. The composition of the passio and Donatus’ rise to
the patronage of Cividale should then be viewed as two separate events.
As remarked above, the Hieronymianum’s note on Hermogenes leads to believe
that the association of Hermogenes and Donatus must have taken place in Aquileia.
This same note also suggests that Hermogenes, at least, had an established cult in
Aquileia already in the fifth – sixth centuries. But there are no further indications that
Hermogenes’ cult survived into the Middle Ages. A sudden rise in popularity in the
tenth century so as to warrant the composition of a passio dedicated to him seems
unlikely. The only plausible option then is to assume that the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis was composed to assist the cult of Donatus and Hermogenes in Aquileia.
From there it passed into the annals of Cividale del Friuli when the patriarchate was
transferred there.
I concur, therefore, with scholarly pronouncements on an earlier relic transfer.
Whether this happened in ca 409-410 AD, as Egger and Bratož suppose, is less
certain. At any rate, it must predate the earliest layers of the Hieronymianum. Thus,
we can tentatively date it to the fifth century: A century that offered ample incentives
for Pannonian inhabitants to flee and take the vestiges of their martyrs along.
33 As suggested by Cerno, “Riflessi,” 181.
180
2. PASSIO DONATI, VENUSTI ET HERMOGENIS
The Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis attracted little scholarly attention.

Even so, historical and later text-critical considerations overshadowed the study of its
narrative value, its theological potential, or its function in the Christian cultic
dynamics. In general, the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis was studied from the
perspective of the relationship it had with the Passio Hermachorae et Fortunati, or
from the perspective of the historicity of events and / or persons. A shift occurred
only in the last decade: In an article published in 2010, Marianna Cerno conducted a
comparative analysis to reveal the redactorial innovations of the Passio Donati,
Venusti et Hermogenis with respect to its model, the Passio Pollionis, and their
significance;34 whereas my 2013 article tackled the doctrinal content that transpires
from the narrative. In the following section, I revisit some of the questions addressed
in the hagiographic dossier, but this time with a focus on the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis, its date and place, its models.
2.1. Relationship with the Passio Pollionis: Historical Reliability; Date of

Composition
This text is without question historically unreliable.35 That we are faced with
hagiographic forgery is suggested by several textual elements, content-wise and at
the level of presentation. The compositional structure already confirms such
suspicion. Albeit of smaller proportions, the Passio resembles the great hagiographic
legends bringing together several independent narratives connected by a key-figure
or by geographic proximity.36 Names and dates are inconsistent with martyrological
sources. Historically speaking, the praeses Victorianus is also an invention of the
redactor. No other source mentions a Victorianus praeses in Pannonia.37 The redactor
would have Diocletian send him specially to persecute Christians “in partibus
Sirmiensibus.” Victorianus’ persecuting zeal, as presented in the Passio Donati,
Venusti et Hermogenis hovers on the limits of the absurd: We are told that in a very
short period of time, he tried and sentenced at least three Christians at Sirmium, and
34 See Cerno, “Riflessi,” 182-183.

35 Although Jarak, “Martyres,” 273, still maintains that the simplicity of the account points to its historical
accuracy.
36 A very good example is the Passio Anastasiae, which also circulated in Aquileia. Paschini, “Le fasi,” 168,
asserts that the Christians of Aquileia were familiar with the Sirmian saint Anastasia, whose Roman
legend they used also to gain knowledge about Chrysogonus, a martyr venerated in Aquileia.
37 Acknowledging this lack of sources, Bratož, “Die diokletianische Christenverfolgung,” 134, proposes a
hypothetical date April 304 for his time of office.
181
two other Christians in Cibalae. The conclusion of the passio goes even further, and
states that all these martyrdoms took place on the same day!
Most importantly for our purpose here, the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis
is grafted on two hagiographic models: On one hand, the Passio Pollionis;38 on the
other hand, the Passio Hermachorae et Fortunati. With the latter it shares a series of
stock-motifs, which I shall not address here. The similarities with the hagiography of
Pollio extend to narrative – structural similarities and content-wise borrowings.
The first are clearly discernible: The entire narrative of the Passio Donati,
Venusti et Hermogenis is grafted on the Passio Pollionis. In both texts the persecution
is scheduled to begin with clerics. In both cases the first martyr is a clergyman from
Singidunum, who, strictly speaking, was not under the jurisdiction of the praeses
Pannoniae Inferioris. Finally, in both documents, after finishing off the clergy in
Sirmium, the governor heads for Cibalae, where a lector becomes his final victim.
Pollio himself is mentioned in the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis: In one of the
passages borrowed from the Passio Pollionis, the redactor substituted the name of
Valentinian with Pollio, and rendered “Valentinianus christianissimus imperator”
from the Passio Pollionis as “Pullio uir christianissimus.”
Content-wise, passages are taken over almost to the letter. The redactor also
borrowed all information relative to geographical setting and ecclesiastical offices:
Pass. Poll. (ed. Tamas) Pass. Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis

(ed. Cerno)
I. In diebus illis regnantibus

I. Diocletianus et Maximianus regnantes Diocletiano et Maximiano imperatoribus
decreuerunt ut, immissa persecutione, decreuerunt ut immensis persecutionibus
omnes christianos … a fide facerent Christianos … a fide Christi facerent
deviare. deuiare
(…) (…)
2. Probus praeses … a clericis 2. Victorianus praeses … a clericis
sumpsit exordium; et comprehensum sumpsit exordium. Adprehensum
sanctum Montanum, presbyterum sanctum Donatum diaconum
ecclesiae Singidunensis diuque ecclesiae Singidunensis diuque
christianae fidei uiribus christianae fidei pro uiribus
conluctantem, misit in fluuium. colluctantem misit in carcerem…
3. Episcopum quoque Irenaeum II. Presbyterum quoque Sirmiensis
Sirmiensis ecclesiae pro fide et ecclesiae qui … pro fidei constantia
commissae sibi plebis constantia et commissa sibi plebe
fortiter dimicantem ad caelestem fortiter dimicabat ad caelestem
palmam simili sententia cognitor palmam simili sententia praedictus
prouexit immitis. prouexit immitis.
4. Etiam sanctum Demetrium, 2. Item et alium
eiusdem ecclesiae diaconum, diaconum sanctum eiusdem ecclesiae,
renuntiantem idolis et impia idolis renuntiantem et impia
praecepta contempnentem, uario praecepta contemnentem per uaria
38 Ritig, “Martirologij,” 354-5 and Zeiller, Les origines, 76.
182
tormentorum genere confectum tormentorum genera confectum

temporali morti tradidit in aeternitate temporali morte tradidit in aeternitate
uicturum. uicturum.
II. Sed, cum in his eius satiata 3. Sed, cum in eis eius satiata
crudelitas non fuisset, uicinas crudelitas non fuisset, uicinas
peragrandas esse credidit ciuitates. 2. Et ciuitates peragrandas decreuit et
cum sub specie publicae necessitatis cum sub specie publicae necessitatis
ad urbem Cibalitanam peruenisset, de in ciuitatem Ciualitanam deuenisset, de
qua Valentinianus, christianissimus qua Pullio, uir christianissimus
imperator, oriundus esse cognoscitur … 3. esse cognoscitur
contigit Domini misericordia prouidente contigit Domini misericordia
ut eodem die comprehensus Pullio... apprehensum esse sanctum Venustum...
(…) (…)
III. 2. Probus dixit: “Quod III.3. Victorianus praeses dixit: Quod
officium geris?” Beatus officium geris Christi tui? Sanctus
Pullio respondit: “Primicerius lectorum”. Hermogenes dixit: lectoris.
Probus dixit: “Quorum lectorum?” Dixit ei praeses: uel quorum lectorum?
Beatus Pullio respondit: “Qui eloquia Beatus Hermogenes dixit: qui scientiam
diuina populis legere consueuerunt” populis legere consueuerunt.
(…)
5. Probus praeses dixit: “Quae mandata Dixit ei praeses: quae mandata
legendo, uel cuius regis?” legis, uel cuius salutis gaudia doces?
Beatus Pullio respondit: Sanctus Hermogenes dixit: Domino meo
“Christi regis pia et sancta mandata.” Iesu Christo regi saeculorum pia et
sancta mandata.
(...) (…)
6. … non posse dici deos ligna et lapides 5. ... Dii tui lignei et lapidei sunt
Several passages of the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis (siglum PD below)

included in the table above present an even greater resemblance to textual variants of
the Cividale subfamily of the Passio Pollionis (siglum C).39 Thus:
I.1 In diebus illis regnantibus Diocletiano et Maximiano PD

In diebus illis Dioclitiano et Maximiano regnantibus C
II.1 a fide Christi facerent deviare PD, C
II.2. pro fidei constantia et commissa sibi plebe PD, C
II.3. in eis eius satiata crudelitas PD, C
The Cividale manuscripts (C11 and C12)40 belong to the third family of witnesses
that transmit the Passio Pollionis. This family also includes the Magnum Legendarium
Austriacum, copies of which share the above lemmata.41 It is possibile that the
39 See the critical apparatus in Tamas, “Passio Pollionis,” 27-29. Cerno also presents a comparative table
that highlights the common elements between the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis and the Cividale
version of the Passio Pollionis and its ActaSS edition, respectively. My edition of the Passio Pollionis,
however, emended the ActaSS text in several places. Some of the readings Cerno thought characteristic
to the Cividale branch are attested by other witnesses and go back to the archetype.
40 C11 = Cividale del Friuli UD, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Archivi e Biblioteca, Cod. XI, last quarter of
the fourteenth century; C12 = Cividale del Friuli UD, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, Archivi e Biblioteca,
Cod. XII, ca 1430-1440.
41 See Tamas, “Passio Pollionis,” 20-23, and the critical apparatus at p. 27.
183
redactor of the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis used a copy of the Passio Pollionis
belonging to this family. Or, at some point, the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis
was corrected from a third family hyparchetype of the Passio Pollionis, now lost.
The simpler solution would be to accept that the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis was composed from a Cividalese model of the Passio Pollionis – were it
not for the dates of C11 and C12, much younger than the earliest copies of the Passio
Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis. The hagiography of Pollio made its way into the
legendaries of Cividale in the later part of the fourteenth century. By that time
Donatus was firmly established as patron-saint. Moreover, Pollio’s inclusion was
rather incidental. C11 contains material for the months of July and September, not for
April, where the Passio Pollionis normally belonged. It appears exceptionally in C11.
C12 does cover the month of April, but it did not contain initially the Passio Pollionis. A
later hand copied it in the margins, perhaps by way of redressing what was perceived
as an ommission.42 This irregularity suggests that the Passio Pollionis was introduced
in the legendary of Cividale because the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis
mentioned Pollio by name.43
A closer look at the transmission history of the Passio Pollionis is then needed.
Given the correspondences above, the text on which the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis was grafted must have contained at least some variants characteristic to
the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum – Cividale family of the Passio Pollionis. Internal
variants of this family also suggest that C11 was not copied after an extant witness of
the Austrian legendary. C11 shares a small number of significant variants with
members of the other two families, variants which do not occur in the Magnum
Legendarium Austriacum. The archetype of C11 (δ) must also be the archetype from
which the model of the Magnum Legendarium Austriacum (γ) was copied.
δ
γ
MLA
C11
The extant manuscripts of the Austrian legendary are dated from the twelfth to
the fifteenth century, but γ could date from the end of the eleventh century. If so, δ
must be even earlier, and must have circulated in the Austrian – Adriatic region. The
close cultural and political ties that characterise this region throughout Late Antiquity
but also the Middle Ages strengthen this hypothesis. Pollio and his hagiography were
certainly known in Ravenna.44 In light of all this, it is entirely possible that δ or an
earlier version of the Passio Pollionis was used either to compose the Passio Donati,
42 Cf. Cesare Scalon and Laura Pani, I codici della Biblioteca Capitolare di Cividale del Friuli (Florence:
Sismel, 1998), 109.
43 Tamas, “Passio Pollionis,” 22-23.
44 Cf. section III.1.3 above.
184
Venusti et Hermogenis, or to correct potential variant readings in an existing version

of the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis. These corrections were then transmitted
to all the extant witnesses.
In conclusion, this hagiographic narrative was composed after relics belonging
to a series of Pannonian martyrs had been transferred to Aquileia. There was some
knowledge that relics of Donatus and possibly of Fortunatus were amongst them. In
Aquileia Hermogenes was added to the group, perhaps even Venustus, and
Fortunatus eliminated. The Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis was born, thus, out
of the need to accommodate – or even popularize – the cult of Donatus’ group in the
region. For such a purpose, historical accuracy was less important. What mattered
was to make from the martyrs models worthy of imitation.
Establishing the date of the translation is important because it coincides with
the terminus post quem of the passio. I contend with Egger, Bratož, and others that the
translation happened much earlier than the tenth century, in the tumultuous twilight
of the later Roman empire. If not in 409/410 AD, in the course of the fifth century at
least, when other Pannonian martyrs are documented in Aquileia. But before the
passio took shape, sufficient time must have passed by so that the Pannonian
Fortunatus could be forgotten. In view of these indications, the passio could have
been indeed composed in the later fifth or the sixth century, as suggested by Kovács.45
Joannes Pinius based the editio princeps of the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis on a seventeenth century transcript he found in “breviaria vetustissima”
sent to the Bollandists from Cividale.46 He was unable to provide more details on the
date of the Cividale breviary and his occasional difficulties in reading the transcript
reflected on the quality of the text he published. Obviously, being a late and rather
fictitious work, modern editors eschewed the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis.
The first critical edition appeared only in 2013, through the work of Marianna Cerno,
who penned also the only translation of this text in a modern language (Italian).
Acta [SS. Donati, Romuli, Sylvani, Venusti et Hermogenis martyris], ed. Joannes Pinius, ActaSS
Augusti, vol. 4 (Antwerp: Jacobus Meursius, 1739), 412-413.
Marianna Cerno, “Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis,” in Le passioni dei martiri Aquileiesi e
Istriani, ed. by Emanuela Colombi, vol. 1, Fonti per la storia della Chiesa in Friuli –
Istituto Pio Paschini. Serie medievale 7 (Rome: Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medio Evo,
2008), 362-370.
Below I present the critical text established by Cerno. Accompanying it is the

first English translation of the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis.
45Kovács, Fontes Pannoniae, 68, albeit without explaining why he established this date.
46Joannes Pinius, “De SS. Donato, Romulo, Sylvano, Venusto, et Hermogene martyre, Foro-Julii in Italia,”
ActaSS Augusti, vol. 4 (Antwerp: Jacobus Meursius, 1739), 411.
185
Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis
I. In diebus illis regnantibus Diocletiano et Maximiano imperatoribus

decreuerunt ut immensis persecutionibus christianos persequerentur de ciuitatibus
eorum siue castellis qui essent qui diligenter Christo deseruirent, ut eos a fide Christi
facerent deuiare. 2. Et ecce adueniens Victorianus praeses ex praecepto Diocletiani in
5 partibus Sirmiensibus ad christianos torquendos, ita a clericis sumpsit exordium.
Adprehensum sanctum Donatum diaconum sanctae ecclesiae Singidunensis diuque
christianae fidei pro uiribus colluctantem misit in carcerem.
3. Alia autem die primo diluculo exsurgente dixit Victorianus praeses: “Donate, quis te
persuasit, ut non colas deos nostros, sicut et nos et iudices nostri?”
10 Dixit ei sanctus Donatus: “Deos tuos surdos et mutos non colo. Colo autem Dominum
meum Iesum Christum, filium Dei uiui, qui est uerus et omnipotens Deus.”
4. Iratus autem Victorianus praeses dixit ei: “Recede ab hac stultitia.”
Dixit ei beatus Donatus: “Stultus tu es uel iudices tui.”
Audiens autem haec praeses furore accensus iussit eum apprehendi et iussit eum
15 capitalem subire sententiam.
II. Presbyterum quoque Sirmiensis ecclesiae qui cum sancto Donato diacono
et martyre Christi pro fidei constantia et commissa sibi plebe fortiter dimicabat ad
caelestem palmam simili sententia praedictus prouexit immitis. 2. Item et alium
diaconum sanctum eiusdem ecclesiae, idolis renuntiantem et impia praecepta
20 contemnentem per uaria tormentorum genera confectum temporali morte tradidit in
aeternitate uicturum. 3. Sed cum in eis eius satiata crudelitas non fuisset, uicinas
ciuitates peragrandas decreuit et cum sub specie publicae necessitatis in ciuitatem
Ciualitanam deuenisset, de qua Pullio uir christianissimus esse cognoscitur, contigit
domini misericordia apprehensum esse sanctum Venustum, germanum sancti Donati
25 martyris, a ministris ipsius impiissimi Victoriani, et praecepit eum suis consisti
apparitoribus;
4. qui dum intuitus eum fuisset, Victorianus praeses dixit: “Venuste, recordare
quomodo germano tuo Donato caput feci amputari? Consule uel tu tibi, ueni et
sacrifica diis nostris, quos et nos et principes nostri ueneramur, ne tibi similiter fieri
30 praecipiam.”
_________________
10 surdos et mutos: cf. Dt 4:28 || 11 cf. Mt 16:16; Jn 11:27
1/7 cf. Pass. Poll. I.1-2 || 11 uerus ... Deus: Pass. Quir. II.4 || 12 recede – stultitia: cf. Pass.
Quir. III.4 || 16/26 cf. Pass. Poll. I.3-4 || 28 consule – tibi: Pass. Iren. 4.6; Acta Cypriani 3.4
(ed. Musurillo, 172.11-12)
186
The Martyrdom of saints Donatus, Venustus and Hermogenes
I. In the days when the emperors Diocletian and Maximian were ruling, they
resolved that, through an immense persecution they should seek out in every town or
village47 there might be the Christians who had diligently served Christ in order to
force them to stray from the faith of Christ. 2. And so, by order of Diocletian, the
governor Victorianus came to Sirmium to torment Christians: Thus, he began with the
clergy. Having arrested saint Donatus, deacon in the holy church of Singidunum, who
fought for a long time supported by the strength of Christian faith,48 [Victorianus] cast
him into prison.
3. As dawn broke the next day, the governor Victorianus said: “Donatus, who
convinced you against worshipping our gods as we ourselves and our judges do?”
Saint Donatus told him: “I do not worship your deaf and mute gods. But I worship my
Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of the living God, who is true and almighty God.”
4. Angered, the governor Victorianus told him: “Set aside this stupidity!”
The blessed Donatus said to him: “Stupid are you and your judges!”
When the governor heard these, his rage was inflamed, and he ordered that Donatus
be seized and ordered he suffer the death penalty by decapitation.
II. Through a similar sentence, the cruel [governor] mentioned above led to the
celestial palm also a priest of the church in Sirmium, who, together with saint
Donatus deacon and martyr, put up a strong contest for the constancy of the faith and
the people entrusted to him. 2. He also delivered to worldly death another holy
deacon of that same church, who rejected the idols and despised the impious edicts,
consuming with various kinds of torments him who was to be victorious in eternity.
3. But since his cruelty was not appeased with these, he decreed that the
neighbouring cities ought to be searched as well. And under the pretext of public
necessity he arrived at the city of Cibalae, from which Pullio, this most Christian
martyr is known to originate. Then the Lord’s providential mercy arranged that saint
Venustus, brother of saint Donatus the martyr, was seized by the servants of the same
impious Victorianus, and he ordered Venustus to appear before his tribunal.
4. When he was presented to him, Victorianus said: “Venustus, do you remember how
I had the head of your brother Donatus cut off? You, at least, take heed, come and
offer sacrifice to our gods, whom both us and our emperors worship, lest I order you
endure a similar fate.”
47 Already in Late Antiquity, “castellum” was used interchangeably for “uicus.” See Péter Kovács, Vicus és
castellum kapcsolata az alsó-Pannoniai limes mentén (Piliscsaba: PPKE BTK, 1999), 23-50.
48 Cf. Cerno, “Passio Donati,” 367: “Donato … che da molto tempo lottava grazie alla forza della fede
cristiana.”
187
5. Sanctus Venustus subridens dixit: “Viuit Dominus meus Iesus Christus, quia non
scio plures deos esse, quos tu dicis; sed scio unum Deum uiuum et uerum, Patrem et
Filium et Spiritum sanctum, qui est trinus et unus Deus.”
6. Dixit ei Victorianus praeses: “Quid plura? Sacrifica diis.”
5 Dixit ei sanctus Venustus: “Non sacrifico diis tuis uanis, sed sacrifico Deo patri
sacrificium laudis, qui regnat in caelis.”
Tunc furore repletus Victorianus praeses iussit ministris suis eum apprehendi et
foras ciuitatem educi et ibi decollari. Et dum diutius orasset ad Dominum, decollatus
est in eodem loco.
10 III. Et ecce appropinquauit beatus Hermogenes, qui cum cognouissent eum
ministri rei publicae christianum esse, apprehendentes eum duxerunt ad praesidem.
Et dum sibi eum praesentari fecisset, dixit ei praeses: “Dic mihi, Hermogenes, et tu
seduci uis?”
Dixit ei beatus Hermogenes: “Tu seduceris, miser.”
15 2. Dixit ei Victorianus: “Fortassis et tu christianus uocaris?”
Dixit ei beatus Hermogenes: “Christianus uocor.”
3. Victorianus praeses dixit: “Quod officium geris Christi tui?”
Sanctus Hermogenes dixit: “Lectoris.”
Dixit ei praeses: “Vel quorum lectorum?”
20 Beatus Hermogenes dixit: “Qui scientiam populis legere consueuerunt.”
4. Dixit ei praeses: “Quae mandata legis, uel cuius salutis gaudia doces?”
Sanctus Hermogenes dixit: “Domino meo Iesu Christo regi saeculorum pia et sancta
mandata.”
5. Praeses dixit: “Et quem deum adoras?”
25 Beatus Hermogenes dixit: “Vnum Deum uerum, qui fecit caelum et terram, mare et
omnia quae in eis sunt.”
Dixit ei praeses: “Num dii nostri ueri dii non sunt?”
Dixit ei beatus Hermogenes: “Dii tui lignei et lapidei sunt, nec aliquid in se diuinum
habent, nec sibi nec alicui praestare possunt salutem.”
30 6. Dixit ei praeses: “Hermogenes, consule tibi: ueni et sacrifica diis magnis: nam
faciam te celerius puniri.”
_________________
2 1 Thes 1:9 || 6 Ps 106:22 || 25/26 Acts 14:14; cf. Ex 20:11; Ps 145:6; Acts 4:24 ||
28/29 lignei – habent: cf. Dt 4:28, 28:36, 28:64, 29:17; 2 Kgs 19:18; Ez 20:32
2 non – esse: cf. Pass. Quir. III.2; Acta Cypriani 1.2 (ed. Musurillo, 170.9) || 10/11 cum –
praesidem: cf. Pass. Poll. II.3 || 15/23 cf. Pass. Poll. III.1-2 || 25 unum – uerum: Pass. Quir.
V.5; Acta Cypriani 1.2 (ed. Musurillo, 170.9-10) || 28 lignei et lapidei: cf. Pass. Poll. III.6, Acta
Marcelli 1.1 (ed. Musurillo, 250.8-10); Theophilus, Ad Autolycum I.10 (ed. Bardy, 80);
Tertullianus, Apologeticum 22.12 (ed. Dekkers, 130.56); De idololatria 3 (ed. Reifferscheid and
Wissowa, 1103.19-29); Minucius Felix, Octavius 23 (ed. Hurter, 68-69) || 30 consule tibi:
Pass. Iren. 4.6; Acta Cypriani 3.4 (ed. Musurillo, 172.11-12)
188
5. Smiling [at this], saint Venustus said: “My Lord Jesus Christ lives, and for that
reason I do not know the many gods of whom you speak to exist, but I do know the
one, living, and true God, Father and Son and Holy Spirit, who is threefold, yet one
God.”
6. The governor Victorianus told him: “What more? Offer sacrifice to the gods!”
Saint Venustus said to him: “I do not offer sacrifice to your empty gods, but I do offer
a sacrifice of praise to God the Father, who reigns in heaven.”
Then the governor Victorianus was filled with rage and ordered his servants to seize
Venustus, take him out of the city, and decapitate him there. And after he had prayed
to the Lord for a long time on that same spot, he was decapitated.
III. Now the blessed Hermogenes approached. When the public servants
learned he was a Christian, they seized him and brought him to the governor. When
the governor had Hermogenes presented for trial, he said to him: “Tell me,
Hermogenes, do you also have a wish to be deluded?”
The blessed Hermogenes said to him: “You are the one deluded, o wretched one!”
2. Victorianus said to him: “Perhaps you too are called a Christian?”
The blessed Hermogenes said to him: “I am [indeed] called a Christian.”
3. The governor Victorianus said: “What duty do you fulfil for your Christ?”
Saint Hermogenes said: “That of reader.”
The governor said to him: “But of which readers?”
The blessed Hermogenes said: “Those who usually read the teaching to the people.”
4. The governor told him: “What commandments do you read? And the blessings of
which salvation do you teach?”
Saint Hermogenes said: “The pious and saintly commandments [taught] by my Lord
Jesus Christ, the eternal king.”
5. The governor said: “And which god do you worship?”
The blessed Hermogenes said: “The one true God who made heaven and earth, the sea
and all that is in them.”
The governor said to him: “So our gods are not true gods?”
The blessed Hermogenes said to him: “Your gods are of wood and of stone, and they
have nothing divine in them, nor can they provide salvation either to themselves or to
anyone else.”
6. The governor said to him: “Hermogenes, think of yourself: come, and offer sacrifice
to the great gods, otherwise I shall have you punished at once.”
189
Respondit sanctus Hermogenes: “Iam pridem tibi dixi: non sacrifico diis tuis uanis,
mutis et surdis.”
Tunc iratus praeses iussit eum in carcere trudi. Apprehendentes custodes uinctis
manibus trahebant eum ad carcerem.
5 IV. Et dum traherentur, conspiciens idolum, facto signaculo Christi comminatus
est spiritui, qui in eo latitabat: et statim cecidit maxima pars templi; et ecce exiens
daemon ab eo clamabat dicens: “Quid nobis et tibi, uir Dei? Venisti ante tempus
torquere nos?” 2. Et introiuit in filiam praesidis, et clamabat per os eius dicens: “Si non
uenerit uir Dei, quem in carcerem misisti, non exeo hinc.” 3. Audiens autem haec
10 praeses iussit eum silentio ad se perduci: et cum uenisset beatus Hermogenes ad
praesidem, dixit ei praeses: “Hermogenes, potes filiam meam saluam facere?”
4. Dixit ei beatus Hermogenes: “Non ego, sed Dominus meus Iesus Christus: in ipsius
nomine possum eam saluam facere.”
Dixit ei praeses: “Si potes, fac quod dicis.”
15 V. Dixit ei uir Dei: “Si credis in Dominum meum Iesum Christum filium Dei uiui,
qui tertia die resurrexit a mortuis, ego faciam quod promisi.”
Praeses dixit: “Si iam sanam uidero filiam meam, credam in Deum tuum.”
2. Sanctus Hermogenes dixit: “Scio quod falleris et non credis, quia obduratum est cor
tuum. Sed propter populum adstantem faciam eam saluam.”
20 3. Et posuit genua sua in terram, et rogauit Dominum dicens: “Domine Deus
omnipotens, qui cognitor es omnium, praesta ut tua uirtute exeat daemon de puella
hac.” Et haec dicens erexit se et posuit manum super caput puellae, 4. et facto
signaculo Christi dixit: “Praecipio tibi, immunde spiritus, in nomine Domini nostri
Iesu Christi, recede ab hac puella et non amplius eam fatigare audeas.” Et statim exiit
25 ab ea et facta est quasi mortua. Et eleuauit uocem suam laudans et glorificans Deum,
qui ea saluam fecit.
VI. Et uidit pater eius quod ipsa Dominum Deum caeli benediceret, obcaecato
corde dixit ei: “Filia, dii tui te saluam fecerunt.”
Audiens haec uir Dei subridens ait: “Dii tui uani sunt, sicut et tu factus esse
30 cognosceris, et nihil sibi nec aliis praestare possunt.”
2. Victorianus iniquus praeses dixit: “Hermogene, noli tam diu uana et inutilia uerba
prosequi; ueni et sacrifica diis, qui filiam meam saluam fecerunt.”
3. Sanctus Hermogenes dixit ei: “Viuit Dominus Deus meus, qui filiam tuam saluam
fecit: quia ipsum adoro et ei sacrificare non desisto.”
_________________
2 mutis et surdis: cf. Dt 4:28 || 7/8 Mt 8:29; cf. Mk 1:24; Lk 4:34 || 15 Mt 16:16; Jn 11:27
|| 18/19 obduratum – tuum: cf. Ex 7:22; Ps 94:8; Heb 3:8, 3:15 || 25 laudans et glorificans:
cf. Dn 3:51; Lk 2:20 || 27/28 obcaecato corde: cf. Mk 6:52
3 iratus: cf.Pass. Iren. 5.1 || 25 laudans et glorificans: Pass. Poll. V.1
190
Saint Hermogenes answered: “I already told you: I do not offer sacrifice to your
empty, mute and deaf gods.”
Then the governor, angered, ordered he be thrown in prison. The guards seized
Hermogenes and dragged him to prison, hands chained.
IV. While he was being delivered [to prison], he noticed an idol. Making the sign
of Christ,49 he threatened the spirit that was hiding in it: And immediately the greater
part of the temple collapsed; and lo!, the demon came out of the statue, and shouted
saying: “What have you to do with us, o man of God? Have you come to torment us
before time?” 2. And he entered the governor’s daughter, and shouted through her
mouth saying: “Unless the man of God whom you sent into prison comes, I shall not
leave here!” 3. Upon hearing these, the governor ordered that Hermogenes be
brought to him in secret: And when the blessed Hermogenes came, the governor said
to him: “Hermogenes, can you save my daughter?”
4. The blessed Hermogenes said to him: “Not I, but my Lord Jesus Christ: In his name I
can save her.”
The governor said to him: “If you can, do what you say.”
V. The man of God told him: “If you believe in my Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of
the living God, who rose from the dead on the third day, I shall do what I promised.”
The governor said: “When I see my daughter safe, I shall believe in your God.”
2. Saint Hermogenes said: “I know you shall cheat and you shall not believe, for your
heart is hardened. But on account of the people here present, I shall save her.”
3. And he knelt down, and asked God saying: “O Lord almighty God, who knows
everything, let it be that by your merit the demon departs from this girl.” These said,
he arose and put his hand over the head of the girl, 4. and making the sign of Christ
said: “I command you, evil spirit, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, leave this girl
and dare not harass her any longer.” At once [the demon] departed from her, and she
looked as if dead. And she raised her voice in praising and glorifying God, who saved
her.
VI. And her father saw that she herself was blessing the Lord God of heaven.
With darkened heart, he said to her: “Daughter, your gods saved you!”
Hearing this, the man of God smiled and said: “Your gods are empty, just as you have
been made to realise, and they cannot provide anything either for them or for others.”
2. Victorianus the wicked governor said: “Hermogenes, speak no more such empty
and useless words! Come and offer sacrifice to the gods who saved my daughter.”
3. Saint Hermogenes said to him: “My Lord God, who saved your daughter, lives: For
this reason I worship him and I do not cease to offer sacrifice to him.”
49 The sign of the cross.
191
Victorianus praeses dixit: “Hermogene, doleo de pulchritudine tua et nisi celerius

mihi acquieueris, diuersis poenis te adfici praecipiam.”
4. Post haec iussit eum apprehendi et iterum in carcerem recludi; et non diu iterum
iussit eum ante suum tribunal consisti. Et dum staret ante tribunal, dixit ei praeses:
5 “Iusserunt domini nostri imperatores caerimoniari.”
5. Dixit ei sanctus Hermogenes: “Neque imperatorum praeceptis oboedio, neque
sermonibus tuis acquiesco.”
Tunc repletus furore Victorianus iussit frenum in os eius mitti, et foras ciuitatem duci,
et ibidem decollari praecipit. 6. Et dum ad loca damnatorum peruenisset, posuit
10 genua sua in terram et Dominum nostrum Iesum Christum rogauit, ut eius spiritum
acciperet: et statim decollatus est in eodem loco. Venientes autem uiri religiosi et
tollentes corpus eius, sepelierunt eum prope corpora sanctorum martyrum. 7. Passi
sunt autem beatissimi martyres Christi Donatus, Venustus et Hermogenes sub die
duodecimo Kalendarum Septembris, imperantibus Diocletiano et Maximiano
15 imperatoribus; regnante Domino nostro Iesu Christo, cui est honor et gloria, laus et
potestas per infinita saecula saeculorum. Amen.
_________________
1 doleo: cf. Pass. Quir. V.6 || 5 iusserunt – caerimoniari: Acta Cypriani 3.4 (ed. Musurillo,
172.9-10) || 10/11 dominum – acciperet: cf. Pass. Iren. 5.4 || 11 statim – est: cf. Pass.
Sereni 5.1
192
The governor Victorianus said: “Hermogenes, I deplore your beauty but if you do not
obey me at once, I shall command your demise through various punishments.”
4. After that he ordered that Hermogenes be seized and confined once more to prison.
Not long after, he ordered that he stand again at his tribunal. And when [Hermogenes]
stood for trial, the governor said to him: “Our lords, the emperors, gave the order to
worship [the gods].”
5. Saint Hermogenes said to him: “I do not obey the commandments of the emperors,
nor do I submit to your entreaties.”
Then Victorianus, filled with rage, ordered he be put a gag in his mouth and be
brought outside the city and there beheaded. 6. When [Hermogenes] came to the
place of execution, he knelt down and prayed to our Lord Jesus Christ to accept his
spirit: And he was immediately beheaded on that very spot. Now religious men came,
took his body, and buried him near the bodies of the holy martyrs. 7. The most
blessed martyrs of Christ Donatus, Venustus, and Hermogenes suffered on the twelfth
day before the Kalends of September,50 by order of the emperors Diocletian and
Maximian, in the reign of our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom honour and glory, praise and
might for ever and ever. Amen.
50 The 21st of August.
193
3. SCIO UNUM DEUM VIVUM ET VERUM, QUI EST TRINUS ET UNUS DEUS: THE RELEVANCE
OF CREEDAL ELEMENTS IN THE PASSIO DONATI, VENUSTI ET HERMOGENIS
One of the most peculiar features of the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis is
the abundance of confessional statements, quite elaborately phrased. These
statements can indicate that the passio was composed in a period of doctrinal
clarification. I suggested it might have been the late fifth – early sixth century, in the
milieu of Aquileia. In the following, I shall concentrate on the passages with doctrinal
bearing, analysing them from a contextual and audience-oriented perspective. I hope
to show that the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis was written in support of an
anti-heterodox propaganda, inspired by the campaign that Chromatius, bishop of
Aquileia in 388-408, led. A caveat must be reiterated: Considering what we know on
the cult and hagiography of Donatus and companions, the interpretation I propose
here may be plausible. Nonetheless, it does not constitute a definitive solution, simply
because the dossier is too ambivalent.51
This being said, it strikes that the theological content of the confessional
statements analysed below fits well the context of late antique doctrinal debates. In
their light, the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis can be seen as an identity-
constructive discourse that vehiculates Nicene tenets to a community plagued with
doctrinal divide and comprising heterodox members. The creedal insertions speak
about the author’s aims and the mind-set of the target audience, revealing a new
compositional dimension.
The Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis offers ample proof that its compiler
was less interested in the historicity of the narrated events, and more in the effect the
story would produce on its readers. As the popularity and the authority of
hagiographies increased, and the martyr was perceived as a model of the perfect
Christian, more and more accent was placed on the life of the martyr and his/her
Christian beliefs were given more detail. Where necessary, the biographic material
could be supplemented with stock-motifs, as a certain type of ideal conduct in words
and deeds came to be expected. Here we find the ingenuity of hagiographers: Just like
the famous authors of sermons on martyrs, they too could manage – in a less
conspicuous way – to impress certain facets in the story of the martyr, which they
wanted to foster amongst those who came in contact with the text.52
A similar tendency transpires in the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis too.
The primary aim of the compiler was not necessarily to inform his target-audience,
51 What follows is a revised version of my “Scio unum Deum.”

52 Mart. Perpetuae 1.5 (ed. Musurillo, 106.16-25) already declares its intentional composition for the
edification of posterity. A more ready example is the very Passio Pollionis, in which a lengthy exposition
of Christian orthopraxis sought to incline the target-audience to adopt it entirely. Cf. section III.3 above.
194
but rather to reform it, to bend it according to what he perceived as the right
behavior and belief. In spite of the rapid pace of the narration, the verbal exchanges
between the persecutor (Victorianus) and the three martyrs (Donatus, Venustus, and
Hermogenes) stand out. The redactor eluded many hagiographic conventions, such as
tortures, attempts at bribery, extensive perorations about the superiority of the
Christian faith, (final) prayers.53 Given their structural prominence, the martyrs’
retorts, infused with Scriptural allusions and doctrinal assertions, are the key to
interpret the text. This brings us to the two questions I wish to address: What does
this hagiography communicate to the audience of that time through the words
pronounced by the martyrs? And what can we glean from the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis about the composition, beliefs, and prospects of said audience? The
confessions expressed by Donatus and his brother, Venustus, are particularly apt to
answer these questions. First, however, it seems opportune to discuss briefly the
confessional statement of Hermogenes.
Hermogenes’ confession reiterates traditional topics of the Christian
argumentation against paganism: In the first part, it proclaims God as creator of the
entire cosmos. Echoing the Passio Pollionis, the second part, in turn, attacks the pagan
pantheon with an apologetic locus communis: Namely, that the gods are nothing more
than statues made of wood and stone, and, as such, they cannot effect salvation:
“Praeses dixit: “Et quem deum adoras?” Beatus Hermogenes dixit: “Vnum Deum
uerum qui fecit caelum et terram, mare et omnia quae in eis sunt.” Dixit ei praeses:
“Nam dii nostri ueri dii non sunt?” Dixit ei beatus Hermogenes: “Dii tui lignei et
lapidei sunt, nec aliquid in se diuinum habent, nec sibi nec alicui praestare
possunt salutem.”54
Of all the declarations given by the three accused Christians, this one is the
most consistent with the circumstances of the early fourth century persecution. It
represents nothing more than one would expect from a confessor of that time and
that theological maturity, as many other early Christian writings and reliable
hagiographic texts show.55 Hermogenes’ two replies cited above have rich Scriptural
parallels: Acts 4:24, 14:14; Ex 20:11; Ps 145:6 on one hand, Dt 4:28, 28:36, 28:64,
53 Exceptions are Hermogenes’ exorcism prayer and his repeated interrogation, but even then the
governor is satisfied with merely threatening the reader. This is not singular where Pannonian martyrs
are concerned, especially those of Pannonia Secunda: The text from which the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis took inspiration, the Passio Pollionis, displays the same concentration on the dialogue
between prosecutor and the accused Christian. The Passio Sereni focuses in a similar way on the verbal
exchange between the gardener and the presiding magistrate. In neither case is there any reference to
torture or to a longer trial, one of the factors that gave them the appearance of historical reliability, just
as it happened with Donatus’ legend.
54 Pass. Donati III.5-6.
55 For the representation of God as creator of the universe in martyr-acts, see the study of László
Perendy, “Deum qui fecit caelum et terram: Identifying the God of Christians in the Acts of Martyrs,” in
Leemans, Martyrdom and Persecution, 221-239. For similarities with apologetic literature and other
martyr-acts, see the apparatus above.
195
29:17; 2 Kgs 19:18; Ez 20:32 on the other hand The scriptural imagery that clothes
Hermogenes’ confession is not surprising, being part and parcel of the reader’s office.
Up to this point, Hermogenes’ interview with Victorianus was modelled on the
Passio Pollionis. Symptomatic is, however, that from Pollio’s ensuing description of
the tenets of the Christian faith, the redactor of the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis took over only the part about pagan gods being mere wood and stone.
Where Pollio offered a comprehensive view of Christian morals and way of life, in the
Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis the “scientia” Hermogenes read to the
community distinctly emphasises the doctrinal aspect.
In comparison, the confessions of the two brothers, Donatus and Venustus, are
more elaborate. After refusing to worship the pagan gods, Donatus states:
“(…) colo autem Dominum meum Iesum Christum, Filium Dei uiui, qui est uerus
et omnipotens Deus.”56
Venustus’ declaration is of a theological complexity paradoxical to the context

when it was supposedly uttered:
“…. uiuit Dominus meus Iesus Christus, quia non scio plures deos esse quos tu
dicis, sed scio unum Deum uiuum et uerum, Patrem et Filium et Spiritum
Sanctum, qui est trinus et unus Deus.”57
The two creedal passages are altogether gratuitous for a dialogue purportedly
consumed at the beginning of the fourth century. Donatus pronounces a
Christological statement (Christ is true and omnipotent, almighty God) of central
place in the Nicene-Arian debate. Venustus, in turn, uses a Trinitarian formula that
was crystallised much later. One can hardly find any parallel – in particular to
Venustus’ uttering – in hagiographic productions referring to the Great Persecution.
Its contrast with any pretense of reliability is obvious, and this fact does not seem to
have given qualms to the redactor of the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis.
The Nicene dogmatic undertones must be the redactor’s own phrasing, infused
in the narrative by design. They are of secondary importance in the context of a
persecution initiated by non-Christians, since at the time the decisive factor was the
nomen Christianum alone. On the contrary, presenting the one God as three (“trinus et
unus”) would have been decidedly counterproductive: It could be interpreted in a
polytheistic sense,58 which would have mitigated the Christians’ attempt to present
their God as complete alterity. However, the doctrinal formulae above are no longer
out of place in a context of inner-Christian strife and even persecution. To an
audience confronted with challenges of this type, Donatus’ and Venustus’ confessions
are indeed exemplary, and their martyrdom a worthy model to follow.
56 Pass. Donati I.3.

57 Pass. Donati II.5.
58 An objection often raised by the later fourth century Homoeans.
196
What could have motivated a hagiographer to portray Donatus and Venustus as

Nicene Christians? Several viable explanations present themselves, in connection
with the martyrs’ place of origin (Illyricum) and with the place where their relics
were eventually deposed (Aquileia).
Illyricum was, during the entire fourth century, but even in the fifth century, a
notoriously heterodox region. We find Homoean bishops in two places mentioned in
the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis: Ursacius and Secundianus in Singidunum,
Germinius in Sirmium. Secundianus was condemned at the council of Aquileia in 381
AD alongside Palladius of Ratiaria. Although 381 AD and the council of Aquileia are
traditionally considered the end of the Homoean (Arian) controversy in the West,
scholarship has long acknowledged that Homoean nuclei persisted in Illyricum
throughout the fifth century.59 There is no indication that either Palladius of Ratiaria
or Secundianus of Singidunum, nor, for that matter, other Homoean bishops such as
Iulianus Valens of Poetovio, had effectively been deposed after the condemnation of
381. In fact, most of post-Theodosian Arian literature has been written in Illyricum:
The Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum, a series of sermons,60 and Maximinus’ famous
scholia on the acts of the council of Aquileia. 61
The Christological attributes confessed by Donatus, “uerus et omnipotens
Deus,” are also two of the attributes that Arius conferred exclusively to God the
Father in his letter to bishop Alexander of Alexandria. This letter formed the pretext
and starting-point of the proceedings against Palladius and Secundianus at the
council of Aquileia: They were asked to condemn it point by point, and to confess that
whatever Arius reserved for the Father was also to be applied to Christ. It was
precisely around “Deus uerus” and “Deus potens” that the conciliar debate of 381 was
most heated.62 Both terms, “uerus” and “potens,” are intrinsically connected with the
Arian subordinationist doctrine. Perhaps Donatus’ assertion, that the Son is
“omnipotens Deus” comes as a reaction against this subordinationist tendency.63 It
implies that the Son and the Father are equally almighty on account of their shared
divinity. It follows that in the mind of the redactor and his target-audience, the
memory of the Aquileian council as well as of the Illyrian heterodoxy must have still
been fresh. In these conditions, the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis serves as
insurance that Illyricum surpassed its heretical stage.
But a passive remembrance of a (more or less remote) unorthodox past is not
enough to explain the employment of such conspicuous theological denominators.
59 See, e.g., Neil McLynn, “From Palladius to Maximinus: Passing the Arian Torch,” JECS 4, no. 4 (Winter
1996): 477-493.
60 Raymond Etaix, “Sermons ariens inedits,” RechAug 26 (1992), 143-179.
61 Scholies ariennes (ed. Gryson).
62 Acta concilii Aquileiensis 17-22 (ed. Gryson, 340-344) and 31-33 (ed. Gryson, 352-354). For the weight
of these attributes in the overall debate at the council of Aquileia, see Yves-Marie Duval, “Le sens des
débats d’Aquilée pour les Nicéens: Nicée – Rimini – Aquilée,” AnAl 26 (1982): 83-90.
63 For the late fourth century contestation of “omnipotens,” see especially Palladius, Apologia 130 (ed.
Gryson, 312).
197
These make sense against an active anti-heretical background, directed against

heterodox elements in the target-audience or at least in its environment. In these
circumstances, the dogmatic declarations serve as identity-barriers to distinguish
between several intra-Christian groups: In our case, they belong to the identity-
forming patterns of the Nicene party, later triumphant as the orthodox party. Donatus
and Venustus are, thus, spokespersons for this particular branch of Christianity. That
great and exemplary martyrs of the past embraced it speaks for the superiority of
Nicene Christianity. We are faced here with an etiological appropriation of the past to
the benefit of the Nicene party: The martyrs shed their blood not just for Christianity,
but specifically for its “orthodox” branch. Such argument represented a very effective
tool in the campaign against “heretics.”
And, indeed, the Aquileian community at the turn of the fifth century was as
much in need of an anti-heretical propaganda as two decades earlier. The council of
Aquileia was far from being a definitive a victory over Arianism. Palladius himself
disputed the authority of that ecclesiastical gathering; Ambrose was forced to defend
it. Later, Maximinus defended in his scholia the positions held by Palladius and
Secundianus.64 One of the objections raised by Palladius offers an interesting parallel
to the subject at hand. Palladius, and in his footsteps, Maximinus, did not hesitate to
repeat a long-standing accusation against the Nicenes, namely that they believed in
three gods.65 Venustus’ insistence that the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit are
“trinus et unus Deus” might echoe this very polemic.
In Western Illyricum, the waves of migrating populations which succeeded one
another indirectly favored the resistance against the Nicene restoration. The
proximity of the philo-Arian Goths, especially the pastoral work of Ulfila, and the
emigration of both Nicenes and non-Nicenes from Illyricum mainly to Italy
complicated matters even more. If only a minority, the Arians were a persistent
presence on the social landscape of late fourth – early fifth century Northern Italy.
Already Ambrose of Milan complained of the disruptions they caused at Forum
Cornelii by disseminating Arian teaching.66 Chromatius also struggled to cope with
their presence at Aquileia. 67 The emphasis set by Donatus on the divinity of Christ
could be read as a warning against and an attempted correction of some Arian
tendrils causing trouble in the community addressed by the Passio Donati, Venusti et
Hermogenis.
64 Cf. Yves-Marie Duval, “La présentation arienne du concile d’Aquilée de 381: A propos des «Scholies
ariennes sur le concile d’Aquilée» par R. Gryson,” RHE 76 (1981): 317-331, commenting on the different
reactions to the Aquileian council throughout the late fourth century and the first half of the fifth
century.
65 Palladius, Apologia 129 (ed. Gryson, 310-312): “uos tres omnipotentes deos credendos duxistis, tres
sempiternos, tres aequales, tres ueros […] tres nihil inpossibilitatis habentes.”
66 Ambrose of Milan, Ep. 7.36.27-29 (ed. Zelzer, 18-19).
67 Cf., e.g., Chromatius, Tractatus in Matthaeum 35.3 (ed. Etaix and Lemarié, 369.50-57).
198
And the heresies which plagued Illyricum did not end with Arianism. A less
spectacular, but equally threatening and eminently Pannonian controversy was
initiated by bishop Photinus of Sirmium, another pivotal setting in the Passio Donati,
Venusti et Hermogenis. Although Photinus was deposed in 351 AD, his teaching
persisted in Illyricum, furthered by adepts such as Bonosus of Serdica. Promoted
especially by heterodox Illyrian refugees, it lingered over Northern Italy all through
the fifth century.68 Thus also the Photinians were a very real social presence in the
region of Aquileia in the fifth century, and the local bishop, Chromatius, was forced to
speak up against them repeatedly. 69
Photinians denied the Trinity altogether and taught a kind of adoptionist
Christology. Venustus’ explicit embracing of the doctrine of the Holy Trinity may be a
deliberate response to Photinian ideas. The Trinitarian formula he adopted, “trinus et
unus Deus,” is another peculiarity of this Passio. Very popular in the Middle and later
ages, the use of this formula is absent in the fourth century, and rather uncommon in
the next, preference being given to the concepts of “trinitas” and “unitas.”70 While
there is no difference in content, the simplified “trinus et unus” appears in a handful
of authors of the fifth century, among whom pseudo-Augustine and Eugenius of
Toledo feature prominently.71 As such, the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis is one
of the first attestations of the formula.
These observations reveal that the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis was
composed in a heterogenic milieu, in which the Nicene Christian faction was
threatened by one or more marginal, yet influential, heretical group(s). These
consisted most probably of Illyrian refugees. The passio served to the mainstream
body of immigrants also as an insurance policy, introducing them to their adoptive
68 Council of Arles II (443-452 AD), can. 16, 17 (ed. Mansi, 7:880); Innocent I, Ep. 41 (ed. Migne, 607-
608). See Bratož, “Kirchenpolitischen und kulturhistorischen Beziehungen,” 162; Bratož, “La chiesa,”
135-138; Geoffrey D. Dunn, “Innocent I’s Letter to Lawrence: Photinians, Bonosians, and the Defensores
ecclesiae,” JThS 63 (2012): 136-155; Geoffrey D. Dunn, “Innocent I on Heretics and Schismatics as
Shaping Christian Identity,” in Christians Shaping Identity from the Roman Empire to Byzantium: Studies
Inspired by Pauline Allen, ed. Geoffrey D. Dunn and Wendy Mayer, SVigChr 132 (Leiden and Boston, MA:
Brill, 2015), 284.
69 Chromatius, Tractatus in Matthaeum 2.6 (ed. Etaix and Lemarié, 206.170-178); 4.3 (ed. Etaix and
Lemarié, 213.90-214.95); 35.3-4 (ed. Etaix and Lemarié, 369.44-80); 50.3 (ed. Etaix and Lemarié,
448.112-129); Sermones 11.4 (ed. Lemarié, 1:220.109-115); 21.3 (ed. Lemarié, 2:44.60-74). In many of
these cases, the Photinian heresy is associated with the Arian one. On the presence of Photinians among
the immigrants to Aquileia, see Yves-Marie Duval, “Aquilée et Sirmium durant la crise arienne (325-
400),” AnAl 26 (1985): 378-379; Bratož, “La chiesa,” 135.
70 As a close approximation of the content of Venustus’ creedal statement, one might recall, among
others, Chromatius, Tractatus in Matthaeum 13.2-3 (ed. Etaix and Lemarié, 624.19, 625.30-31): “…ut
Trinitatis unitas declaretur (...) Quia tam uerus pater Pater est, quam uerus et Deus est; sicuti et tam
uerus filius Filius est, quam uerus et Dominus est. Perfecta ergo fides est Trinitatis ostensa (…) ut uerum
Patrem, uerum Filium, uerum etiam Spiritum sanctum crederemus: tres personas, sed unam diuinitatem
Trinitatis unamque substantiam.”
71 Pseudo-Augustine (fourth-fifth century), Oratio in libros de Trinitate (ed. Mountain, 555.92-3): “Deus
trine et une, scientiae lumen accende in me per quod te intellegere et uidere merear trinum et unum
deum sicut es trinus et unus deus;” Eugenius of Toledo, Liber carminum 76 (ed. Farmhouse Alberto,
267.11-12): “Te donante, precor, qui regnans trinus et unus / texis in aeternum saecula cuncta Deus.”
199
community as orthodox – since their martyrs were outspokenly orthodox. This

facilitated their acceptance and their integration. Said milieu presents remarkable
resemblance to the Aquileia of Chromatius (bishop between 388-408 AD), whose
pastoral legacy endured long in the Adriatic city.
Chromatius’ difficulties with the Photinian heresy, the close contacts Aquileia
had with Illyricum during his tenure (augmented by Chromatius’ personal contacts
with Illyrian personalities such as Jerome or Auxentius of Ioviae), the centrality of
Trinitarian theology in his thought 72 fit well the horizon of expectations set by the
Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis outlined in the pages above. The passio reflects
the ecclesial landscape contemporary to its compiler, which it attempts to shape.
With its obvious display of Christological and Trinitarian formulae, this hagiographic
narrative supports well Chromatius’ legacy. Its author will remain anonymous
forever, yet this much can be ascertained: He must have supported similar pastoral
activities.73 Thus, the literary-theological analysis proposed above verifies the
composition date established in the second section of this chapter.
As I hope to have shown, the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis is saturated
by preoccupations characteristic to the time of its composition. It suggests a pending
heretical threat that the redactor tried to counter by making use of the latest
dogmatic developments, possibly even aiming at implementing them in the everyday
flow of Christian life. This interpretation is contextual, but also conjectural, given the
lack of clarifying sources. While it may be accurate, it does not represent compelling
evidence that might lead to the exclusion of other interpretations proposed in
secondary literature.
72 On the Trinitarian theology of Chromatius as the sacrament of salvation and the key to unfold the
Christian mystery, see Giulio Trettel, “La cura pastorale di Cromazio per la sua Chiesa,” in Cromazio di
Aquileia, 388-408: Al crocevia di genti e religioni, ed. Franco Piussi (Milan: Silvana, 2008), 230-33; and
Alberto Cozzi, “L’attualità della dottrina trinitaria di Cromazio nel contesto della teologia nicena,” in
Beatrice and Peršič, Chromatius of Aquileia, 647-682.
73 All the more so since Chromatius’ pastoral activity was essentially a catechetic one, condensed in the
urge to respond to the heterodox challenges “inuicta fide.” Cf. Chromatius, Tractatus in Matthaeum 22.1-
2 (ed. Etaix and Lemarié, 301.1-24). This is also the reason why Chromatius prefers to avoid the
technical terminology of Nicene Christology (such as person, nature, consubstantial, etc.). Instead, he
opts for a much more accessible explanation of the Christian Trinitarian mystery – an explanation whose
general lines as well as expression agree with the dogmatic statements uttered by the martyrs of the
Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis.
200
CONCLUSION
The pages of this volume sought to offer a systematic survey on a substantial

part of the late antique Pannonian hagiographic corpus, namely, the Passiones written
in the late fourth – early fifth century. These are: Passio Quirini, Passio Irenaei, Passio
Pollionis, and Passio Sereni; with the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis included as
a telling example of creative hagiographic reception. These sources are all the more
important since they also form the essence of the Christian literature in late antique
Pannonia. Using a contextual-comparative approach, my research attempted to
identify the background, the aims, and the implications of these hagiographies for the
local and wider Christian dynamics. An essential step in my analysis was the critical
assessment of available liturgical, archaeological, epigraphic, and literary sources in
order to sort out the often complicated and obscure documentation on the cult of the
respective martyrs. As the reader will have had occasion to notice, the hagiographic
dossiers of Pannonian martyrs raise more questions than can be answered in a
satisfying way: Their fragmentary, ambiguous, and corrupted transmission often
challenges the formulation of conclusive opinions. Nonetheless, important critical
work carried out in the last decades, both on the hagiographic dossiers and the texts
of the passiones, made it possible to resolve a number of pressing scholarly questions.
Each hagiographic dossier was studied in a separate chapter, consisting of three
main sections: An introduction discussed sources related to the cult of individual
martyrs, outlining also the geo-chronological framework in which the passio would
then be situated. The second section was dedicated to the respective hagiographic
text, commenting on its composition, timeline, and functions; original language;
relationship with other hagiographies, etc. This was succeeded by the Latin text cited
from the latest critical editions and a facing English translation. The third section of
each chapter was devoted to the analysis of the passiones in light of their contribution
to the formation and affirmation of Christian identity at local and wider level.
I viewed the five passiones as literary, rhetorical, and theological writings, but I
also tried to highlight their contribution to a better knowledge of late antique
Pannonian history. The methodology varied from one text to another, depending on
their contents and specificities. As a rule, I tried to observe the theology of
martyrdom that informs each text, the role granted to Scriptures, and the way the text
communicates with its target-audience (audience-oriented analysis).
The only passio stemming from Pannonia Prima is the Passio Quirini. It is also
the longest and the most complex text. Quirinus is mentioned, apart from the usual
martyrological sources, by Jerome, Prudentius, Venantius Fortunatus and Gregory of
Conclusion
Tours. Based on these sources, the Passio Quirini can be dated safely to the late fourth
century. Its theology of martyrdom focuses on the theme of sacrifice and the
solidarity between the bishop and the Christian community he leads. In that, the
Passio Quirini might inform us about the development of episcopal authority in late
antique Pannonia.
The next three hagiographies, Passio Irenaei, Passio Pollionis, and Passio Sereni,
had been written in Pannonia Secunda, most probably in an environment influenced
by the capital Sirmium.
The Passio Irenaei and the Passio Pollionis are structurally and textually related.
They both follow the protocols of a Roman court trial. They share textual passages
and also the (imagined) character of the persecutor. Yet, it is difficult to assess which
of the two texts served as the model for the other, if we ought to consider anteriority
in these terms at all. A more or less certain composition date can be established only
for the Passio Pollionis (last two decades of the fourth century), although the Passio
Irenaei must date from the same period. Both, moreover, show familiarity with
African hagiography and apologetics. The Passio Irenaei has, for example, a number of
thematic features in common with the Passio Perpetuae. Of these the most flagrant is
when Irenaeus’ family and friends visit him and plead he apostatise, but he
immediately renounces them. The Passio Pollionis, in turn, repeats a cherished
expression of African apologetics: Pagan gods are mere stone and wood. Pollio thus
adopts the apologetic method of speaking about Christianity and God, in terms
understandable to a pagan audience.
In spite of these similarities, the focus of the two texts is different. Whereas the
Passio Irenaei strives to present the bishop as a model of imitatio Christi, the Passio
Pollionis focuses on the more “mundane” aspects of being a Christian: Namely, how
one should behave in everyday life, in relation to family, to one’s entourage, to the
society at large.
The Passio Sereni, in turn, is a carefully directed hagiographic invention, grafted
on the model of the socially insignificant person exposed to the sexual and civic
harassment of the socially powerful. It recalls the scriptural stories of Susannah and
of Joseph and Potiphar’s wife, respectively. The text is concerned, just as the Passio
Pollionis, with defining / outlining a proper Christian conduct. This gives room, in
both hagiographies, also to considerations on ascetic tendencies. The two
hagiographies, thus, address urgent issues in late fourth-century Pannonia Secunda,
particularly in Sirmium and its neighborhood.
In the final chapter, I discussed the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis.
Written in Northern Italy, this last passio is the most problematic of the entire corpus.
It borrows textual material from the Passio Pollionis. Martyrological sources attest
only Donatus as a Pannonian martyr. The rest of the group was probably added in
Aquileia, through the contamination of various hagiographic traditions. Although it is
not, strictly speaking, a Pannonian passio (it was not written in Pannonia), I included
202
Conclusion
it in my study because through it we gain insight into the fate of Pannonian Christians
after the first waves of barbarian migration. It is also illustrative for the intricacies of
relic transfer and the parallel traditions likely to emerge with such relocations.
A recurring observation in the chapters of this work is that the Pannonian

passiones are not just textually connected with one another, but they share the late
antique hagiographic universe of images and expressions at large. We encountered
stock-motifs such as: imitatio Christi (Passio Irenaei); the theme of sacrifice (Passio
Quirini and Passio Irenaei); flight from persecution, related to the providential
election of the martyr (Passio Quirini and Passio Sereni); the refusal to sacrifice
legitimated with the quotation of Ex 22:20, etc. But we were also faced with the
apologetic argumentation against polytheism (Passio Pollionis); and comments on
“hot” topics at the time, such as asceticism (Passio Pollionis and Passio Sereni) or
obedience to secular authorities (Passio Pollionis). The use of hagiographic tropes,
however, does not diminish the identity-formative value of these texts. Late fourth
century and early fifth century audiences expected to encounter them in a
hagiographic text. It was precisely through these topoi that hagiographers could
orient the beliefs and the behaviour of their audience.
As we have seen, with the exception of the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis,
the hagiographies studied here were most likely written in Pannonia, to serve the
martyrs’ local cult. One surmises, therefore, that their primary audience consisted of
the local Christian community engaged in the respective cult. This means that
through these texts we can also get a glimpse of the socio-cultural and religious-
historical landscape of late antique Pannonia. They reflect thriving local Christian
communities, with well-established hierarchies: Amongst the martyrs we find
readers (Pollio), deacons (Demetrius, Donatus), priests (Montanus), and bishops
(Irenaeus, Quirinus), but also laypersons (Syneros). Moving the focus to the
compositional context in late fourth century, the inscriptions ad martyres evoke the
devotion and aspirations of elite Christians.
Macedonius and his wife (inscription ad Irenaeum), Aurelia Aminia and
Artemidora (CIL 3.10232 and 3.10233, respectively), must have belonged to the local
elite, since they could afford the costs of purchasing a burial place near the martyrs as
well as the costs of the epitaphs. Stone and marble were rare commodities in
Pannonia. They usually had to be imported, adding an extra burden on the price.
Moreover, the topographic indications on CIL 3.10232 suggest again a more costly
project.1 Provincial aristocracy likewise engaged in the cult of Quirinus, albeit there is
no convenient inscription at hand to prove this. Yet, his veneration and possible
translation to the Platonia in Rome appears, as we have seen, to be linked with
Pannonian elites serving in Rome. It is possible that, when the limes became unstable,
1 The commissioner made certain in this type of epitaphs that the fossores would place the tomb in the
indicated place. See Duval, Auprès des saints, 136-137.
203
Conclusion
these affluent members of the Pannonian communities undertook the safeguarding of

the relics to better protected areas. Despite the many doctrinal divisions that plagued
the province, the cult of martyrs remained a constant of Pannonian Christianity in
Late Antiquity.
That is not to say that it was exclusively the province of the elites, merely that
their devotional practices left traces visible even today. The Passio Sereni, with its plot
centred on a socially marginal character, could be construed as an appeal for
Christian social inclusivity. In addition, the epitaph of Aurelia Aminia suggests a more
complex social outlook. Since she retained her own cognomen, Aurelia Aminia was
probably a member of the local aristocracy. She was also the wife of an imperial
guard, Flavius Sanctus. The husband too must have been Christian. It is likely that he
was initially a soldier of modest background, who served in the ranks before being
recruited as protector.2
Two important factors influenced the history of Pannonia in the second half of
the fourth century: On one hand, the region became more and more exposed to the
barbarian presence. On the other hand, precisely because of this presence, the
imperial court often sojourned there. As barbarians drew closer, the prospect of
death loomed on the horizon. In this sense, the hagiographic writings could offer a
model of how to be reconciled, or even embrace impending hardship and personal
danger.
At the same time, the imperial court was bound to attract any number of new
converts, with various degrees of Christian conviction. To them it was important to
provide guidelines on how to be a good Christian in a digestible way – and the stories
of the martyrs had all the necessary ingredients to accomplish that task. The
hagiographies presented here offered a sort of pastoral support similar to, mutatis
mutandis, episcopal efforts in preaching and mentorship.3 In this concluding section, I
would like to return to two prominent aspects in Pannonian hagiography:
Preoccupations concerning the right behaviour and the presentation of episcopal
authority through the portraits of the martyrs.
Delineating the tenets of a genuine Christian forma mentis is an obvious
concern of Pannonian hagiography. For example, the Passio Pollionis contains a
veritable manual of orthopraxis, offering advice on all kinds of Christian social
interaction (Pass. Poll. III). Important to note is that it also commends married life,
and not just the ascetic ideal of virginity. The Passio Sereni too denotes a positive view
2 On recruiting imperial guards (protectores or protectores domestici), see A.H.M. Jones, The Later Roman
Empire, 284-602: A Social, Economic and Administrative Survey, vol. 2 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1964), 636-640.
On the rise to social prominence and wealth that accompanied serving as imperial guard, see Lenski,
Failure of Empire, 35-37 (speaking of Valentinian and Valens’ family).
3 On the subject of episcopal mentorship, see, more recently, the contribution of Peter Gemeinhardt,
“Bishops as Religious Mentors: Spiritual Education and Pastoral Care,” in Episcopal Networks in Late
Antiquity: Connection and Communication Across Boundaries, ed. Carmen Angela Cvetković and Peter
Gemeinhardt, AKG 137 (Berlin and Boston, MA: De Gruyter, 2019), 117-147, especially 126-130 on
Zeno’s sermons to the neophytes.
204
Conclusion
on marriage, as long as it conforms to the Christian rules of pudicity: Syneros’

problem with the matron was that she behaved inappropriately for a wife. It seems
that in Pannonia asceticism was indeed present, but it was not held in such a high
esteem during the second half of the fourth century. In that period, monastic
communities are not attested in Pannonia.4 Instead, hagiographers set marriage on a
par with asceticism,5 and sought to foster the Christian view on marriage.
The concern for an appropriate behaviour, rather than focus on the doctrinal
aspects of Christianity might have two reasons. Firstly, we know of the existence of
heterodox factions in the Pannonian communities, especially those from Pannonia
Secunda.6 In these conditions, silence on doctrinal tenets might stem from an effort to
evade problematic theological content. With the Passio Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis,
written in a milieu with strong “orthodox” tradition, doctrinal affiliation became
important. It was crucial to show that Pannonians professed indeed the right faith.
Secondly, showing how to live a genuine Christian life was an effective strategy of
attracting and catechizing new converts, or rallying them to the spirit of Christianity.
The passiones of Pannonian martyrs also address the role of the bishop. The
hagiographies of Pollio, Quirinus and Irenaeus offer ample material on the
development of episcopal authority. According to the reasoning of the Passio Pollionis,
bishops and clergy are guardians of the apostolic tradition.7 Their teaching, therefore,
contains the necessary tenets to lead a truly Christian life and one is expected to
conform to them. Quirinus, too, wishes to remain constant to his episcopal teaching.
The ultimate expression of this aspiration is his declared intention to die as a
representative for the entire community, by offering himself as a sacrifice to God.8
Similarly, Irenaeus presents himself as a sacrifice representative for the entire
community.9 This self-understanding shows an awareness of the authority a bishop
can and does wield, but also an awareness of the responsibilities he has towards the
community.
As I hope to have shown, the Pannonian passiones analyzed above, though
built around hagiographic tropes, are also representative for the social and cultural
landscape of the community that generated them. Through their liturgical usage in
the celebration of the martyr’s cult they played an important role in the formation of
Christian collective memory. In their passio the martyrs implicitly became
spokespersons of a given hagiographer. Their words and deeds became part of a
legitimating mechanism aimed at shaping the expectations of their audience, at
4 Although it must be noted that this is an argument ex silentio and should be treated with caution.
5 See Pass. Poll. III.7: “[Christi ... mandata] quae uirgines integritatis suae docent obtinere fastigia,
coniuges pudicam in creandis filiis conscientiam custodire.”
6 At Sirmium, for instance, Mirković suggested two distinct burial sites, one frequented by Arians
(cemetery of Syneros), one by Nicenes (cemetery of Irenaeus). See Mirković, Sirmium: Its History, 129-
130, and section II.3.3 above.
7 Pass. Poll. IV.4.
8 Pass. Quir. III.5, VI.6.
9 Pass. Iren. 5.1-2.
205
Conclusion
affecting their self-perception as Christians. For all these reasons, the hagiographic
narratives which formed the subject of this work contribute to a better
understanding of the socio-cultural, doctrinal, and literary history of late antique
Christianity – both regionally, in Pannonia, as well as globally.
206
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Thunø, Erik. “Reliquaries and the Cult of Relics in Late Antiquity.” In The Routledge
Handbook of Early Christian Art, edited by Robin M. Jensen and Mark D. Ellison,
150-168. London and New York: Routledge, 2018.
Tóth, Endre. Itineraria Pannonica: Római utak a Dunántúlon. Budapest: Magyar
Nemzeti Múzeum, 2006.
Tóth, Péter. “Sirmian Martyrs in Exile: Pannonian Case-Studies and a Re-Evaluation of
the St. Demetrius Problem.” ByZ 103 (2010): 145-170.
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235. Milan: Silvana, 2008.
Trzeciak, Frances. “Record E05770.” The Cult of Saints in Late Antiquity Database,
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224
Scriptural Index
Gn Mk
1 169 1:24 190
39:7-23 168n65 6:52 190
Ex Lk
7:22 190 2:20 130, 190
20:11 188,195 4:34 190
22:20 56, 64, 85-86, 94, 101, 14:26 96
130, 133, 203 Jn
Dt 1:9 128, 133
4:28 128, 186, 188, 190, 195 11:27 186, 190
28:36 128, 188, 195 19:28 162
28:64 128, 188, 195 Acts
29:17 128, 188, 196 4:11 162
31:6 54 4:24 56, 188, 195
32:17 86, 94, 130, 133 7:58 98
Josh 14:14 188, 195
1:9 54, 96 Rom
1 Sm 13:1-7 128, 134n113
2:10 128 1 Cor
2 Sm 7 128, 139
22:14 128 Eph
2 Kgs 1:18 94
19:18 128, 188, 196 4:4 94
Ps Phil
17:14 128 1:21 96
18:10-11 128 3:14 94
40:1-2 171 4:13 54, 96
94:8 190 Col
95:5 56 1:16-17 56
106:22 188 1 Thes
118:22 162 1:9 188
134:6 56 1 Tm
145:6 188, 195 2:1-2 134n113
Is 2:2 128
37:19 128 6.12-13 94
41:10 54 2 Tm
42:1 98 4:17 54
Jer Ti
2:27 128 3:1 128, 134n113
Ez Heb
3:14 54 3:8 190
20:32 128, 188, 196 3:15 190
Dn 7:19 94
3:51 130, 190 11:16 94
13:1-64 149, 166-168 1 Pt
Mt 2:13-17 128, 134n113
8:29 190 2:18 128
10:23 8, 54, 62-63, 171 1 Jn
10:33 94 5:20 54
10:37 96 Ws
16:16 186, 190 1:7 56
16:17-18 162, 171 Ecclus
45:20 56
46:20 128
Index
Index of Ancient and Medieval Sources
Acta et passiones
Acta Cypriani Pass. Demetrii
1.2 56, 188 14, 18
3.2 58 Pass. Donati, Secundiani et aliorum, numero
3.4 96, 186, 188, 192 LXXII
3.5 56, 86n69, 96, 130 177
Acta Marcelli Pass. Donati, Venusti et Hermogenis
1.1 128, 188 14, 18-19, 118, 121, 123-
Acta Materni 124, 173-200, 201-203, 205
121n82 I 180
Ep. Phileae I.1 182-183
9 56, 86n69, 96, 130 I.2 182
Mart. Agapis, Eirenis et Chionis I.3 196
63, 171 II 180
1.3 8n45, 54, 63n115, 160 II.1 182-183
Mart. Apollonii II.2 182-183
47 7n35, 101n115 II.3 183
Mart. Carpi II.5 196
rec. gr. III-VI 180
17 7n37, 54 III.3 183
rec. lat. III.5-6 195
4.1 8n43, 101n110 III.5 183
4.2 130, 164 Pass. Erasmi
Mart. Cononis 14, 19
149n39, 157 Pass. Felicis
2.5 157, 160 1 54
2.6 157, 160 30 7n38, 56, 64n125, 67, 103
4.1 162, 163n59 Pass. Fructuosi
6.2 171n81 3.5-6 104
6.7 7n38, 56, 64n125 6.3 60
Mart. Dasii 7.2 7n35, 101n115
5.2 7n38, 56, 64n125 Pass. Hermachorae et Fortunati
Mart. Perpetuae 15, 173, 178-179, 181-182
63, 92, 202 Pass. Irenaei
1.5 194n52 14-16, 18-19, 24, 51, 65-67,
3.1-3 92n101, 94 69-105, 118, 123, 132n105,
15.6 7n36, 54, 63n119 133, 137n130, 149, 157, 172,
21.11 8n43 201-203
Mart. Petri 1.1 80, 100n106.107
138 1.2 78, 80, 84, 91n98, 92n102,
4-5 126 100n106.107
Mart. Pionii 2 79
5.4-5 128 2.1-2 86
21.4 7n41 2.1 56, 81, 85, 101, 126, 130,
Mart. Polycarpi 133n109
66, 171 2.2 81, 87n73
1 66-67, 104 2.3 81, 101, 137n130
5 8n45, 54, 63n114, 160, 2.4 81, 103
171n80 2.5-7 87n73
14 7n39, 8n43, 56 3 79
18 7n41 3.1-2 92
Pass. Anastasiae 3.1 78, 81, 93
14, 18-19, 88, 181n36 3.2 81, 84n58
Pass. Crispinae 3.3 79, 81, 100-101
1.7 7n37, 54 3.4 81-82, 87n73, 102
226
Index
Pass. Irenaei III.5 136n126, 183

3.5 82 Pass. Pollionis
4.1-2 80 III.6 120, 132, 136, 183, 188
4.1 58, 82, 92 III.7-11 120
4.2 79, 82 III.7 139, 205n5
4.3 54, 82, 102 III.9 66n133, 133
4.4 56, 102 III.11 85, 101n112, 120, 133
4.6 79-80, 82, 186, 188 III.12 98, 116n58, 127n98, 135
4.7 79, 82, 101 IV.2 133, 137
4.8 56, 85, 130 IV.3 56, 85 120n79, 133
4.9 79, 102 IV.4 85-86, 96, 104-105, 119n75,
4.11 60, 83, 123n94 120, 205n7
4.12 56, 85, 65n128, 102, 128 V.1 111n27, 136n127, 164, 190
5 88n79 V.2 120, 137n131
5.1-2 205n9 Pass. Quattuor Coronatorum
5.1 83, 190 14, 16, 18
5.2 102 Pass. Quirini
5.3 82 14, 16, 18-19, 27-67, 102,
5.4-5 83, 103, 126 171, 201-203
5.4 66n135, 85, 192 I 46
5.6 82 I.1-3 48, 62
6.1 84 I.1 47-48, 62n111, 84n57,
Pass. Iuli 123n94
1.1 94, 126 I.2 48-49, 51n97
2.6 128 I.3 48, 51n95
3 60, 98 II-VI 46
4.5 130, 164 II 62
Pass. Mariani II.1 62, 160
2.2 7n37 II.2-3 62n113
2.3 8n43, 101n110 II.3 171
Pass. Montani II.4 186
123-124 II.5 63n118, 96, 171
Pass. Petri Balsami II.6 96, 130
1 56, 86-87, 94, 96, 126, 130 II.7 64n120
Pass. Phileae III.2 64, 65n127, 101n112, 188
1.1 56, 86n69, 94, 130 III.3 64n121, 94, 130
Pass. Pollionis III.4 186
14-16, 18-19, 51, 66, 72, 77, III.5 64, 94, 96, 98, 102n122,
84-91, 104-105, 107-139, 103n126, 205n8
149, 156-157, 163n59, 172, IV.3 96
175, 181-184, 194n52, 195- V-VII 31n12
196, 201-205 V.2 47
I 51 V.5 188
I.1 48, 84n57, 123, 182, 186 V.6 192
I.2-4 77, 88n80, 120 V.7 65n130
I.2 49, 72n17, 182, 186 VI.4-VII.1 35
I.3 49, 85-86, 98, 120, 135, 182, VI.4 46, 65n131
186 VI.5 49, 84n57, 98, 123n94
I.4 120, 182-183, 186 VI.6 205n8
II 134 VII.1-VIII.2 47n88
II.1 183 VII 49
II.2 123n89, 183 VII.1 46, 49, 94, 98
II.3 58, 94, 183, 188 VII.2 28, 46, 49, 66n1
III 204 VII.3 49-50
III.1-2 87n73, 188 VII.4 50
III.2 88n79, 132, 162, 183 VII.5 50
III.3 135, 138 VIII.1-2 29
III.4 120, 136 VIII.1 50
227
Index
Pass. Sereni Ammianus Marcellinus

14-15, 17-19, 63, 84, 139, 89-90
141-172, 195n53, 201-205 Hist.
1.1 150, 168n66, 170n71 27.11 90n89
1.2 54, 63n116, 170n72 28.1.32-33 90n89
2.2 156 29.6.8-11 90n89.90
3.2 156, 168n66 30.5.4-11 90n89.91
3.5 163n59 30.5.7 90n94
3.7 170
3.8 170 Anonymus Lugdunensis
4.2 170 22, 38-39, 73-74, 144-145,
4.3 168n67, 170, 171n77 150
5.1 130, 192 Martyrologium
5.2 84n62 ad 23 feb. 145
Pass. Theodori ad 25 mart. 74n26
56 ad 4 iun. 38
Pass. Ursicini
14, 18 Asterius of Amasea 5n27, 157
Vita Theodoti Ancyrensis Hom.
23 56 IX: In s. Phocam 157
XI: Ecphrasis in Euphemiam
Acta concilii Aquileiensis 5n27
17-22 197n62
31-33 197n62 Basil of Caesarea
Epistulae
Ado Viennensis 22-23, 39, 74, 110, 145 155 114n47
Martyrologium 22-23, 110 164 114n47
ad 23 feb. 145 165 114n47
ad 25 mart. 74n24
ad 28 apr. 110n21 Beda Venerabilis 22
ad 4 iun. 39
Breviarium Syriacum 20-21, 70, 109, 122, 142-
Agnellus of Ravenna 107, 112-115 143, 147
Liber pontificalis 112-113, 115 ad 23 feb. 143
22 112 ad 6 apr. 70
ad 28 apr. 122
Altercatio Heracliani 9n48, 156
Chromatius of Aquileia
Ambrose of Milan 2n6, 12, 90n92.95, 117-118, 12n64, 31-32, 194, 198-200
134, 138-139, 198 Tractatus in Matthaeum
Epistulae 2.6 199n69
7.36.27-29 198n66 4.3 199n69
72 117 13.2-3 199n70
72.3 117n62 22.1-2 200n72
72.12 117n65 35.3-4 199n69
72.16 117n66 35.3 198n67
75.2-3 117n66 50.3 199n69
75.4 117n65 Serm.
76.19 117n65 11.4 199n69
extra coll. 12 21.3 199n69
117-118, 138n1
extra coll. 12.1 Chronicon Gradense 42
117n62
De obitu Valentiniani
117n64 Codex Theodosianus 10
5.7.5 10n54
De obitu Theodosii
117n64 10.10.25 10n54
228
Index
Constitutiones Sirmondianae Irenaeus of Lyon 69, 72-73, 85

16 10n54 Adversus haereses
5.24.1 128, 134n115
Collectio Auellana
39.4 10n52 Itineraries 17, 20, 23, 36, 40, 107, 114-
115
Council of Arles II De locis sanctis martyrum
can. 16 199n68 23, 40, 114
can. 17 199n68 Itinerarium Malmesburiense
23, 40, 114
Cyprian of Carthage 34n19, 35, 63 Notitia ecclesiarum urbis Romae
Epistula ad Fortunatum 23, 40, 114
86, 91-92 Notula oleorum 23, 40
Eugenius of Toledo 199 Jerome 27, 29, 31. 33-35, 39-40, 44,
Liber carminum 46, 49-50, 52, 90, 138, 169,
76 199n71 200-201
Chronicon 29, 31, 33, 38-39, 45n82, 46
Florus 22, 38-39, 74, 110, 145 ad ann. 308 31, 33, 49-50
Martyrologium 22, 39 ad ann. 372 90n91
ad 23 feb. 145n25 Vita Pauli 169
ad 25 mart. 74 3 169
ad 28 apr. 110
ad 4 iun. 38 Justin Martyr
Apol. I
17.1-3 128, 134n114
Gregory of Nyssa
In s. Theodorum 5n27
Libanius
Gregory of Tours 27, 31, 33n17, 34-35, 52, Orationes
201-202 20.25 116n59
Historia Francorum 24.12 90n90
1.35 34-35
Liber pontificalis 121n83
Hilary of Poitiers 9n48
Fragmenta Magnum Legendarium Austriacum
A.III.5 9n48 108, 146, 183-184
B.VI.7 9n48
Martyrologium Hieronymianum
Ignatius of Antioch 13, 18, 20-23, 29, 35-38, 42,
Epistula ad Romanos 44-46, 70-71, 76-77, 107-
2.2 7n39 108, 110, 114, 121-122, 142-
144, 146, 173, 175, 177-180
Innocent I ad 17 feb. 176
Epistulae ad 18 feb. 176
41 199n68 ad 22 feb 144, 147
ad 23 feb. 143
ad 26 mart. 77, 124
Inscriptions
ad 6 apr. 70, 77
CIL
ad 9 apr. 77, 119, 175, 177-178
3.10232 141-142, 156, 203
ad 24 apr. 107
3.10233 141-142, 156, 203
ad 26 apr. 107-108
3.143402 141n2
ad 28 apr. 107-108, 122n84
ILCV
ad 30 apr. 38
1.1777 42n68
ad 6 mai. 177
1910 41n62
ad 29 mai. 107-108
ICUR ad 4 iun. 35-36
5.13276 42n68
ad 23 aug. 71, 175, 177-178
229
Index
Martyrologium Romanum Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum

23, 40, 74, 110, 146 20, 22, 73, 108-110, 142, 144
ad 23 feb. 146 ad 22 feb. 144
ad 25 mart. 74 ad 26 apr. 109-110
ad 28 apr. 110 ad 27 apr. 109
ad 4 iun. 39 ad 28 apr. 108-109
ad 29 apr. 72
Maximinus 197-198 ad 23 aug. 71, 72n13
Scholia 118n67, 197-198
Tertullian
Minucius Felix Apologeticum
Octavius 22.12 128, 136n124, 188
23 128, 136n124, 188 De idololatria
3 136n124, 188
Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum 3.2-4 128
197
Theophilus of Antioch
Palladius of Ratiaria 118n67, 197-198 Ad Autolycum
Apologia 1.10 128, 136n124, 188
129 198n65 1.11 128, 134n115
130 197n63
Usuard 23, 39 74, 110, 145-146
Paulinus of Milan Martyrologium 23
Vita Ambrosii ad 23 feb. 145
5 90n92 ad 25 mart. 74n25
8 90n92 ad 28 apr. 110n21
11 12n63, 90n95, 139n142 ad 4 iun. 39
Prudentius 27, 31-35, 39, 44, 52, 201 Venantius Fortunatus 27, 31, 35, 201
Peristephanon 34 Carmina
VII 32-34, 39, 66 8.3 35
Ps-Augustine 199 Vigilius of Thapsus

Oratio in libros de Trinitate Contra Arianos, Sabellianos,
199n71 Photinianos Dialogus
89n87
Synaxarium Aethiopicum
73 Zosimus
ad 23 aug. 73 Historia
III.36.2 116n59
Synaxarium Armenum
71n11, 73
230
Index
Index of Ancient Names
VII uirgines, martyrs 119, 175 Emona 43

Agape, Chione and Eirene, martyrs 63 Eusebius of Caesarea 134
Agrippinus, martyr 13 Eusebius, bishop of Cibalae, martyr 13, 107-108,
Alaric 26 110, 116, 120-123, 126-127, 130-131,
Alatheus 26 134, 137n131
Alexander, bishop of Alexandria 197 Eusebius of Nicomedia, martyr 122
Amantius, praeses 28, 35, 46-47, 49-50, 52, 56- Felix, bishop, martyr 67, 103
61, 65 Flavia Viventia 43
Anastasia of Sirmium, martyr 13, 14n67, 181n36 Flavius Sanctus, protector 141, 204
Anemius, bishop of Sirmium 12, 26, 118 Flavius Simplicius 43
Aquileia 12, 19, 21, 27, 31-32, 41-42, 44-45, 118, Fortunatus, martyr 13, 175-176, 178, 185
141, 173, 175-180, 181n36, 185, 194, Fredericus, patriarch of Aquileia 179
197-200, 202 Fructuosus, bishop, martyr 104
Aquincum 9, 13, 88n82 Galerius Maximianus, emperor 13, 30, 32 38-39,
Artemidora 142, 156, 203 44, 48, 51, 54-55, 74, 80, 84n57, 89, 94-
Ataulf 178-179 95, 98-99, 123n92, 126-127, 130-131,
Athanasius of Alexandria 9n48, 63, 89n87, 134 145-149, 152, 160-161, 182-183, 186-
Augustine of Hippo 138 187, 192-193
Aurelia Aminia 141, 156, 203-204 Germinius, bishop of Sirmium 9n48, 11, 26, 197
Auxentius, bishop of Ioviae 200 Grado 41-42, 45, 52, 179
Basil of Amasea 109 Gratian, emperor 2n6, 10, 12, 26, 117-118, 138
Basilla, martyr 13 Hermagoras, martyr 173, 176, 178-179
Bonosus, bishop of Serdica 199 Hermogenes, martyr 121, 173-200
Brigetio 13 Illyricum 1, 9-11, 19, 38-39, 48, 51, 54-55, 89-90,
Cantii (Cantius, Cantianus, Cantianilla) 41 119, 179, 197-200
Carnuntum 9, 11, 178n18 Innocent II, pope 29
Catacombs / cemeteries Ioannes 41
at Kamenica 111-112 Irenaeus, bishop of Sirmium 13, 17, 24, 44n81,
northern cemetery of Sirmium 104, 141-142, 65, 69-105, 109-110, 118, 120, 123, 126-
147, 156, 205n6 127, 134, 141, 149, 155-156, 182, 202-
eastern cemetery of Sirmium 76, 104, 156, 203, 205
205n6 Iulianus Valens, bishop of Poetovio 197
San Sebastiano fuori le Mura 27, 29, 38-40, Iustina, empress 90n95, 118, 156
47, 60-61 Justinian I, emperor 10, 110
Platonia, mausoleum 29, 36-37, 42-44, 203 Latinus, martyr 41
of Pontianus 107, 114-115 Laurentinus, deacon 37
of Praetextatus 38 Laurentius 41
Chrysogonus, martyr 181n36 Liberius, pope 43
Cibalae 13, 87, 88n80, 107-139, 174-175, 182, Liberius III, bishop of Ravenna 112-115
187 Licinius, emperor 109
Forum Iulii (Cividale del Friuli) 173, 177, 179- Macedonius 75, 203
180, 183-185 Magydos (Pamphilia) 157
Concordia 176-177 Marcellinus, martyr 114-115
Conon, martyr 149, 157, 171 Marcellus, prison ward 28, 58-59, 65
Constantius Chlorus, emperor 83 Martin of Tours 31-32, 35
Constantius II, emperor 11, 156 Maxima of Singidunum, martyr 13, 119, 124, 139
Dalmatia 10, 31, 76 Maximilla, uirgo 43
Demetrius of Sirmium, martyr 13, 14n67, 77, Maximus, iuridicus 28, 46, 52, 54-59, 63-65
120, 126-127, 182, 203 Milan 10, 117-118, 177
Diocletian, emperor 9, 25, 28, 30, 44, 48, 51, 54- Montanus of Singidunum, martyr 13, 77, 119,
55, 71n12, 80, 84n57, 88, 94-95, 98-99, 120n80, 124, 126-127, 182, 203
110, 123n92, 126-127, 130-131, 147-148, Mursa 10-11, 13
155, 181-183, 186-187, 192-193 Niceforus 41
Donatus, martyr 13, 17-18, 173-200, 202-203 Nicomedia 20, 70-71, 122
231
Index
Noricum 10 Sabbatia, martyr 13

Noviodunum 36 Savaria 9, 11, 13, 18, 27-52, 58-59, 65, 67
Nunita, deaconess 43 Scarbantia 27-32, 40-41, 47, 50, 58-61
Pannonia Secundianus, bishop of Singidunum 197-198
Prima 9-11, 28, 30, 32, 41-42, 47, 52, 56-59, Secundus, martyr 13
88n82, 201 Sergius II, pope 114
Savia 9, 26, 34, 41, 52, 88n82 Sextus Claudius Petronius Probus 88n83, 89-91,
Secunda 9, 13, 26, 88, 149, 174, 195n53, 202, 135
205 Silvanus, martyr 174-177
Valeria 9-10, 26, 88n82 Singidunum 9, 11, 13, 74, 77, 88n80, 120n80,
Paschal I, pope 114 124, 126-127, 174, 182, 186-187, 197
Pergentinus, martyr 37 Sirmium 9-13, 18, 26, 51, 69-105, 110, 116, 118-
Peter, martyr 114-115 119, 121-122, 124, 126-127, 141-172,
Phocas, martyr 157 174-175, 177-178, 181-182, 186-187,
Photinus, bishop of Sirmium 11, 26, 89n87, 199 197, 202, 205n6
Pollio of Cibalae 13, 14-15, 17, 19, 23-24, 72, 86- Siscia 9, 11, 13, 18, 27-52, 58-63
87, 90, 104, 107-139, 149, 156, 179, 182- Smyrna 143, 147
184, 186-187, 196, 202-203, 205 Sopianae 13
Polycarp, bishop of Smyrna 63, 66, 143, 147 Syneros (Serenus) of Sirmium 13, 15, 17-18, 24,
Pompeius Probus 89 104, 119, 139, 141-172, 177, 203, 205
Probus, emperor 88-89 Theodosius, emperor 2n6, 10, 34, 90n92,
Probus, praeses 71, 73-74, 79-82, 85, 87n73, 88, 117n64, 197
92-99, 101-102, 116, 120, 126-131, 134- Thessalonike 12, 14n67
135, 136n127, 137-138, 149, 182-183 Trier 10
Quattuor Coronati, martyrs 13, 14n67 Ulfila 198
Quintus Aurelius Symmachus 138n133 Ursacius, bishop of Singidunum 11, 197
Quirinus of Siscia 13, 16-18, 21n99, 23, 27-67, Ursicina 141
103, 171, 179, 201, 203, 205 Ursicinus, martyr 13, 14n67
Quirinus, tribune, martyr 37-38 Valens, bishop of Mursa 11
Radagaisus 26 Valens, emperor 3, 26, 89n88, 204n2
Ravenna 12, 14n67, 41n63, 107-108, 111-115, Valentinian I, emperor 26, 89-90, 113, 116-118,
118, 156, 179, 184 126-127, 134-135, 182-183, 204n2
Romanus of Antioch, martyr 34n19 Valentinian II, emperor 10n52, 113, 116-118,
Rome 1, 10, 12, 14n67, 16, 19, 23, 26-27, 29-30, 138n133, 156
32-34, 36-37, 39-40, 42, 44-45, 47, 60-61, Valerian, emperor 122n85
107, 111, 114-115, 119, 139, 173, 203 Valerianus, bishop of Aquileia 31-32
Romulus, martyr 174-177 Venustus, martyr 173-189, 192-199
Rufius Viventius Gallus 43 Victorianus, praeses 174, 181-183, 186-193,
Rutulus, martyr 36 195-196
Sabas, martyr 114n47
232
Index
Index of Modern Authors
Aigrain, René 6n31, 20n90.91, 21n94.95, Delehaye, Hippolyte 4n20, 6n31, 20n87, 21,
22n101.103.105.107, 23n111.112, 107n5 22n101.102, 36-37, 38n40, 42n66, 70-72,
Amore, Agostino 36n31, 73n23, 113n36, 107-110, 113n37, 119n71.74, 122n84,
114n52.54.55, 116n60, 119n71 124n96, 143-144, 175n7, 176, 177n17
Anatolios, Khaled 2n7 Deliyannis, Deborah 89n88
Ashbrook Harvey, Susan 4n17, 6n29, 5n24.26, Demandt, Alexander 13n66, 16n77
9n47 Den Boeft, Jan 90n96
Ayres, Lewis 2n7, 11n56, 12n62 Depaepe, Mate 5n28
Balogh, Albin 93 Der Nersessian, Siraphie 73n18-20
Barkóczy, László 10n51.53 De Rossi, Giovanni Battista 21, 23n114, 70,
Barnes, Michel René 2n7 143n14
Barnes, Timothy D. 6n32, 88n83, 117n63.66, De Ste Croix, Geoffrey E.M. 8n44
118n67 De Waal, Anton 43n69.73
Beatrice, Pier Franco 12n64, 200n72 Dolbeau, François 14, 69, 73n22, 75-76, 78, 80,
Bellen, Heinz 117n62.64 83-85, 87, 88n81, 90n92, 91-93, 104, 123
Benvin, Anton 91n98, 92n104, 93, 96, 101n109, Draganić, Ifigenija 69n3, 84
132n105 Drijvers, Jan Willem 89n87.88
Bernardino, P. 8n45 Dubois, Jacques 20n88.89, 21n92.94,
Bollandus, Iohannes 148n36.37, 150n41, 151, 22n104.106.108, 23n110, 39n49
157 Duchesne, Louis 21, 70, 143n14
Bowersock, Glen W. 4n16 Dufourq, Albert 15, 119
Brakke, David 89n88 Dunn, Geoffrey D. 199n68
Bratož, Rajko 10n53, 11n55, 12n64, 13n66, Duval, Noël 70n4, 74n28-30, 76n36-38, 141n2
15n75, 16-17, 41n63, 84n63, 87n76, Duval, Yves-Marie 197n62, 198n64, 199n69
88n77.78.83, 104n128, 112n30, 147n33, Duval, Yvette 5n25, 75n34, 112n35, 113,
173n4, 175n8, 178, 179n26.28, 180, 142n7, 203n1
181n37, 185, 199n68.69 Edwards, Mark J. 16n78
Brown, Peter 4n16, 5n22 Egger, Rudolf 15, 31n14, 173, 176,178-180, 185
Bugarski, Ivan 14n67, 74n28, 111n23 Ellison, Mark D. 41n63
Burghardt, Andrew F. 9n50 Errington, R. Malcolm 90n95
Butterweck, Christel 8n44 Etaix, Raymond 197n60
Caldarelli, Giuliana 93, 116n60, 119n71, Farioli Campanati, Rafaella 112n35, 113
122n85, 124, 158 Farlatus, Daniel 124
Cameron, Averil 4n16.19, 5n23 Ferguson, Everett 4n18, 7n37.40, 8n42
Carletti, Carlo 43n72 Ferrua, Antonio 36n31, 43
Castritius, Helmut 10n53 Fitz, Jenő 9n49, 88n77.82, 90n90
Cerno, Marianna 173n2, 174, 177n16, 179, Frutaz, A.P. 73n23
180n33, 181, 183n39, 185, 187n48 Galvao-Sobrinho, Carlos R. 2n6
Chastagnol, A. 90n92 Gáspár, Dorottya 40n56
Chiesa, Paolo 14, 27-30, 31n11, 33n16.17, 34, Gemeinhardt, Peter 16n77, 204n3
37n32, 38n43, 41, 42n67, 43n74, 44n81, Goffart, Walter A. 1n1
45n82, 46-48, 49n91, 51-53 Goltz, Andreas 13n66, 16n77
Clark, Elizabeth A. 3n11, 138n136 Gonzato, Ada 37n32, 41n63, 42n65, 53
Colombi Emanuela 14n69, 53, 173n2, 176n12, Gottlieb, Gunther 2n6
185 Grabar, André 4n21
Cooper, Kate 3n10 Grabar, Oleg 4n16
Cozzi, Alberto 200n72 Graumann, Thomas 12n62
Cuscito, Giuseppe 173n4 Groß-Albenhausen, Kirsten 2n6, 117n65
Cvetković, Carmen Angela 204n3 Haensch, Rudolf 2n5
Daniele, Ireneo 109n14, 113n38, 116n60, Hahn, Cynthia 42n64
119n71 Hallsall, Guy 1n1
De Gaiffier, Baudouin 3n12, 4n20, 6, 7n33.39.41, Hamman, A.G. 93, 124, 158
83 Hanson, Richard P.C. 2n7, 11n56-58, 12n62.63
Deichmann, Friedrich Wilhelm 112n35, 113 Hayward, Paul Anthony 5n22
233
Index
Heather, Peter J. 1n1.4 Mirković, Miroslava 70n4, 74n28.30, 75n31.32,

Heil, Uta 2n7, 12n62 76n38, 91n97, 104, 141n2.3, 142n4.8.9,
Henkens, Bregt 5n28 147n33, 156, 205n6
Henschenius, Godefridus 73n22, 93, 124 Mitrea, Mihail 64n126
Herzog, Reinhart 84n63, 155n44 Mócsy, András 9n49, 52n101, 88n82, 90n90,
Hildebrandt, Henrik 16, 19n86, 86, 87n76, 91, 112n30
92n100 Moretti, Paola F. 19n84
Honigmann, Ernst 110n18 Moss, Candida R. 7n34, 64n125, 101n116
Howard-Johnston, James D. 5n22 Musurillo, Herbert 88n77, 92-93, 155n43, 157,
Hunt, David 90n96 163n59
Hunter, David G. 4n17, 138n136 Nagy, Levente 16-17, 40n55, 41n57, 42n68,
Husenbeth, F.C. 114n50 43n72.77.78, 44n80, 53, 74n28, 75n33m
Iskra-Janošić, Ivana 111n23.24.26, 112n31 76n36, 84n63, 86, 87n76, 89n85.86,
Jarak, Mirja 11n59, 15, 17, 87n76, 91, 104n128, 90n92, 93, 139, 141n2.3, 142n6, 147,
112n30, 116n60, 119n71, 122n85, 148n34, 156n48.51, 158, 166, 168-169,
147n33, 155n45, 178n19.20.22, 181n35 172n82
Jensen, Robin M. 41n63 Nauerth, Claudia 112n35
Jeremić, Miroslav 74n28, 141n2, 142n6 Nicholson, Oliver 8n45, 63n117
Jones, A.H.M. 204n2 Noga-Banai, Galit 41n63
Kaster, G. 43n69.73 Novak, David M. 89n87.88
Kelly, John N.D. 138n137 Oswald, J. 36n31
Kirsch, J.P. 109n14, 114n53 Palmer, Anne-Marie 33n17
Kovács, Péter 12n65, 16-17, 18n82, 34n21, Pani, Laura 184n42
35n23.24, 41n63, 42n68, 43n71, 53, Papebrochius, Daniel 53, 73n22, 93
74n28, 75, 76n38, 84n63, 87n76, 93, 108, Parvis, Paul M. 16n78
109n14, 112n29, 116n60, 120n81, Paschini, Pio 173n4, 177, 179, 181n36
122n88, 123-124, 141n2, 142n5, 158, Peebles, Bernard M. 34n18
173n3, 178n20.23, 185, 187n47 Pellegrino, Michele 7n34
Kraft, Karl-Friedrich 2n8 Perendy, László 195n55
Kuhl, M. 114n53 Perrone, L. 8n45
Kulikowski, Michael 1n4 Peršič, Alessio 12n64, 200n72
Künzi, Martin 8n46 Picard, Jean-Charles 75n34, 112n35
Laurence, P. 3n15 Pietri, Charles 3n12
Leclercq, H. 121n82.83 Pietri, Luce 3n12
Leemans, Johan 3n13, 4n20, 5n23.28, 8n45, Pillinger, Renate 37n32
16n77, 57n107, 63n117, 195n55 Pinius, Joannes 185
Lemaître, Jean-Loup 20n89, 21n92.94, Piussi, Franco 200n72
22n104.106 Pohl, Walter 1n2
Lemajić, Nenad 69n3 Poncelet, Albert 108n9, 146n29
Lenain de Tillemont, Louis Sebastien 148n36 Poncina, Massimiliano 37n32, 41n63, 42n64,
Lengyel, A. 10n51 53
Lenski, Noel 1n4, 89n87, 90n95, 204n2 Popović, Ivana 74n28, 76n40, 141n2
Liebeschuetz, John H.W.G. 2n6.9, 3n14, 117n65 Popović, Vladislav 74n28, 76, 141n2
Lill, Eva-Maria 2n8 Praet, Danny 17, 149n39, 155n46, 166, 168
Lizzi Testa, Rita 1n3 Prileszky, Johannes Baptista 124
Lotter, Friedrich 10n53 Quentin, Henri 20n88, 21, 22n105.109,
Lunn-Rockliffe, Sophie 117n64 38n43.45, 145n22.25
Maraval, Pierre 93 Radan, G.T.B. 10n51
Marchini, C. 8n45 Rapp, Claudia 2n5
Marcon, Enrico 173n4 Renaud, Geneviève 22n108, 23n110, 39n49
Mattaloni, Claudio 179 Ritig, Svetozar 15, 173, 182n3
Mattaloni, Valeria 176, 177n16 Rizos, Efthymios 14n67, 77, 84, 85n64-66,
Mayer, Wendy 199n68 108n11, 110, 112n33, 124-125, 135n118,
McLynn, Neil 197n59 147, 149n38, 158, 163n60, 168n64,
Migotti, Branka 11n59, 25, 41, 111n23.25 172n82
Milin, Milena 93, 142n4, 158 Roberts, Michael 65-66
Milošević, Petar 70n4, 75n32, 76n36, 141n2 Roncaioli, Cecilia 16-17, 21n99, 27n1, 33n17,
Minov, Sergey 70n5 34, 37-38, 39n47.50, 43n70.77, 45
234
Index
Rösch, Gerhard 116n61 108n8, 116n57, 118n70, 124-125,

Ruinart, Theodoricus 15, 53, 77, 78n44, 92-93, 132n102, 135n122, 141n1.3, 142n10,
124, 147, 148n37, 150-151, 157-158 144n19, 145n23, 147n32, 148n35,
Ruiz-Bueno, Daniel 93, 116n60, 119n71, 150n42, 151, 156n49.52, 158, 163n59,
122n85, 124, 158 173n1, 182, 183n39.41, 184n43
Sághy, Marianne 16n77 Testini, Pasquale 23n115, 40n53.54, 114,
Salamito, Jean-Marie 3n12 115n56
Salzman, Michele R. 1n3 Thomas, Edith B. 11n60, 40n56
Šašel Kos, Marjeta 74n28, 111n23 Thunø, Erik 41n63, 42n64
Sauget, Joseph-Marie 148n37 Tóth, Endre 9n50
Scalon, Cesare 184n42 Tóth, Péter 14n67, 173n3
Schäferdiek, Knut 2n7, 3n14 Trettel, Giulio 200n72
Scherrer, Peter 74n28, 111n23 Trzeciak, Frances 112n34, 113n40
Schlange-Schöningen, Heinrich 13n66, 16n77 Valentini, Roberto 36n31
Schmidt, Peter Lebrecht 84n63, 155n44 Várady, László 10n53
Schoolman, Edward M. 16n77 Veronese, Maria 37n32, 41n63, 42n65, 53
Schwab, Ute 2n8 Vinzent, Markus 16n77
Seeliger, Hans Reinhard 112n35, 114n53, Von Stockhausen, Annette 2n7, 12n62
116n60, 119n71 Vuković, Marijana 69n3, 72, 73n18, 76
Setton, Kenneth M. 117n65, 134n116 Vulić, Hrvoje 111n23.25.27-28
Seyfarth, Wolfgang 89n87.88 Watts, Edward 89n88
Simonetti, Manlio 6, 16, 80, 82-83, 87, 91-92, Whitby, Michael 8n44
119-120, 122-123, 132n104 Williams, Daniel H. 2n7, 11n58.61
Smirnov-Brkić, Aleksandra 69n3, 84, 147, Wilpert, Joseph 114n50
149n38, 158, 163n60, 168n64, 172n82 Wolfram, Herwig 1n4
Sodini, Jean-Pierre 75n34 Yasin, Ann Marie 3n12
Solin, Heikki 147n31 Young, Frances M. 16n78
Sosztarics, Ottó 41n58 Zeiller, Jacques 15, 36n31, 70n4, 72, 87n76,
Stojkovski, Boris 69n3, 73 108n6, 109-110, 112n30, 114n54.55,
Streeter, Joseph 8n44 119n73, 122, 147n33, 148n36, 173, 176,
Tamas, Hajnalka 15n70.72, 16n77, 64n126, 182n38
65n132, 85n67, 88n77, 89n87, 103n126, Zucchetti, Giuseppe 36n31
235

Hagiography, The Cult of Martyrs, and The Formation of Christian Identity in Late Antique Pannonia

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Hagiography, The Cult of Martyrs, and The Formation of Christian Identity in Late Antique Pannonia

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This volume is a revised version of my doctoral dissertation, Pannonian Martyrs

ActaAntHung Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae

The fourth and the fifth centuries AD can be characterized as an age of

Christianity admittedly played its role in this transformative dynamics. During

Chrysostom (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 49.

Augustine,” JFSR 5, no. 2 (Fall 1989): 25-46.

119 (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011).

imperative that the narrative be received and appropriated by the entire

Especially the hagiographies related to the Great Persecution had to be written in

6.7 (ed. Musurillo, 192.9-10).

(ed. Musurillo, 12.28-29). See De Gaiffier, “Réflexions,” 17-18.

As this short and rather schematic presentation hints, if we consider

42 Ferguson, “Early Christian Martyrdom,” 75-77.

Geschichte seiner Auslegung, BGBE 9 (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1970).

In spite of the relatively homogeneous structure and universe of expression that

1. PANNONIAN HAGIOGRAPHY: INTRODUCTORY REMARKS, STATE OF THE ART

Several reasons prompted my focus on the hagiography of late antique

47 Harvey, “Martyr Passions,” 605-607 and 614-617.

typologies: The Case of Germinius of Sirmium,” JECS 4, no. 3 (1996): 335-357.

Fourth Century,” HThR 99, no. 2 (2006): 187-206.

The personalities mentioned above played key-roles in the evolution of the

Vita Ambrosii 11 (ed. Pellegrino, 64.1-66.14).

include advice on proper Christian conduct, heated anti-pagan polemics, allusions to

Subject to Galerius during the Great Persecution, the provinces of Pannonia

date name place of

23 February Syneros (Serenus) Sirmium

The list of the Hieronymianum is visibly dominated by Sirmium in Pannonia

Passio Quirini (BHL 7035-7039)

and Early Christian Self-Definition,” ZAC 14, no. 3 (2010): 556-580.

As shown in the previous section, Pannonia-related hagiography is much richer

This book contains five chapters, corresponding to the five hagiographies

I. The hagiographic dossier represents the collection and critical evaluation of

1. Martyrologies, late antique and medieval, are lists presenting the

87 The method of hagiographic critique focusing on “hagiographic coordinates” (“coordonnés

92 Dubois and Lemaître, Sources, 106-107.

The Synaxarium Constantinopolitanum100 represents for the Greek world what

2. A second category of sources which lend information on the medieval cult of

Dubois, SHG 40 (Brussels: Société des Bollandistes, 1965).

Map of Pannonia in the late Roman period (after Migotti, 1997)

4. CHRONOLOGY OF PANNONIAN HISTORY IN LATE ANTIQUITY

343 council of Serdica: Photinus appointed bishop of Sirmium

1.1. Passio Quirini

In this section I discuss the Passio Quirini as a documentary source relevant to

3 Pass. Quir., rec. Romana, VII.2.

Facta autem incursione barbarorum in partes Pannoniae, populus christianus de

From this account, we can deduce the following:

4 Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 522.

the only copy to contain the second addictio.

1.2. Literary Sources

Chronologically speaking, we hear of Quirinus first from Jerome’s Chronicon.

11 Chiesa, “Passio Quirini,” 503n4.

relations, Valerianus created a “monasterium” for the ascetic-minded youth of

Approximately two decades later, this time in Rome, Prudentius composed a

Insignem meritis uirum Summo pontis ab ardui

Hic sub Galerio Duce, Deiectum, placidissimo

Confirmat pia pectora, Iordanem quoque nouimus

Dicentem fluitantibus Haec miracula sunt tuae

Sensit Martyr Episcopus, Iam plenus titulus tui est

Jesu cunctipotens, ait, Quid possis, probat amnicus,

Scimus discipulum Petrum, Orantem, simul halitus,

The hymn 15 contains no new information with respect to Jerome’s Chronicon.

15 Prudentius, Peristephanon VII (ed. Cunningham, 321-324).

Peristephanon VII is exceptional on another account: Whereas Prudentius